Lausberg  											(2013) raises an important question on the relation of knowledge produced by  											Rroma experts about Rroma and its appropriation by the public. Lausberg  											criticises Rolf Bauerdick “Gypsy: Encounters with unpopular people” for the  											reproduction of centuries-old stereotypes, because Bauerdick, in addition to  											the descriptive plane of his book, did not manage to address other levels of  											reality such as the dominant social discourses, the heterogeneity of the Rroma  											or the xenophobic instrumentalisation Rroma. Bauerdick’s critique of the common  											view of the Rroma as victims, deprived of their own power to act, is an  											important objection to public views of the Rroma. Also they are responsible for  											their own destiny, not only the structures of society. However, in this  											criticism, he commits the mistake to unilaterally describe Rroma  											representatives as elitist, overly moralistic and haughty, and himself as an  											empirical journalist, a revealer of objectivity: “The reference to his decades-long meetings with Roma displays his  											intention to make him appear as a reliable insider, to strengthen his  											credibility. His point of view as he approaches the target group under  											investigation (Roma) is highly questionable and dubious. Bauerdick is not able  											to distance himself from the normal ideas of his own Western culture and to  											understand Roma from their own cultural and social context. […] Bauerdick wants  											to refute the theory that the majority of society is always the perpetrator and  											the minority always the victims. On the questions of who ever set up this  											theory and why it supposedly has hegemonic character, he is going into.  											Bauerdick even claims that “the Gypsies are exploited far less than the  											Gadsche by members of their own people. ( Bauerdick, 2013, p 14).”
Lausberg so  											rightly criticized the ambivalent role of self-appointed Rroma experts.  											Expertise usually works according to the logic of stabilization, reduction,  											purification and synthesising of heterogeneous and often contradictory  											knowledge. Complex phenomena such as the highly complex issue of the Rroma identity  											appear in their statements as clearly analyzable and describable. In the  											Bauerdick case, he commits the serious mistake to reduce the reality to what he  											was able to observe during his research trips. That the Rroma identity also tocuhes  											topics such as self-and external attribution of identity, dominant societal  											views and different opinions and lifestyles among the Rroma themselves, he is  											not taking into account. Instead of a complex, sometimes even contradictory  											picture,  he creates a one-sided  											caricature of Rroma living in slums, who have fallen into apathy and who call  											themselves “Gypsies”. Towards “invisible Rroma”, to which one simply  											cannot even go fast by car, Bauerdick is not fair: they too form part of the  											social reality of the Rroma. They do not live in slums and do not conform to questionable  											statistics on illiteracy and to the exorbitant numbers of Rroma children.  											Bauerdick could exactly as well have written a book about well-integrated Rroma.  											He would then admittedly have disregarded a part of reality, but he would have  											stimulated critical thinking, that what must be all good journalism goal.  											Instead, one is now forced to read a lot of positive reviews about his book,  											praising uncritically Bauerdicjk’s supposedly objective empiricism” “The book convinces because the author is  											aware of the situation at all focal points of the gypsy life in Europe itself,  											he knows the people, he knows those who, in the northern city of Dortmund,  											experienced the onslaught of enslaved women, the portrait of Radka Inkova  											[…], whom he meets in the northern city of Dortmund, we read with a great sad  											wave. Radka was born in Stolipinovo, into a family with twelve children. The  											parents did not send them to school, they married after Gypsy law as they were  											twelve years old. The man beat her every day and she left him, and since fell  											into the clutches of Arslan P. He enticed her to Dortmund” (Neudeck 2013). Individual  											stories are presented as tangible cultural traits and thereby convey a point of  											view that present the Rroma as responsible for their own social exclusion. Moralistic  											views need to be carefully questioned, as they often hide the complexity of  											reality behind one-dimensional opinions. His book, which without doubt was  											written with a lot of empathy towards Rroma, is now instead exploited by  											right-wing politicians to create propaganda against Eastern European  											immigrants. A critical analysis of knowledge generation and appropriation is therefore  											so important. Adorno and Horkheimer have referred to this problem in “Dialectic  											of Enlightenment” as early as 1947.