Monthly Archives: Oktober 2014

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08.10.2014 Visible Rroma in Serbia

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Ivanji (2014) reports on visible Rroma in Serbia. In a Belgrade suburb, next to a refugee centre, where even two decades after the war, refugees from Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo are living together with other asylum seekers, there is a Rroma camp. Kameraj Sajin lives there with his family. He is one of those who is directly affected by the new status of Serbia of “safe country of origin”. Although the Sajins are not persecuted, they are affected by severe poverty and exclusion: “Eight months the family spent in Steinfurt, this year “three months and eleven days.” A few weeks ago, they were deported to Serbia. The stay was “really nice” tells Sajin. After the family had moved between several asylum homes, they received an apartment and around 1,200 Euros a month. At Caritas they could buy clothing and food for two Euros. The daughter went to school, the two sons to the playschool. “Not like here”, says Sajin […]. Here, in Krnjaca, his daughter has to go to evening school because, she lost her place in the regular primary school and he has no confirmation that she attended a German school. For the boys, there is no kindergarten, and from the state he gets only 10,000 dinars (around 85 Euros) of child benefit.” This article addresses the important question of whether one should not recognise poverty and exclusion as legitimate reasons for asylum, and not only political persecution. It must also be added that Rroma in South Eastern Europe, even though many are affected by severe poverty, are not living exclusively in slums. Rroma, especially in the former states of Yugoslavia, belong to all social classes, but are usually only perceived as Rroma if they conform to the stereotypes of the minority. But there are also Rroma doctors, policemen, teachers, etc., which are fully integrated, and have been so for generations.

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08.10.2014 “The Roma have to stay”

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A primary school teacher from Ennepetal calls for the integration of immigrated Rroma families. He demands that the immigrant families be accepted and supported in their integration efforts, with special regard to the future of their children. The primary school teacher Folkert Köppe therefore decidedly speaks against a policy of expulsion, as the owner of the houses in which the families are currently located, intends to do. He announced a few weeks ago to terminate the lease of all families, although temporary leases have no legal basis in Germany. Folkert Köppe states: “Given the dubious behaviour of the owner of those dilapidated houses in the Hagenerstrasse, where the Roma currently live, it is time to address the children’s situation. They are the real victims of the current conflict, because a shift from here to another city would mean a new change of school for them. Here in Ennepetal, special collection classes have been established for these children, within which I am working as a teacher. And as such, I say in all determination: the Roma must stay! Because already now, some of them show significant academic deficits, caused by frequent changes of residency and thus of schooling. The exhaustive lessons show signs of success; the children are happy in school and we educators are gradually finding “the right turn”, to equip them with the basic knowledge important for their future. All this would be abruptly terminated by a departure, and the children would have to start all over again elsewhere” (Köppe 2014). According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation In Germany, an estimated 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma. Before the genocide by the Nazis, there were many more. Many have been living for generations in Germany, speak fluently German, go to work, and send their children to school. They are the living proof that integration is possible.

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08.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as gangs of thieves

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Brönnimann (2014) reports on gangs of thieves, who especially steal the valuables of hospital patients who are not in their rooms at the moment of theft. After a detailed description of a recent incident at the canton hospital of Nidwalden, in which the perpetrators asked for a Mr. Müller – one of the most common last names in Switzerland – it is noted that a witness identified the perpetrators as Rroma: “Of the men, there is no trace yet”, says Lorenz Muhmenthaler, head of the Nidwalden security police in the newspaper. According to the testimony of a witness, the suspects are Roma.” The mentioning of the ethnicity of the perpetrators is not necessary, as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a culture of crime among the Rroma. Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, rather, this is suggested by the media through the explicit thematisation of the Rroma in connection with criminal offenses. Moreover, the statement that the perpetrators looked like Rroma is based on racist criteria: it is undoubtedly meant that they were dark-skinned. There are also many light-skinned Rroma. Whether the criminals were in fact Rroma is not assured. It is rather an expression of suspicion, based on prejudices. A cultural interpretation of the offenses is necessarily racist and ignores and discredits the majority of Rroma living respectable and integrated lives. More caution when using ethnic criteria and fomenting prejudice and resentment would be appropriate. The negative stereotypes about Rroma have become a generally unquestioned canon.

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08.10.2014 Hungary: government holds back poverty report

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Pester Lloyd (2014) reports that the latest poverty report of the Hungarian central statistical office (KSH), which usually always appears in late September, will probably appear this year only after the municipal elections of October the 12th. According to the opposition, with high probability this is the result of wanting to conceal the significant rise of the poverty rate, which would cast a poor light on the ruling Fidesz party. The spreading poverty creates a fertile ground for nationalist ideas that are also directed against the largest minority of the country, the Rroma: “A survey of the OECD, together with Gallup, found that nearly half of the Hungarian households cannot buy regularly enough food for an adequate nutrition, around 40,000 children hunger on a regular basis (2010: 20,000) and 250,000 (120,000) children are not properly fed. The 2010 study the Fidesz government did by itself, to illustrate the failure of the predecessors; the numbers four years later were contributed the abovementioned foreign organizations. At this point, it is necessary to clarify that a child who is hungry, is done violence to by the state. It is a crime against humanity. The government has – also with EU funding – again launched a multi-million dollar aid program and intensified it in the face of the coming winter, which provides, among other things, subsidised or free cafeteria food for the needy and distributes food parcels and firewood to households. However, it is regularly reported of humiliating allocation practices, especially towards the particularly affected Roma minority, which is either excluded or only benefit from this charity under specific conditions.” Given this news, it seems not without irony that the minister for human resources, Zoltan Balog, demanded in a recent statement the better integration of Rroma into the European labour market and a better use of their work force. As the current situation demonstrates, in many cases, the will to work alone is not sufficient to get a good job, because the equal access to training and the labour market is not given. Moreover, to designate the Rroma as cheap labour, who could do non qualified labour, is an ambivalent appreciation of a minority who also encompasses many skilled members (compare Politics.hu 2014).

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08.10.2014 Germany: dispute over antiziganism study

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Fleischhauer/Petrovich (2014) criticise the study on antiziganism issued by the anti-discrimination agency in Germany, as being strongly biased and politicised. They accuse the agency of having “fudged” the methodology used by scientists to obtain clearer results. The German anti-discrimination agency denies this accusation: “The scientists who carried out the study cannot agree the interpretation of the anti-discrimination agency. “The difficult job of studies is that politics likes clear results, which science often cannot deliver”, says Wolfgang Benz, one of the two project managers. […] The social sciences are not an exact science. It’s about moods and attitudes, for which there are no exact measurement instruments. Therefore, it is important to formulate the questions so that they do not suggest a particular answer. The researchers intentionally designed a catalogue in which one has to rate statements on a scale of one to seven. […] The research team had made ​​the conscious decision to only interpret the values ​​ ​​6 and 7 as a dismissal. However, Luders and her colleagues have added to the 10.9 percent those who chose the scale value 5, to get a value higher and thus more media-suitable.” The dispute initiated by the Spiegel-journalists therefore concerns the qualitative weighting of the applied analytical tools. Indeed, statistics, their design and evaluation should be reviewed critically, for all studies. However, in the case of the methodology applied by the German anti-discrimination agency, one cannot identify a one-sided interpretation of the results, as the Spiegel-journalists claim. The negative values ​​of 5-7 are all above the mean 4, representing no opinion in favour of a rejection or acceptance of a statement. The accusation that the study results were artificially inflated, therefore only applies to a limited extent. It depends on how the statement “quite accurate” is weighted with respect to the statements “accurate” and “very accurate”. The researchers state, concerning the use of the Likert scale: “The scales were made uniformly, using a Likert scale of positive values ​​from 1 to 7, which were adjusted in a verbalised form to the respective question content. The context for the decision in favour of a finer scale division was the wish fore more graded answers instead of having a clear dichotomy into positive and negative, as for example, a 4-scale would have created” (Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes 2014: 34). The authors remark that is was the particular wish of the client, therefore the anti-discrimination agency, not to create values as high as possible, but also to capture gradations: “It would be contrary to the scientific intention of the study as well as towards adequate courses of action intended by the client, to cancel the graded answers in favour of the determination of maximum values possible​​. Therefore, the scaling values ​​were summarized in the presentation of the results as follows: 1 and 2, 3-5, and 6 and 7. Therefore, more nuanced opinion groups are eventuated: those who clearly agree or reject and a middle section, with opinions not as distinct (Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes 2014: 37).

This finding is contrary to the assertion of Spiegel-journalists that the anti-discrimination agency requested clearer results and therefore forced them for the presentation. In terms of a critical analysis, the demand for a nuanced presentation of the results is clearly to be agreed with: the heterogeneity of reality is rarely black and white. On the other hand, one must also realise that people can often be influenced by the views of the majority in their beliefs and subordinate themselves to social constraints. This phenomenon is studied in the social sciences, under the term “new institutionalism”. This includes stereotypical views about minorities such as the Rroma. That the federal agency for anti-discrimination did not totally evaluate the results is confirmed by the finding that the majority of the respondents were aware of the genocide against the Rroma through the Nazis. This point was communicated in the study as it is.

Fleischhauer (2014) himself didn’t create his research and viewpoints in a value-free space, and therefore can be described as a political journalist himself, as can be read in his commentary on Spiegel Online. There, he comments in a condescending ductus about the anti-discrimination agency, and alleges that the director has lost touch with reality outside of discrimination questions: “Who only meets people who believe in the same thing, eventually loses touch with reality outside his own world. There, one easily panics if one faces contradiction.” This is a meaningful comment insofar, because Fleischhauer outs himself as strongly prejudiced himself, and loses somewhat credibility (compare Saarbrücker Zeitung 2014, Süddeutsche Zeitung 2014, RP Online 2014).

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08.10.2014 Forced expulsion of Rroma in Miskolc

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Odehnal (2014) reports on the eviction of around 600 Rroma from the North-Hungarian city of Miskolc. All the reasons cited for the eviction of the Rroma settlement, called by the locals the “numbered streets”, point to racist motives. On one hand, for nearby football stadium, which is to be developed into a Fifa-grade stadium, a bus parking for 400 buses is planned instead of the Rroma settlement. However, between the stadium and the settlement, there is a big, empty wasteland that would also serve this purpose. Much more obviously racist are the other reasons given. It’s the upcoming mayoral elections: “In the whole of Hungary, at October the 12th, local elections take place, and in Miskolc the campaign focuses completely on the topic of the alleged Roma crime. Also the coalition of the left parties participates in it. Their candidates campaign with the promise that they will “make order”: Miskolc should be returned to the natives of Miskolc [meaning ethnic Magyars]. Campaigns against the minority have been running in Miskolc for years. The former police chief of Miskolc, Albert Pasztor, stated in 2009 that exclusively Roma committed burglaries and robberies in the city: living together with the minority was “simply impossible””. Now Pasztor runs for election as mayor of Miskolc, as a socialist candidate. The incumbent city major, Akos Kriza of the Fidesz-party, justifies the destruction of the Rroma settlement on the grounds of wanting to improve public safety, which must be unequivocally interpreted as a deliberate expulsion of alleged “criminal Rroma”. The inhuman hierarchy of ethnic groups becomes most distinctly manifest among the far-right Jobbik: “One has to separate the constructive from the destructive people”, party leader Gabor Vona announced two years ago, when they organized a protest march through the Romani settlement. That the degradation of democracy and the rule of law in Hungary are not only propaganda by foreign media, as nationalist Hungarian repeatedly claim in newspaper articles and Internet forums, should be becoming clear. A state that does not want to protect its minorities from discrimination and expulsion, but even promotes it, is no longer a real democracy (compare Pusztaranger 2014).

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03.10.2014 Stereotypes: homeless Rroma-immigrants in London

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Miller (2014) reports on homeless Rroma-immigrants in London for the tabloid Daily Mail. The facts are presented with as a result, the creation of the stereotypical image of a group of poorly educated Eastern Europeans that are on welfare and do not want or cannot integrate. It is said: “Complaints from local residents and businesses include reports of Eastern European gangs begging, washing in fountains, dumping rubbish, and defecating in public. Speaking last month Mayfair hairdresser Hakan Altay’s said the problem has been worse for his business than the economic crash. He said: ‘My business is down 20 per cent because of these gypsies. It didn’t affect us straight away, but it’s slowly killing it. Every single day we have problems.” Repeatedly, by reporting about Rroma – or supposed Rroma – that cause trouble, a one-sided notion of the minority is conveyed. This stereotype corresponds to the polemics of right-wing nationalist parties who have repeatedly warned of a mass immigration of Rroma into the British welfare state. The fact that this is a minority of the minority, is not reported. Rroma belong to all social classes. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 90,000 to 120,000 Rroma live in the UK, often for generations. Most of them are integrated, have a job and their own flats.

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03.10.2014 Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne: different notions of equality

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Kaps (2014/I) reports on immigrated Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne and Noisy-le-Grand, two suburbs, 20 kilometres north of Paris. In the cities, many informal settlements were created, which are not tolerated by Maud Tallet, the communist mayor of Champs-sur-Marne. Astonishingly, as a communist she has extreme views on equality, which categorically exclude any special treatment of immigrant Rroma. Since they have settled on private and on public land, she sees no reason why she should help them with services such as water or sanitary facilities. Rather, she demands their eviction. She also doesn’t foster the enrolment of the children, but hinders it: children of Rroma immigrants, such as those of Christian Bumbai, a Rrom from Romania, are usually only enrolled in school after the assistance by locals. Otherwise, it is difficult for them to attend school, because the Rroma families do not meet the minimum regulatory requirements, such as a permanent residency. Maud Tallet conveys very one-sided, stereotypical ideas about the Rroma minority: she calls them “travelling people”, who require empty space and enough trash containers, where bulky waste and household items can be found. She does not seem to understand that poverty and exclusion have nothing to do with the Rroma culture. Nor that Rroma are not travellers. Therefore, the mayor demands for equal treatment cannot be met by the immigrant Rroma and thereby, as a communist mayor, she creates inequality. Despite these obstacles, the portrayed Rroma families Bumbai and Lucan try to successfully integrate, to find work, to send their children to school, and to find an own apartment. In France, according to the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, speaks French and has its own accommodations. Many of them have lived in France for several generations. These invisible Rroma are not perceived by the media, the politicians, and the public, they are even denied existence. On the opposite side, there is a minority of the minority, approximately 17,000 recently immigrated Rroma, who get all the media attention, as in the report by Kaps. They live in informal settlements and are affected by extreme poverty, but also they only want to integrate, “to get out of the slum” (compare Kaps 2014/II).

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03.10.2014 RACE in Europe Project: report on organised crime reproduces misinformation

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The research group “RACE in Europe Project”, a collaboration of several organisations which are involved in the fight against organised crime and trafficking, has presented a report on human trafficking in Europe for the purpose of criminal activities. The authors come to the conclusion that there is a serious lack of reliable information on the phenomenon. In spite of this acknowledged lack of reliable data, they arrive at very clear results: in many of the examined cases, the victims of trafficking for the purpose of criminal activities were identified by authorities as being perpetrators rather than as victims. Roma children are particularly often cited in this context. It is claimed that in the UK, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, but also in other European countries, Roma children are particularly affected by criminal networks: “The majority of persons trafficked to the UK for petty crimes, such as pick-pocketing and the sale of counterfeit goods, as well as for forced begging are from Central and Eastern Europe. Most are of Roma origin, and a high proportion are children. A host of socio-economic factors, such as high levels of poverty and discrimination in their countries of origin make Roma groups particularly vulnerable to trafficking. […] The RACE Project research identified that those who are most commonly trafficked for forced criminality and begging come from South-East Europe (many of them of Roma origin) and from South-East Asia (Vietnam and China)” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 5, 11). As a reason for the high rate of Rroma among victims of human trafficking, the authors of the study name the increased vulnerability of the minority, which results from their discrimination and the consequential poor access to education, the labour market and public institutions. In addition, it is stated that extortionate loan sharks particularly affect members of the minority: “Debt bondage is cited as a major driver of trafficking. While some Roma communities will rely on neighbours (both Roma and non-Roma) for support, ‘their survival strategies are often for them to resort to informal money lenders (known as ‘kamatari’, essentially loan sharks), who charge exorbitant interest rates and use repressive measures to ensure payment’. These measures can include forcing them to undertake criminal acts such as begging or pick-pocketing, or to traffic their own children for the same purpose, in order to clear debts they may have accumulated” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 13).

The characteristics of trans-nationally operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by research in social sciences. While their existence is not denied, their manifestation, number, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies connected or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma are often the source of those myths. Furthermore, connecting child trafficking to Rroma has to be critically examined. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma actively recruit young people for their criminal gangs. Regarding the de facto trafficking of children, social science studies convey a more complex notion of this subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspectives and motivations of those affected, and instead force on them their own ideas of organised begging, criminal networks, or of child trafficking. Structural differences of the involved societies and the resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are simply often only impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes it unattractive for actual organised crime (see Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).

  • RACE in Europe Project (2014) Trafficking for Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe. Exploratory Study and Good Practice Examples. Anti-Slavery online vom 30.9.2014. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/documents/cm_docs/2014/r/race_europe_report.pdf
  • Cree, Viviene E./Clapton, Gary/Smith, Mark (2012) The Presentation of Child Trafficking in the UK: An Old and New Moral Panic? In: Br J Soc Work 44(2): 418-433.
  • O’Connell Davidson, Julia (2011) Moving children? Child trafficking, child migration, and child rights. In: Critical Social Policy 31(3):454-477.
  • Oude Breuil, Brenda Carina (2008) Precious children in a heartless world? The complexities of child trafficking in Marseille. In: Child Soc 22(3):223-234.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
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03.10.2014 Martigues: threatened eviction of a house occupied by Rroma

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Info Maritima (2014) reports on the threatened eviction of an empty house occupied by Rroma in Martigues. Martigues is a port town, 30 kilometres west of Marseille. The building is owned by the agency for environment, facilities and accommodation (DEAL), which has requested the eviction. The judiciary has approved the request, and ordered the eviction of the around 40 people within a month. It also points out that in the near future, a bypass is planned at the site of the building, and that the security of the place is not guaranteed. On the opposite side, the affected Rroma and their supporters point out that all children of the families are enrolled in local schools. The adults continue to educate themselves, have employment contracts, or are enrolled at the employment agency. An eviction would hinder these integration efforts with new obstacles that don’t foster an inclusion of the immigrant Rroma and significantly complicate their chances to a better future: “The young Simonia, 14 years old, did not speak French five years ago. Today, she speaks the language and leads the normal life of a grammarschool. “Everything is going well at school. I have friends. For me it is important to study, because I do not want to have the same life as my parents do. I want to have a job and my own house.” Because they support and guide a community that wants to integrate, the collective of supporters demands a longer time frame [for evacuation] at the meeting with the provincial office next Monday.” Once more, one needs to emphasise that the forced evacuations of informal settlements or empty houses complicate the long-term integration of the Rroma immigrants. The evictions reverse the integration efforts of those affected or exacerbate them. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. In addition, through the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma who belong to the underclass and are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums – an estimated 17,000 persons – constitute only a small part of all Rroma in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. These invisible Rroma are integrated, work, and have their own flats. They belong to the middle or even upper-class and are ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of the integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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03.10.2014 Košice: Rroma-wall demolished by activists and rebuilt by the authorities

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Several newspapers report on a wall in Slovakia, in the city of Košice, which deliberately built to segregate the local Rroma settlement. The wall was declared illegal by the European Union, since its purpose is clearly the spatial delimitation of the Rroma minority in the city. In the night of the 9th to 10th September, unknown activists tore down parts of the wall. Shortly thereafter, the authorities of Košice rebuilt it. The European Rroma organization ERGO announced in response to the events that the establishment of numerous segregating walls was symptomatic of the continuing discriminatory treatment of the Rroma in Europe. Irvin Mujcic, campaign coordinator of ERGO, points out that 14 new walls to segregate Rroma were established in Slovakia in recent years: “The current situation is more like apartheid in South Africa than like in a modern democracy. However, the physical are by no means biggest problem. They are only a symbol to mark the line of social division among EU-citizens” (Mujcic 2014). As regards the re-construction of the wall in Košice, Mujcic states: “This behaviour sadly renders visible the walls in the minds of those responsible, which – though invisible – are huge obstacles to the integration of the Roma. Worse still, the trend to defend the walls or at least to tolerate them, intensified. 15 years ago, there were strong reactions towards the experiment to build a wall against the Roma in Usti nad Labem in the Czech Republic. Today it is regarded as self-evident” (Mujcic 2014). ERGO also announced that it was disappointed that the dismantling of the wall was not perceived as a chance by the government of Košice to initiate a dialogue between the Rroma and non-Rroma in the town (The Slovak Spectator 2014).

Mujcic, Irvin (2014) Europa braucht keine neuen Mauern. In: Neues Deutschland online vom 2.10.2014. https://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/947897.europa-braucht-keine-neuen-mauern.html?sstr=Irvin%7CMujcic

The Slovak Spectator (2014) ERGO denies connection to activists who damaged Roma wall. In: The Slovak Spectator online vom 22.9.2014. http://spectator.sme.sk/articles/view/55339/10/ergo_denies_connection_to_activists_who_damaged_roma_wall.html

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03.10.2014 Journalism prize for article on the genocide of Czech Rroma

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The article by journalist Silvie Lauder (2014) on the genocide of Rroma from the Czech Republic gives attention to a little addressed historical event and shows the importance of moral courage against collectively committed injustices: “Seventy years ago Czech and Slovak Roma embarked on a grim path to nearly complete annihilation. In the spring and summer of 1943, 4,500 Roma were shipped off to the so-called Gypsy camp in Auschwitz: one-third were from camps in Lety and Hodonin, in the south and southwest of the country, and two-thirds were taken from their homes. The fates of local Roma remain one of the least investigated chapters of the war, and one part of this story is completely unknown – that some Roma survived the Nazi attempt at extermination thanks to the help of “white people.”” At this point, one needs to comment that the genocide would not have been possible without the collaboration of the Czech authorities, who cooperated with the regime of the National Socialists, or at least obeyed them. Even before the rise of the Nazis, laws against Rroma were adopted in the Czech Republic: in 1927, the Czech Parliament initiated a law against “wandering gypsies” that forced them to register themselves with fingerprints and henceforth forbade them to enter certain areas. A detailed description of the experiences of survivors, who survived the Holocaust thanks to the help of dedicated individuals follows. Nevertheless Lauder comes to a bleak conclusion: “Twenty thousand of the 23,000 European Roma who went through the Gypsy camp did not survive. Czech and Moravian Roma, after German and Austrian Roma, made up the second-largest group and on them the Nazi persecution fell with the most terrifying strength. “The majority of adults were killed along with entire families and clans, and with them their family traditions, customs, music, songs, and stories were lost,” notes Vlasta Kladivova in the book, The Last Stop: Auschwitz-Birkenau. “There was no one left to pass them on to.””

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03.10.2014 Journalism prize for article on the genocide of Czech Rroma

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The article by journalist Silvie Lauder (2014) on the genocide of Rroma from the Czech Republic gives attention to a little addressed historical event and shows the importance of moral courage against collectively committed injustices: “Seventy years ago Czech and Slovak Roma embarked on a grim path to nearly complete annihilation. In the spring and summer of 1943, 4,500 Roma were shipped off to the so-called Gypsy camp in Auschwitz: one-third were from camps in Lety and Hodonin, in the south and southwest of the country, and two-thirds were taken from their homes. The fates of local Roma remain one of the least investigated chapters of the war, and one part of this story is completely unknown – that some Roma survived the Nazi attempt at extermination thanks to the help of “white people.”” At this point, one needs to comment that the genocide would not have been possible without the collaboration of the Czech authorities, who cooperated with the regime of the National Socialists, or at least obeyed them. Even before the rise of the Nazis, laws against Rroma were adopted in the Czech Republic: in 1927, the Czech Parliament initiated a law against “wandering gypsies” that forced them to register themselves with fingerprints and henceforth forbade them to enter certain areas. A detailed description of the experiences of survivors, who survived the Holocaust thanks to the help of dedicated individuals follows. Nevertheless Lauder comes to a bleak conclusion: “Twenty thousand of the 23,000 European Roma who went through the Gypsy camp did not survive. Czech and Moravian Roma, after German and Austrian Roma, made up the second-largest group and on them the Nazi persecution fell with the most terrifying strength. “The majority of adults were killed along with entire families and clans, and with them their family traditions, customs, music, songs, and stories were lost,” notes Vlasta Kladivova in the book, The Last Stop: Auschwitz-Birkenau. “There was no one left to pass them on to.””

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03.10.2014 Integration award for Rroma organizations in the Western Balkans and Turkey

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The European Commission has announced in a recent press release that it awards seven distinguished organisations that are particularly involved in the integration of the Rroma in their countries. The winning organizations include: Roma Active Albania (RAA), which advocates the Rroma civil rights and draws attention to current topics of Romnja; the organization Citizens Association for the Promotion of Education of Roma Otaharin that is committed in Bosnia-Herzegonvina to better educational opportunities of the minority; in Kosovo The Ideas Partnership, which advocates for the integration of former beggars and promotes the enrolment of children; in Macedonia the organization Centre for Integration Ambrela that is committed to the promotion of Rroma in early childhood; in Serbia Hands of Friendship, which operates a parent-child education project; in Turkey the children’s art project Sulukule Roma Culture Development and Solidarity Association; and finally in Montenegro a project against child and forced marriages in Rroma communities, through the Centre for Roma Initiatives. The European Commission justifies its decision as follows: “We all – the European Commission, the governments, civil society organisations – need to send out the same message: Roma integration is an important policy. And it is not only investment for the benefit of this minority but it is also an investment to the benefit of society. Living in an environment in which each member of society contributes with their spirit and work force, will allow countries to grow strong and prosperous, from an economic, social and cultural perspective”, said Štefan Füle, Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, at the award ceremony.” Concerning the integration programmes of the warded organizations it must be remarked that begging Rroma or child marriages in no represent the norm among the minority.

 

– European Union (2014) Award for Roma Integration in the Western Balkans and Turkey. In: European Union online vom 1.10.2014. http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-14-1064_en.htm

 

Keywords: Rroma, Europe, European Union, integration projects, organization, awards, stereotypes  

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03.10.2014 European Antiracist Grassroots Movement calls for more commitment for the Rroma

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On the occasion of the proclamation of the “Rroma Pride” day of October the 5th, Abtan (2014) of the anti-racism organization “European Grassroots Antiracist Movement” calls for more commitment of all forces operating in Europe to reduce the discrimination against the Rroma minority. On the initiative of the organisation and in cooperation with local Rroma associations, days of action will be held in various European countries. Abtan uses the Czech concentration camp Lety as an example that the recognition of the Rroma and their history is until today not sufficient. At the site of the former camp, where an estimated 1,000 to 1,500 Rroma were murdered, there is a pig farm, which was built during the Soviet rule. Again and again, Rroma organisations have asked for the demolition of the farm and the creation of an appropriate monument: “What does the defilement of the location of Lety tell us? It is the attempt to erase a past that [allegedly] did not happen. The indifference to certain sufferings of certain individuals. The relationship between the past genocide and the racist violence today. It tells us a story of commitment to remember. A revival of dignity and solidarity with which human rights activists, Roma and non-Roma, have organised the first European memorial on site. 18 countries were represented. It tells us about the shared sense of belonging to Europe, about the common love of the values ​​of democracy. The defilement of Lety tells us a part of the current history of Europe. However, across the continent, there are racist acts of violence perpetrated against Roma.” That’s why the fight against the continued injustices against the Rroma is so important, so that the younger generation may have a better future, which is not shaped by hopelessness and discrimination (compare Abtan 2014/II).

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03.10.2014 Attack on the office of the Schleswig-Holsteinian association of Rroma and Sinti

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Unknown people attacked the headquarters of the association of Rroma and Sinti in Schleswig-Holstein and largely destroyed the infrastructure of the local: “The office of the association of Roma and Sinti in Kiel was attacked by three unidentified men on Tuesday at noon. After the trio entered the office in the Elmschenhagen district, they suddenly struck the local computers and copiers with sticks. As the current state chairman of the organisation, Matthäus Weiß, loudly obstructed the dark-clad invaders, they escaped unrecognised. In Schleswig-Holstein, the group of the Roma minority has a recognized constitutional status” (Neues Deutschland 2014). A police spokesman stated that the motives of the perpetrators were not known. There was no evidence of a xenophobic background, but this could not be excluded either. Considering the growing hostilities against Rroma, which were inflamed in the wake of the debates about Rroma immigrants from different quarters, a racist motivation of the perpetrators is very likely. The fact that the perpetrators stole nothing and destroyed the interior of the office, contributes to this interpretation (compare Hamburger Abendblatt 2014, NDR 2014, Die Welt 2014).

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03.10.2014 Athens: attempted eviction of a Rroma camp leads to protests

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Kemmos (2014) reports on an attempted eviction of an informal Rroma settlement in Halandri, a suburb of Athens. The Rroma who, according to the journalist, have been living on the private grounds since 40 years, shall now be evicted, following a decision by the ministry of interior. They were offered a site in Megara, a town forty kilometres east of Halandri. However, the inhabitants of the settlement do not want to move voluntarily to the new location. Firstly, the new site is not yet habitable, and on the other hand, they have set up small businesses in Halandri, such as the recycling of metal, and have a social network there. Upon the police’s appearance, the residents reacted by erecting barricades: “But the residents of the camp, supported by the mayor, decidedly resist. Entrenched in the inside, they organise the defence. The demolition operation that was planned for this morning did not take place. Forty residents of the camp of Halandri, located in the northeast of Athens, were able to block the arrival of the police cars by setting up barricades on the main access roads, producing significant traffic congestion at the entrance to the capital. At another entrance of the camp, trash and tires were set on fire, which forced the evacuation teams to make a U-turn.” The further fate of the settlement is still unclear. In Greece, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, there are 200,000 to 300,000 Rroma. Quite a few of them have training, a job, and a flat. Rroma belong to all social classes, but are indeed particularly affected by poverty and discrimination (compare Citizenside France 2014, Okeanews 2014, Press TV).  

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01.10.2014 The French Rroma policy and the public image of the minority

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Media Part (2014) discusses the public perception and representation of Rroma in France, and its influence on the social interaction with the minority. The notion of Rroma is charged with so many negative attributes that already a small influx of Rroma provokes the anger of local residents. This disables an objective, unbiased interaction with members of the minority as well as policies aimed at integration: “The most often mentioned stereotypes may serve as evidence: these families, attracted by the wealth and the quality of our social security have behaviours not compatible with our lifestyles. Living off begging and theft, they contribute significantly to the growth of daily delinquency that enrages our fellow citizens. They lack hygiene, their collective behaviour makes their proximity unbearable. Their culture and their way of life do not allow, without exception, to integrate them into our society. They do not know or do not accept our rules. In short, for the good of one as the other, they must return to their countries.” This polemic, reductionist perspective Mediapart rightly condemns as intellectual arson that maintains the exclusion of the minority. The author calls for a paradigm shift away from polemical representations of the Rroma towards differentiated, respectful minority politics: “Whatever our faith, our political commitment, our affiliation, our heritage, our way of life, we have to show intelligence and awareness of the past. It is not naivety or pity, but our ability to tolerance and the recognition of the right to allow anyone to live with his/her idiosyncrasies.” In response to the accusation of a one-sided, racist representation, it is often argued that this is not based upon prejudices, but real tangible facts. The Rroma are made responsible for their marginalised status by their own behaviours. This justification is very dangerous as it represents exclusion and poverty as part of cultural characteristics, rather than recognising them as exclusion and poverty. In addition, many Rroma are well integrated and form part of the middle or even upper class. They are completely ignored in the public discourse about the minority. Most journalists do not recognise this last point.

Debot (2014) points out in his commentary to the article that despite the demand for a respectful minority policy, there is still the problem that one mostly speaks about but not with the minority. An adequate minority policy therefore requires a close dialogue with the concerned group. The problem of taking statements of individual Rroma as representative for all of them continues, and does not recognise the differences between the Rroma groups as well as individual opinions. This includes the recognition of stereotypes that cannot always be easily recognised and deconstructed as prejudices by outsiders.

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01.10.2014 Swiss funding, Northeast Hungary, and the discrimination against Rroma

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Odehnal (2014/I) reports on the current status of Swiss development projects in Northeast Hungary, in the city of Kazincbarcika. The region was awarded about 5 million francs for infrastructure projects and economic development: “The money from Switzerland was supposed to help in creating jobs: by creating corporations and by fostering tourism. In a business and incubator park in the centre, available jobs should be announced and young entrepreneurs should receive advice and assistance, for example in the form of cheaper offices. In the neighbouring village Sajókaza, the baroque castle ought to be renovated and expanded to a “meeting and talent centre”. In the former mining colony Rudabanya, the occurrence of bones of a 10 million old ancestor of man is planned to be expanded to an archaeological centre.” When Odehnal visited the region in 2012, all projects were initiated, and they had obtained tenders. When he now visited the city in September 2014, he found that not one of the planned projects had been realised. Some of those responsible refer to expensive tenders others refuse to provide information. Where infrastructure projects were actually implemented, as a water supply system in the city of Ozd, the pipes end in front of the Rroma quarter. The same thing in Sajókaza, where the European Union funded a sewerage system: “The lines stop where the Roma quarter begins. The local government does not want to improve the quality of living of Roma, says Tibor Derdek, head of the Buddhist Dr.-Ambekar-Gymnasium in Sajókaza, that wants to give Roma the possibility to go to highschool: “This is a corrupt, racist system in our community. And it works only with the support of the EU.”” Odehnal (2014/II) sees the reason for the lacking implementation of the Swiss projects in the selection of unsuitable partners, who prioritised the wrong things, as well as in the lack of on site control. The review takes only place on paper, he states. Odehnal’s articles are a direct repudiation of Hungarian bureaucracy, who is pursuing its own goals. As regards to the Rroma, it must be noted that although Rroma in Hungary are indeed affected by severe poverty, which has expanded massively since the end of the Soviet bloc and the state jobs, this is not representative of all members of the minority. Quite a few Rroma were able to successfully integrate into the new system, have jobs and belong to the middle class and some even to the upper class. They are not perceived as Rroma (compare Schindler 2014).

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01.10.2014 Rroma and Migration in Germany: discussion instead of polemics

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Dribbusch (2014), on the occasion of the nomination of Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia as safe countries of origin, argues for more discussion culture rather than reductionist polemics. Unfortunately, she mixes economic migration and political asylum and does not questions enough, how these categories intermingle, blend, and are dealt with: “The economic integration of people who have come to stay, must be openly debated because a solely humanitarian appeal is not enough to create acceptance. The question is: should taxpayers in Germany be responsible for offering a Roma woman from Bulgaria and their children, or a young African from Chad, better life opportunities? The answer could be yes. But only if there is also integration assistance, that means, not only should asylum seekers been freed of [current] work interdictions, but should also been paid language courses and qualification measures. […] If one wants to open up new possibilities for a poverty policy, it is also appropriate to set limits. It is acceptable that Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia are now defined as “safe countries of origin”, to speed up the asylum process. The asylum applications from Serbia recently skyrocketed.” Dribbusch is right when she calls for more integration help that consist of concrete offers and not just acceptance. However, she conveys a very one-sided notion of the minority, if she portrays Rroma as “economic refugees”. She negates the well-educated migrants, as well as individual experiences of discrimination that exist spite the safety from political persecution. Moreover, Rroma only constitute a part of the migrants from the Southeast Europe. There are also a lot of ethnic Serbians, Macedonians, Bosnians and others, who migrate to Western Europe (compare Die Presse 2014, Kılıç 2014).  

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