Category Archives: Romania

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 =Several western Swiss newspapers report on the trial against a Romanian Rroma couple. The two Geneva residents Rroma were indicted for having trafficked and financially exploited several Romanian countrymen for begging, stealing, and prostitution in Switzerland. The pair was acquitted of the main charges, because the evidence did not confirm the suspicion. However, they were sentenced for an offense against immigration law: “The Rroma that until yesterday were accused of trafficking, were acquitted of the main charges incriminating them. The defendants are not hideous slaveholders, who held dozens of begging Roma under their relentless thumb, the judges of the criminal court adjudicated analogously, but nonetheless sentenced them for the infringement of the federal law of foreigners (LEtr). According to the court, the persons transported to Geneva could even travel back to their country even if they had not paid back the price of their bus ticket within two weeks. […] Nevertheless, the defendants were found guilty of the violation of the foreigners’ act. They enriched themselves by helping people without work and residence permit to travel to Switzerland, which is prohibited. Moreover, the couple knew very well that these people were destitute and therefore would be forced to engage in illegal activities: begging, theft, or prostitution […]” (Foca 2014/I). As the judgment points out, equating migration support with forcing people to steal, beg, or to prostitute themselves is simply false. In many articles on human trafficking, it is incorrectly assumed that smugglers are automatically traffickers and their customers’ victims of trafficking, which is not confirmed by the research literature. That research shows migrating people have much more self determination, and questions the characteristics and omnipotence of transnationally operating gangs. In addition, the incomes from begging is very modest, which makes it unattractive for actual organised crime. Rroma are not more delinquent than other ethnic groups, which is distorted by the one-sided media focus on criminal or poor Rroma (compare Focas 2014/II, Guillain 2014, Lecomte 2014, Le Matin 2014 I/II, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).

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21.11.2014 Tagesspiegel: emphatic, but one-sided depiction of Rroma in Romania and Bulgaria

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Appenzeller (2014) reports on the visit of Neukölln’s education councillor, Franziska Giffey, in Romania and Bulgaria. The Berlin politician, who, among others, is in charge of the integration of immigrant families from Southeast Europe, wanted to get an idea of the Rroma situation in their countries of origin. However, Appenzeller’s Rroma representation remains one-sided, despite an emphatic perspective and the reference to well-educated immigrants: “The often heated debate revolves around Bulgarian and Romanian Roma families who are accused of migrating into the welfare system. Since they do not get regular jobs here, they sign up as contractors. The men then find underpaid work in the construction business, the women work as cleaners, gladly also in luxury hotels. […] And these people have children, many children. They go to German schools without speaking a word of German. […] A focal point of the Roma immigration in Berlin is the district of Neukölln. The official figures estimate 5,500 people, councillor Franziska Geffey, responsible for education and schooling, estimates twice as many.” However, critical studies could not detect any mass immigration of Rroma, as is repeatedly claimed. In addition, the claim that Rroma are needy, poorly educated, and have many children, is a massive generalisation. Rroma build part of all social strata and professions.

Appenzeller then discusses the educational journey of Giffey to Romania and Bulgaria. There, the education councillor was able to see the misery of the Rroma with her own eyes, the journalist emphasises. Unfortunately, Appenzeller reduces the Rroma situation in Romania and Bulgaria to marginalised Rroma in the slums, and the present, but not omnipresent racism, as he represents it: “Politics begins when looking at reality. Franziska Giffey wanted to know from what environment Roma families come from. This reality has opened her eyes. She has seen that Roma children have no way to be admitted to normal schools in their homeland. She saw that their parents have fewer opportunities for jobs, because they are discriminated against because of their origin and darker skin colour. She has experienced how these families are stigmatised by the prejudice that Roma are lazy and not willing to work. […] German politics may well ask the question of how the EU intends to sanction two member states, who brutally discriminate against an ethnic group that lives on their territories for centuries.” Rroma are discriminated against in Romania and Bulgaria, but they are not faced with an all-embracing state racism, as Appenzeller claims. The plight of marginalised Rroma in the two countries is the result of weak economies and the historical discrimination and exclusion of Rroma – in the case of Romania their enslavement that lasted until the mid 19th century. – The marginalized Rroma in the ghettos, who get all the media attention, are juxtaposed by an big part of integrated Rroma, which belong to the middle class, and some even to the upper class (compare Mappes-Niediek 2014).

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19.11.2014 Stereotypes: criminal Rroma clans

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Guggisberg (2014) reports on criminal Rroma clans that allegedly force children into crime. Parents surrender their children to an omnipotent clan chief – to whom they are indebted – for begging and theft and some even end up in prostitution. Guggisberg uncritically reproduces the perspective of the “Wiener Drehscheibe”, a social service for begging and stealing children who have been arrested by the police. Guggisberg does not question that the social educator Norbert Ceipek – the head of the institution – who identifies each begging or stealing child as a victim of human trafficking, could himself be subject to prejudices and be providing misinformation on Rroma: “Ceipek opens another photo file. It shows a Roma village in Romania, which he recently visited. He tells of houses, cobbled together from planks and plastic sheeting, and dirt roads full of garbage. In the middle is a magnificent villa. “It belongs to the clan chief. He rules the villages as a state within a state”, says Ceipek […]. Many of the children dealt with in Vienna belong to the Roma. […] “The phenomenon of Eastern European gangs of beggars is not new. But since a couple of months, it taken new proportions”, says Ceipek. Very active are the Bosnian gangs, he states. Every few weeks, they would bring the children to different European cities, according to a rotating system. The social worker explains that his aim was to provide a perspective to the children, a little education. They might get on better path.”” Alexander Ott, head of the Foreign Police Bern, who has already been quoted repeatedly in articles about criminal Rroma gangs and trafficking of children, has his say. He reproduces the usual prejudices about hierarchical Rroma clans with a clan chief who leads children into crime: “The network of child traffickers reaches from Eastern Europe to Switzerland. “The victims are recruited in Romania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Czech Republic and Slovakia. Often they come from large Roma families, are purchased or borrowed”, says Ott. One sends the boys to steal, urges them into prostitution, or forces them to beg. The instigators know well that the Swiss justice system cannot prosecute the perpetrators because of their young age. Adolescent burglars are booming in the autumn and winter months. Ott emphasises that they have to deal with highly professional, specialised and hierarchically-run clans, who practice their craft since generations.” Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. They are not hierarchically organised, as is often claimed, but structured largely egalitarian. So-called “Rroma kings” are self-elected and have purely representative character. Guggisberg and experts’ claim that behind begging children there is inevitably trafficking and organized crime, is wrong.

The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied, something that cannot be in the interest of combating injustice. But their manifestation, their number, their omnipotence and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. These are often tainted by ideological fallacies, brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as Rroma. Furthermore, the equation of child migration and trafficking has to be set into context. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma did actively recruit children for criminal gangs. Regarding the topic of child migration, social science studies convey a more complex notion on the subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating children and their relatives, and instead force on them their own ideas and definitions on organised begging, criminal networks or child trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are often simply impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. De facto child trafficking is rare according to the sociological studies. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes them unattractive for organised crime.  Guggisberg, who states that 200’000 children are recruited annually by the trafficking mafia, contradicts this. 

At the end of the article, Guggisberg quotes another expert opinion by Norbert Ceipek, the director of the “Wiener Drehschreibe”: At 15, many of them would get married and have children themselves, so that the cycle of crime continues. Likewise, Guggisberg reproduces this racist prejudice uncritically. The majority of Rroma, who live integrated, go to work and send their children to school, remain unmentioned (compare Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).

  • Cree, Viviene E./Clapton, Gary/Smith, Mark (2012) The Presentation of Child Trafficking in the UK: An Old and New Moral Panic? In: Br J Soc Work 44(2): 418-433.
  • Guggisberg, Rahel (2014) Das Schicksal der Roma-Kinder von Wien. In: Tages-Anzeiger online vom 14.11.2014. http://www.tagesanzeiger.ch/leben/gesellschaft/Das-Schicksal-der-RomaKinder-von-Wien/story/14626308
  • O’Connell Davidson, Julia (2011) Moving children? Child trafficking, child migration, and child rights. In: Critical Social Policy 31(3):454-477.
  • Oude Breuil, Brenda Carina (2008) Precious children in a heartless world? The complexities of child trafficking in Marseille. In: Child Soc 22(3):223-234.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
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14.11.2014 Eviction of a Rroma settlement in Ivry-sur-Seine

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Métout (2014) reports on the eviction of an informal settlement Rroma in Ivry-sur-Seine. Around 30 families lived on a terrain of the French rail network (Réseau Ferré de France RFF), since July this year. On September the 30th, the justice ruled that the location has to be evacuated. The reasoning of the court referred to the security flaws in the camp: “RFF had demanded the intervention of the public authority, pointing to an imminent threat. People had been spotted on the railway tracks, and the power supply of the camp had been done through a transformer, which is used by the SNCF. Therefore, the prefecture has promised an urgent intervention. Upon the arrival of the police this Thursday, one of the two grounds was completely free of any residents. “On the site there were a dozen families, as the collective in support of the Romanians of d’Ivry stated. They decided to go away on their own. The others have no clue, where they shall go.” In France, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, speaks French and has its own accommodations. Many of them live in France for several generations. The media, the politicians and the public do not perceive these invisible Rroma: they are even denied existence. On the other hand, there is a minority of the minority, approximately 17,000 recently immigrated Rroma, who get all the media attention. – These marginalised Rroma are hindered in their integration efforts by the relentless expulsion policy of the French state, especially the children, who are often enrolled in local schools, are negatively affected by the continuous expulsions (compare RTL 2014).  

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12.11.2014 Judgment of the European Court of Justice: Social abuse remains an exception nonetheless

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Various newspapers report on a recent judgment of the European Court of Justice. The object of the lawsuit was the complaint of an unemployed Romanian woman, who sued the German government, because it didn’t want to allow her to obtain any social funds. Since the woman was not actively seeking work, the European Court of Justice dismissed the complaint. However, the judgment, which is seen by some officials as a precedent against social tourism to Germany, should be seen in a critical context: social abuse is the exception, not the norm. The ethnicity of the applicant was considered by most of the media as “Romanian”. Nevertheless, in the context of the debate about the so-called “poverty immigration”, it was repeatedly claimed that primarily poor, uneducated Rroma would migrate to Germany. This polemical misrepresentation was far too little critically questioned and criticised. Therefore, it is important to rectify that most migrants are looking for work and are no social tourists: “Not social benefits in the host countries are the reasons that pull Romanians and Bulgarians abroad, but the better job and income opportunities. When in June, in Hamburg, a personnel secondment firm went broke and 230 workers from Romania and Bulgaria were left penniless, one wondered at the local job centre: only four of the persons concerned remained in the country, all the others went back home. […] Poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania constitute, according to figures from German or Belgian cities, only for ten percent of the immigrants – which is about the proportion of the poor population in both countries” (Mappes-Niediek 2014). Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma are living in Germany, many of them for generations. They have a job, speak German and are integrated. These invisible Rroma are constantly hidden in the often one-sided debate about the immigration of low skilled “poverty migrants”. In addition, not only Rroma migrate to Western Europe, but also ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and members of other ethnic groups (compare Hacker-Walton 2014, Linke 2014, Preuss 2014).

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12.11.2014 Rroma attend anti-racism rally in Waterford

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McCormack (2014) reports on an anti-racism rally in Waterford, Ireland. A racist pogrom against Rroma took place at the end of October, culminating in the attack of a house inhabited by Rroma. The protesters accused the Rroma of burglaries and thefts. The residents could be brought to safety thanks to the police’s intervention. In response to the pogrom, a rally against xenophobia took place in early November. A Rroma family from Dublin, who had kept their identity a secret until now also took part: „Roma woman Jennifer Ciuciu (20) concealed her true identity for three years for fear of persecution when she moved from Romania to Ireland with her family. […] So Jennifer and her four siblings said they were “Romanian instead of Roma gypsies.” And in the aftermath of the recent “anti-Roma protests” in Waterford, they have no regrets about denying their roots. “Some people are so racist. If had to go back I would hide it again because I wouldn’t like what happened here to happen to me”, she said standing in the middle of John Robert’s Square at last week’s Waterford Against Racism protest.” Chief superintendent Pat Murphy condemned the anti-Rroma pogrom as racist scapegoat politics by people who are not interested in public safety. In the UK, there are an estimated 90,000 to 120,000 Rroma according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation. The majority of them are integrated and have a job. Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, but are particularly affected by discrimination and exclusion. In recent months and years, right-wing populist parties and the media have fuelled fears of a mass immigration of Eastern European Rroma, which allegedly would abuse the British welfare system and do not want to integrate. Such prejudices and misinformation also spread because of uncritical media coverage.

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12.11.2014 RTS: one-sided reportage about Rroma in Switzerland

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Widmann and Widmer-Baggiolini (2014) report in a current documentary about the life of Rroma in Switzerland. Unfortunately, the journalists focus their attention only on those Rroma who are already visible and who are anyway in the media focus: Rroma who recently immigrated from Romania, many of whom live begging. At the beginning of the report, one can see a young Rromni on a public square of Lausanne. She repeatedly speaks with passers-by and asks them for some money. Before that, the audience is at home of the young woman and sees her together with her little daughter. She begs for herself and not for a criminal clan, as it is often incorrectly stated. This stereotype is put into perspective at the very beginning. Even the police officer responsible for Rroma confirms that there is no organised begging in Lausanne. The portrayed beggars state that they earn 15 to 20 francs per day. Thus, they earning far less than the official estimates, which talk of several hundred francs per day. A family portrayed has been repeatedly fined for illegal camping and begging. Without the help of the Rroma organisation “Opre rrom”, and its president Véra Tchérémissinoff, the family could not have paid the fines. For health care, the family is dependent on the organisation’s help and also takes help from the church. Two other recently immigrated families live in a big house, thanks to the help of a real estate owner. Here, Widmann and Widmer-Baggiolini focus on the school enrolment of the children. These have undergone numerous interruptions in their education, even if though they want to go to school. A negative notion about lack of education among Rroma is conveyed here. Another reproduced stereotype are traditional gender roles and child marriages: a young teenage girl goes not to school, as her mother states, because she is already married, and therefore must remain at home for reasons of tradition. Most of the 80,000 to 100,000 Rroma who have been living in Switzerland for generations, have a job, speak one of the national languages and send their children to school. This is not mentioned. Neither is the fact that traditions such as traditional gender roles or early marriages are critically questioned by educated Rroma. At the end of the report, one sees some of the portrayed Rroma back in Rumania. They live in poverty, but due to the large wealth gap between Switzerland and Romania, they live appreciably better thanks to the panhandled money.

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07.11.2014 German Bundestag adopts measures against “poverty immigration”

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Scholz (2014) reports on the adoption of measures by the German parliament, which shall limit the so-called “poverty immigration”. The ambivalent term was mistakenly repeatedly equated with a Rroma mass immigration in the political and media debate. However, the critical analyses did not detect any mass exodus from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany. In addition, there also immigrated ethnic Bulgarians and Romanians, as well as well-qualified workers. Despite this context, the Bundestag has decided on a set of measures that shall make immigration unattractive to low-skilled migrants. The movement of persons is not affected by the decision: “The right of residence for job search is limited to six months. In case of abuse, one has to face three years imprisonment or a fine. Municipalities receive onetime 25 million Euros by the federal government as a relief. Re-entry bans are now generally limited ex officio, and not only following request. Child benefit is paid only upon presentation of a tax number, to avoid double payments. Vaccinations for children and young people are paid by the statutory health insurgence. Undeclared work shall be combated by better data exchange between authorities. However, there will be no immigration quotas for citizens of EU states in Germany.” Along with the debate on the so-called “poverty immigrants”, there also was an in depth discussion on the situation of the Rroma in South-eastern Europe. There was no agreement among the various parties about the situation of the Rroma minority. While some pointed to the strong ghettoisation of the Rroma, disregarding integrated Rroma, others emphasised the discrimination against the minority. Also in this point, there was no agreement on whether Rroma are politically persecuted – therefore are systematically discriminated against – or are “only” exposed to everyday discrimination. In conjunction with the discussion on the status of safe countries of origin, the viewpoint prevailed that Rroma are affected by severe poverty, but are not affected by political persecution in South-eastern Europe. However, very one-sided and distorted ideas about the culture of the Rroma, based more on prejudice than on critically questioned knowledge continue to circulate. The debate barley every addressed the 110’000 to 130’000 Rroma that have been living integrated in Germany for generations.

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07.11.2014 Rroma as losers of the 1989 turnaround

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Mappes-Niediek (2014) reports on marginalised Rroma in Romania, Bulgaria and Macedonia. He emphasises that it is not primarily the repeatedly criticised discrimination, but primarily the economic exclusion, the sometimes poor qualifications or the lack of relationships in the world of employment that keep Rroma marginalised. However, he disregards that there are Rroma who are well educated, but are not perceived as members of the minority. Also, not all Rroma have many children, as the Rromni he portrays: “As the world suddenly began to spin faster, Elena Costache was 34 years old. She lived with her husband and nine children in a house with four rooms in the Bucharest district Ferentari. She had a steady job in a bindery, where she packed the shipping goods. Then everything went quickly. The bindery was forced to close. Her husband also lost his job […]. That they are Roma or, as they say here, Țigani – Gypsies – for Elena, Cristina and Gheorghe is not worth a thought, besides their many problems. Nevertheless, their fate has to do with their ethnicity – though not as the simplifiers try to make believe. […] After the turnaround, the number of jobs fell to less than a half. Million industrial workers were attracted from the cities to the countryside, where the state refunded them the house with a hectare of arable land, which had once belonged to their grandparents. Many remained there and still live almost without money, only living from their plots. About ten percent of the population got nothing from the land distribution. Not because they wanted to discriminate against them, but because even their grandparents didn’t have any. The Roma were slaves in Romania since the Middle Ages, and were not allowed to own land.” Mappes-Niediek show that it is no general racism, which keeps the excluded Rroma at the margins of society, but that it is a combination of sometimes historically low professional qualifications with an economic marginalisation, which makes it difficult to break out of the spiral of poverty. However, it must be emphasized that Mappes-Niediek only portrays the marginalised Rroma, and therefore mistakenly equates the minority with an underclass. However, Rroma in South-eastern Europe – with the exception of Romania –have been integrated for centuries and are found in all professions.

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29.10.2014 Rroma mediators against prejudices

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Werkhäuser (2014) reports on a current project of the council of Europe, which, with specifically trained mediators, aims at reducing prejudices between the Rroma minority and majority populations of the European nation states. In addition to the prevention of racial prejudice, the ROMED-2 project aims to improve the access of Rroma to the labour market and to education: “He often gets asked the following, tells the Sinto Romeo Franz at the launch of new mediators program: “Mr. Franz, why are you discriminated against? Then he answers: “You don’t need to ask me, ask those who discriminate against me”, Franz tells with a wink, but the message is clear: Sinti and Roma in Germany have to deal with a variety of prejudices. This applies to the recently immigrated Rroma from South Eastern Europe as well as to those families, who have lived in Germany for centuries, like the one of Romeo Franz. […] With a million Euros per year for all 12 participating countries, including Bulgaria and Romania, the funding for the program is not exactly abundant. Therefore, in Germany, one resorts to mediators whose positions are already funded. But money is not the main problem, says Bunjes [coordinator for Rroma issues in the council of Europe. “The EU provides many resources for Roma projects that are not used.” In many places, the willingness to deal at all with the problems of the Roma is prevailing, he states.” It has been repeatedly pointed out by critics that Rroma themselves do too little for a successful integration. This statement negates persistent discrimination and structures of inequality that make it individual people very difficult to change their situation on their own (compare Lambeck 2014).  

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22.10.2014 Integration assistance for Rroma in Berlin

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Lange (2014) reports on a successful integration project of immigrant Rroma in Berlin. The tenement house in the Scharnweberstraße in Reinickendorf was previously regularly the scene of conflicts, according to Lange: many homes were overcrowded, hygiene standards were not met, there were repeatedly conflicts between the new tenants and long-time residents. Thanks to an integration project, which took into account both parties, these difficulties could be overcome: “Just a year ago, the house on the Scharnweberstraße 111 in Reinickendorf was as an example of failed integration. Overcrowding of flats, conflicts between long-time residents and the Roma families, daily complaints to the police, daily visits of the health office. […] The first step in improving the “oppressive conditions”, as Kerstin Kirsch of the Gewobag tenant advisory calls it, was the purchase of the house by the local housing association. All apartments were renovated and the Roma families, who were previously known only as lodgers, became the main tenants. For the long-time residents it was time to reduce prejudices, for the new tenants from Romania, to take responsibility in the neighbourhood. Both sides became help from the Phinove association that accompanies Roma families during their start in Berlin, and is supported by the commissioner for integration and migration, Monika Lüke.” The integration project described here is indeed positive. However, the context is discussed too little: in the past few months, in the media and in politics there have been fierce debates about so-called “poverty immigrants” that were often collectively referred to as poor, uneducated Rroma from Romania or Bulgaria. Therewith, a one-sided notion of the minority was established among a broad public: Rroma are supposedly poorly educated, have many children, and come from the slums of Eastern Europe to benefit from the German welfare state, which they then become dependent of. Of course, there are marginalised Rroma corresponding to these ideas. But they only represent a minority of the minority. There are also well-educated Rroma, who belong to the middle- or even the upper class. In addition, already now 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. Many of them have been in Germany for generations, speak fluently German and are integrated. They are the living proof that integration is possible without problems (compare Biermann 2014, Briest 2014, Klüber 2014).

Memarina (2014) reports on the opening of two emergency apartments for immigrant Rroma families in Berlin. The apartments are intended as interim solutions until the families can find permanent accommodation. They are allowed to stay for a maximum of one month. Monika Lüke, commissioner for integration in Berlin, stated that one wants to create up to ten such flats: “In July 2013, the Senate had adopted a Roma action plan. It was planned to set up an entire house for homeless families. But nothing came of it, it was obviously the resistance in the districts. That’s why Lüke is now focussing on decentralized solutions – together with the Aachen estate and housing company, that owns the first two emergency apartments” (compare rbb 2014).

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22.10.2014 Stereotypes: escalated violence in a Rroma settlement in Toulouse

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Numerous French newspapers report an escalated conflict between two Rroma families, in an illegal settlement of Toulouse. The members of the two families, originally from the Romanian village Blaj and of Timisoara, quarrelled about the theft of electricity. At the beginning, the conflict let to a brawl that then escalated further: a 35-year-old Rrom of the Blaj family fell, victim of the dispute. Six members of Timisoara family were arrested on suspicion of premeditated murder: “A man of 35 years died in the hospital of Rangueil. Despite an urgently undertaken intervention, the doctors could not save him. His autopsy could not yet be performed, but the man had been hit by several projectiles, bullets or, and (?) lead. Another 24 years old casualty remains hospitalised, but is outside danger. Five other injured people who were taken to hospital to receive treatment could go home. During the hearing of the ten people arrested on Friday (two minors were released yesterday), the suspects were not very precise. Although some admitted having used weapons, these were “only” used to shoot in the air. The investigative judge, Mrs Larrieu, will have to narrow down the responsibilities of both parties involved” (Cohadon 2014). In this case, the coverage of the violence in the informal settlement of Toulouse concerns only Rroma themselves. Nevertheless, caution should be exercised in the contextualization of the events: the notion of ​​Rroma-gangs, who exploit primarily other Rroma, is wrong. There is no culture of crime and violence among the minority, as repeatedly suggested by the media. Expressions such as “family businesses of crime” therefore build on massive prejudices. Rroma are not more criminal or more violent than other ethnic groups. The mayor of Toulose, Jean-Luc Moudenc, has announced that the camp, which accommodates 200 to 250 persons, will be evicted as soon as possible (compare 20 Minutes France 2014, Allen 2014, Boffet 2014, Le Parisien 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014, Libération 2014).

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17.10.2014 France: Thirty civil rights organizations calling for a respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements

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Amnesty International France (2014) reports on a new collective charter of thirty French civil rights organisations, which is currently being elaborated. In it, the initiators demand a more respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements by the French authorities, especially Rroma: “It [the charter] has the goal to change the mentalities and opinions with which one meets the residents of the sites, by communicating the recognition and respect of their fundamental rights and dignity. The illicit nature of an occupation does not allow use illegal means to end the situation; numerous rules shall limit the scope of the public authorities and the owners [of the occupied land]. Once made ​​public, one will be able to distribute it on the sites and slums in different languages, depending on the people present (French, English, Romanian or Bulgarian). To know ones’ rights is essential in order to assert them and to be protected, or to protect ones family.” It is in fact essential that a fair balance between the right to property, which in France has constitutional status, and the fundamental rights of the residents is ensured, not least their right to accommodation.” The charter on the fundamental rights of the residents of informal settlements will, in addition to the residents themselves, also be distributed to political deputies, bailiffs, police authorities, and other public authorities, in order to enforce its compliance, if somehow possible. One should add to Amnesty International’s remarks that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. The evictions don’t solve the existing problems and the question of integration, but simply push them from one location to the next. Particularly affected are the children, who often visit local schools and are hindered by the evictions at a successful education. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums only constitute a minority of the minority in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle class or even the upper class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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17.10.2014 Information event: correct and incorrect knowledge much about Rroma in France

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Ouest-France (2014) reports on an information event for residents of the Nantes agglomeration. The towns of Saint-Sébastien et Saint-Jacques Saint organized the event to inform the residents of the municipalities on local Rroma. However, the focus was only on recently immigrated Rroma families, who enjoy strong public visibility. Already integrated Rroma were not discussed. In the municipalities, around 60 families live in rented housing units and are supported by measures aimed at integrating them into the professional and social life. A further 38 persons live in illegal settlements. While the conveyed information is correct, it nevertheless distorts the view on Rroma. For example, it was incorrectly said that Rroma, Manouche and Gitans are three different Rroma groups: “The Roma are one of three European gypsy groups arriving from Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia… They differ from the Manouches and the Gypsies, who are called “travellers” by the administration. Originally from India, the Roma arrived in Europe in the 14th century. Protected by the kings of Bohemia in the 17th century, they are sometimes called Bohemians. […] After 1989, they were attracted by the mirage of the West. 1,500 of the 20,000 in France live in the agglomeration of Nantes, all coming from the south-east of Romania.” However, the differentiation between Rroma and Sinti, called Manouche in France, is a political one. The Rroma all have the same migration history and linguistic background. The term “Gitans” in turn is among some familiar as the name of the Rroma from the Iberian Peninsula. However, they also build part of the Rroma, and are historically and linguistically no separate category. Also the finding that only 20,000 Rroma live in France, and that they come exclusively from Romania, is wrong. Moreover, Rroma arrived in Eastern Europe in the 9th century, not only in the 14th century, which is true for Western Europe. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, i 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. The majority of them are integrated, work, are fluent in French and send their children to school. Many have lived in France for generations, and not just since 1989, and come from all over Europe, not only from Romania. The recently immigrated Rroma, who enjoy strong public visibility, therefore constitute only a minority of the minority.

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15.10.2014 Miskolc: “Declared war to the Roma”

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Like other newspapers last week, Schulz-Ojala (2014) from the Tagesspiegel reports on the eviction of a Rroma settlement in Miskolc. Around 600 Rroma are affected by this initiative. The journalist focuses his article on the political context of the action: the instrumentalised and reinforced exclusion and discrimination against Rroma by politics. On October the 12th, local elections were held in Hungary; as expected, the national-conservative Fidesz emerged as the strongest force from the ballot. Also in the future, the party will have most of the mayors. As the second strongest party, the right-wing extremist Jobbik party reinforces its position, taking the second place in share of votes in 17 of 19 constituencies and winning 13 mayoral races in 9 counties. A very worrying trend, since Jobbik has repeatedly distinguished itself with Rroma-hostile slogans (Pester Lloyd 2014, Pusztaranger 2014). Beside Aranka Majoros, a Rromni effected by the eviction, Schulz-Ojala portrays the Rrom and human rights activists Attila Tomas: “Only an hour’s drive it is from Miskolc to the Slovak, Ukrainian and Romanian border; there peacefully undemocratic conditions can grow, away from the core of European attention and also in the isolated fields of understanding of the Hungarian language. Is it a silence before the storm? Attila Tomas lists the symptoms by name. Permanent crisis and growing impoverishment of the population shape everyday life of the former steelwork metropolis Miskolc, where in the 80’s 200,000 people still lived. The Roma, with almost exactly the national average of ten percent of the city’s population, then had work like everyone else. The collapse of communism and the closure of many factories made the Roma the first unemployed, Tomas states. The Roma who have a job nowadays work for the community, in order to avert the reductions in social assistance – well below the legal minimum wage. An unemployed family with three children gets to around 250 Euros of social welfare, including child benefit, half of what the low-income earners receive – a durable envy-breeding ground for the next poorer among the non-Roma. On the other hand, the area of Miskolc is just over a kind of war against the Roma. A few years ago, a spectacular series of Roma murders raged in particular within the vicinity of this city [….]. Downright ghostly it seems that now, scarcely five years later, the three most promising candidates for mayor campaign with anti-Roma propaganda for votes.” Schulz-Ojala conclusion is bleak: despite the increasingly established Rroma party Magyarországi Cigány Part (MCP), the minority continues to be a plaything of the leading forces in the country that don’t have integration and equal opportunities as the highest goals, but the maintain of power and nationalism.

Kacsóh (2014) also covers the forced expulsion of Rroma in Miskolc. He, like Schulz-Ojala, points out that the Rroma with an unlimited lease contract can apply for compensation of up to two million forints, attached to the condition of a voluntary relocation into one of the surrounding communities of the city. It is also requested that they will stay for at least five years at the new location. Adjacent communities as Sátoraljaújhely have in turn responded to these rules with limitations themselves: those who make use of this offer are not entitled to receive social funds for the first five years and may not acquire or rent any apartment from communal ownership. They are also excluded from the local work program for three years. Although these rules are illegal, the government of Sátoraljaújhely takes the change of a lawsuit and has therefore adopted the rules nonetheless. This is further evidence of the continuing prejudice against Rroma.

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10.10.2014 European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) wants to foster the civil society integration of the Rroma

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EurActic (2014) reports on the plan of the European Economic and Social Committee to better foster the civil society integration of Rroma. It recommends that the governments and aid organisations of the European member states should provide more social housing for marginalised families and should improve the cooperation with the minority representatives. The evaluation of the integration efforts of the different countries varies considerably. While the committee gives very good grades to for example Finland, the assessment of the Romanian Rroma-policy is very mediocre. Valeria Atzori, the EESC Representative for Rroma issues, states: ““Roma are not travellers by choice. They are obliged to leave because they are thrown out of their settlements,” she said. “When they have houses, they stay.” This is one of the first EESC conclusions following visits to countries with Roma minorities over the last few months. EESC experts met with the Roma community, NGOs and national authorities in Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, and Spain. Through these meetings, the EESC aims at exploring civil society initiatives in the Roma integration process, and provide recommendations to EU institutions in November. According to Atzori, the situations vary considerably between countries. […] In Romania, the government still lacks political will to help the Roma, despite the creation of a National Agency for Roma Integration. NGOs and the Roma were defensive in their meetings with the EESC, and blamed both the government and the EU for not doing enough. Romania is also confronting deeply rooted stereotypes about Roma. Atzori said that due to a few Roma that are exploiting the system, a lot of Romanians believe that the minority deserves the deplorable situation they are in now.” What is not mentioned in the analysis is that the different EU-countries are dealing with very different conditions. The economic situation and political stability in the states are not equal, and difficult economic situations facilitate mechanisms of social exclusion. On the other hand, the will of political and civil society to integrate the minority is without doubt a critical factor to a better integration of the Rroma. In Mid-October, the European Economic and Social Committee will be rewarding eight organisations that have been particularly committed to a better social integration of the Rroma.

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Lichtensteiger (2014) provides information on a group of around 100 travelling Rroma, who had rented an empty meadow from a private citizen in Maischhausen. The community, which the journalist calls “clan”, had therefore settled legally on a private land and paid for it. Nevertheless, their presence led to turmoil and the engagement of the police: “They talk to each other in a Roma dialect, but with us in fluent German and French. Apparently, they are from the Alsace, which the number plates also indicate. “We are Roma, but not Romanian, write that! And we work here, not right here, but also in Zurich and the region”, says a traveller with a firm voice. On his red T-shirt emblazons the Swiss cross. They have a residency permit for one year and can work three months, it is said. […] The emergence of the strangers is perceived and commented on differently by the inhabitants. The opinions range from understanding, to indifference, to scepticism, to resentment and rejection. […] However, the landowner leased his land without the consent of the local authority. For this purpose, however, a building permit would have been required. […] Mayor Bruno Lüscher is on holiday. That’s why his deputy Roman Engelermeer took care of the matter. He did an on-site inspection and came to the conclusion that the stay was not tolerable in that way. Given the legal situation, the travelling community was asked to leave the place. They did this on the same day.” Lichtensteiger’s article clearly shows that Rroma often encounter massive resistance and are not be treated with kindness, despite the will to cooperate. Slightly more negotiating skills would have made the expulsion of the group unnecessary. It has also to be commented that the majority of Rroma are sedentary. Only a minority of the minority are in fact travelling (compare 20 Minuten, St.Galler Tageblatt 2014).

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08.10.2014 Wolfgang Benz: „The return of enemy stereotypes“

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The German historian and researcher on prejudices Wolfgang Benz has published a new book in which he thoroughly investigates the mechanisms of prejudices towards Rroma. Benz tries to comprehend the reasons for the emergence and adherence of the negative stereotypes, which are consciously instrumentalised politically by various protagonists. In his article for the Tagesspiegel, he conveys the most important theses of his book. Part of these are self-appointed experts, who blame Rroma living in misery for their own fate, by playing off liberal self-reliance against societal injustices: „Sinti and Roma are rejected and despised, because they are poor, are regarded as placeless and without culture. Cherished through fears of foreign domination, enemy stereotypes are being reactivated. Self-appointed experts argue that they have to blame themselves for their misery in Slovakia, in Hungary, in the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Rumania or Serbia and the Kosovo. The situation of the Roma in Southeast Europe has become a tourist attraction, topic of hypocritical sensitive reports, which are being created with the point of view of master men – and confirm the majority in their rejection of the minority. Roma-foes call the object of their interest unashamed once more “Zigeuner”, even though (or because) it is hurtful. By the use of generalisations, fears are fuelled, and dubious knowledge about Sinti and Roma is spread, fears are evoked, which allegedly threaten us. The unpleasant characteristics, which are projected sweepingly on all Roma from Southeast Europe, are welcomed reasons for discrimination. Immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania are seen as the incarnation of a threat, which is usually equated with Sinti and Roma. The traditional stereotypes of the “gypsy” have sowed the seeds for generations, the new images of the slums from which they come, and the poverty in which they live, are seamlessly compatible. […] Xenophobia, racism, petty-bourgeois fears for their property and identity weaknesses condense into an enemy image of poverty migrants, whose feared attack on social funds, bourgeois order and the German way of life must be resisted. Right-wing populists and -extremists benefit from it, and operate their enemy image with success – in the middle of society.” The perpetuation of prejudices has become a vicious circle which is difficult to break. A possible way out is a public, media-catchy discussion of the integrated Rroma, the “invisible Rroma”. However, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret, for fear of discrimination among friends and colleagues, at work or in the housing market. Here again, there exists a vicious circle of legitimate fears that cannot be so easily overcome (compare Benz 2014).

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03.10.2014 Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne: different notions of equality

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Kaps (2014/I) reports on immigrated Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne and Noisy-le-Grand, two suburbs, 20 kilometres north of Paris. In the cities, many informal settlements were created, which are not tolerated by Maud Tallet, the communist mayor of Champs-sur-Marne. Astonishingly, as a communist she has extreme views on equality, which categorically exclude any special treatment of immigrant Rroma. Since they have settled on private and on public land, she sees no reason why she should help them with services such as water or sanitary facilities. Rather, she demands their eviction. She also doesn’t foster the enrolment of the children, but hinders it: children of Rroma immigrants, such as those of Christian Bumbai, a Rrom from Romania, are usually only enrolled in school after the assistance by locals. Otherwise, it is difficult for them to attend school, because the Rroma families do not meet the minimum regulatory requirements, such as a permanent residency. Maud Tallet conveys very one-sided, stereotypical ideas about the Rroma minority: she calls them “travelling people”, who require empty space and enough trash containers, where bulky waste and household items can be found. She does not seem to understand that poverty and exclusion have nothing to do with the Rroma culture. Nor that Rroma are not travellers. Therefore, the mayor demands for equal treatment cannot be met by the immigrant Rroma and thereby, as a communist mayor, she creates inequality. Despite these obstacles, the portrayed Rroma families Bumbai and Lucan try to successfully integrate, to find work, to send their children to school, and to find an own apartment. In France, according to the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, speaks French and has its own accommodations. Many of them have lived in France for several generations. These invisible Rroma are not perceived by the media, the politicians, and the public, they are even denied existence. On the opposite side, there is a minority of the minority, approximately 17,000 recently immigrated Rroma, who get all the media attention, as in the report by Kaps. They live in informal settlements and are affected by extreme poverty, but also they only want to integrate, “to get out of the slum” (compare Kaps 2014/II).

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26.09.2014 Dammarie-les-Lys: informal settlement Rroma being evicted

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The Rroma of an informal settlement in Dammarie-les-Lys, on the Île-de-France, will have to leave their dwellings by December 8th. A local court decided it. Around 100 people had settled on a community plot that, among other things, encompasses a dilapidated building. In this unoccupied house and around the building, the immigrants settled down on June 12th. Functioning sanitary facilities were not available. Several of the children are enrolled in local schools. Their future education is now being threatened: “They have the right to three months extension on the site”, adds Myriam Leroux, of the association “Essonnian solidarity for the Roma and Romanian families” (ASEFRR), a member of the collective Romeurope. She is accompanying them since their expulsion from the neighbouring department of Essonne. “They are all rag pickers. They sell at the flea markets of Montreuil on Saturday, Sunday and Monday. Otherwise, they live by begging. The women makes 5 to 10 Euros a day. What to eat from. They are also enrolled in the Restos du Coeur [a French soup kitchen]”, she says. And afterwards, where will they go? “For them it is the system-D [self-help]!” It should be stressed that forced evictions of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma immigrants. Due to the expulsions, the problems and the integration question are simply moved from one location to the next, but not solved. Also, due to the media’s and aid organisations’ focus on informal settlements, one suggests that Rroma are exclusively belonging to the lower class and are poorly educated. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They are completely hidden from the French public. The recently immigrated Rroma from Eastern Europe constitute only a small portion of all Rroma residents in France (compare Bordier 2014).

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