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18.10.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The ruthless expulsion of a fifteen year old Gypsy girl to Kosovo, a girl who lived with her family for five years in France, drew added attention to the migration policies of that country. The girl was picked up during a school trip by the police and taken directly to the airport. The uncompromising internal politics of the interior minister Valls has led to severe tensions within the Socialist party. Many exponents of the party have accused President Hollande to continue a policy similar to that of his predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy and to tolerate Manual Valls as a “sarkozy like prefect”. Meanwhile in Paris, a demonstration with a few thousand participants demonstrated against the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and French immigration policies (Lehnartz 2013). In an interview with Euro News (2013) Dibrani suggests that Kosovo is not her home now. Her whole life, her future, is in France. She does not understand the migration policy of the socialist government. In spite of the controversial policies, Manuel Valls remains the most popular minister  of the Socialist party according to surveys. The right-wing National Front has seen a massive increase of voters in recent months.

Despic – Popovic (2013) trace the historical context of the relationship of Kosovo and its Rroma, a theme of greater public interest in the background of the expulsion of Leonarda Dibrani. She notes that before the Kosovo War in 1999, about 100,000 Rroma lived there[1], today there are still around 30,000. Unemployment and exclusion are daily occurrences. Rroma are regularly accused of having collaborated with the Serbian regime, because several Rroma buried the victims of the Serbian army as gravediggers. With the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state in 2010, many exiled Kosovars, including many Rroma have been forced to return to Kosovo. The deportees, among them many children, often do not speak either the two official languages ​​of Kosovo (Serbian or Albanian), rendering inclusion in the school system more difficult. In addition, access to the labour market and to health care is far from assured for minorities. The UN High Commission for Refugees and Amnesty International, have called for a permanent international protection for Rroma.

Atlantico (2013) takes a critical look at the social integration of Rroma in Kosovo. Since independence in 2008, Kosovo has been criticised by human rights organizations for its violation of the rights of minorities. Discrimination, its resulting poverty, and internal displacement are widespread. Wanda Troszczynska of Human Rights Watch states: “Les pays européens renvoient les gens les plus vulnérables du Kosovo vers une situation de discrimination, d’exclusion, de pauvreté et de déplacement à l’intérieur de leur propre pays d’origine.” [European countries send most vulnerable people back to Kosovo towards a situation of discrimination, exclusion, poverty and travel within their own country.]

Le Carboulec (2013) adds that the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and her family to the highlights whole question of dealing with asylum seekers in France. Is it appropriate to “surgically” to identify and remove people without papers? The Rroma are therefore once again the focal point of French politics with regard to the treatment of minorities, undocumented migrants and foreigners in general.

Akerman (2013) and thirty other people take the French society made a statement in writing in Mediapart about Manuel Valls’ statements about Rroma. The signatories state their great concern about the denigration of Rroma by the French Minister of the Interior and demand a more respectful handling of the members of this ethnic minority. She herself, as a lesbian, and also gay, bisexual, transsexual or transgender have always had to justify their identity of course wrongly so, in the course of their biography. The Socialist Party should not degenerate into a mere appendage of the UMP but must rely on its socialist values: “Les problèmes roms ont des noms parfaitement connus et nullement originaux : ils s’appellent droit au travail, droit au logement, précarité, stigmatisation, honte et pauvreté. Ce n’est pas nous qui sommes idéalistes, c’est ce gouvernement, son ministre de l’Intérieur, son Premier ministre, et celui qui les a nommés, qui sont racistes.” [Roma problems are well known and not original: they are called right to work, right to housing, insecurity, stigma, shame and poverty. It is not we who are idealistic, it is the government, the Minister of the Interior, the Prime Minister, and he who appointed them, who are racist.]

Francis Chouat (2013), the mayor of Evry takes a position in Le Monde on Valls controversial statements. As mayor, his perspective requires him to take pragmatic solutions about the concerns of his citizens. In the case of Rroma, this means that one must looks straight at the truth. Chouat believes that most of the Rroma living in the illegal settlements live in conditions of exploitation or as part of mafia networks. They therefore have virtually no power to act own or are involved in criminal activities: “La vérité, c’est d’abord la réalité regarder en face. Ce sont les conditions de vie dans les campestratus ment, totalement indignes, les enfants en danger, souvent exploites – comme beaucoup de femmes – par of réseaux mafieux. Ce sont aussi les vols et les Trafics organisés. […] La vérité, c’est donc dire que le claire ment of démantèlement campestratus ment est un impératif. Un pour les impératif Riverains comme pour la roms dignité of populations.”[The truth is, first look at reality. These are the living conditions in the camps, totally unworthy, children at risk, often exploited – like many women – by criminal networks. There is also the trafficking and organized theft. […] The truth is it clear that dismantling these settlements is a must. An imperative for local residents as to the dignity of the Roma population.] Chouat aligns himself to a governmental police way of looking at Rroma, to the eviction of camps which he thus legitimises. The possibility that the Rroma living in camps might simply settle there because of poverty and lack of alternatives is negated. Instead questionable ideas about intra-ethnic clan structures and relations of exploitation are dished to legitimise intervention.

Mouillard (2013) addresses the question of where the EU’s 50 billions earmarked for the Rroma integration went. On one hand, the EU support is divided into three pots: the European Social Fund, the European Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund. From these three funds in turn only a fraction will benefit Rroma. The actual expenditure for the integration of Rroma is difficult to track because the French Household Statistics do not work with ethnic categories. The integration projects named by Mouillard thereafter refer to travellers, people living in ghettoes or marginalised ones as in the case of housing projects. Another problem lies in the fact that EU countries only use a fraction of their assigned money from three funds effectively: “Mêmes faiblesses en Hongrie, où 40% des fonds sont dépensés, ou encore en Bulgarie (20%). Une précision tout de même : cet argent n’est pas perdu. Il retourne dans les caisses de Bruxelles, au titre de la règle du «dégagement d’office.»” [Same weaknesses in Hungary, where 40% of the funds are spent, or in Bulgaria (20%). Accuracy though: the money is not lost. It is returned to the coffers of Brussels, under the rule of “decommitment.”] Another problem lies in the administrative and organizational hurdles, making the access to the funds more difficult.

[1] This figure represents only the visible Rroma. Rroma were very well integrated in Kosovo and often confused with the Turkish minority. The real number was around 250-300,000. Less than 30,000 still live in Kosovo.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Radio Dreyeckland (2013) provides information on planned agreement between the state of Baden Württemberg and the National Association of German Sinti and Roma. The draft contract recapitulates the historically documented exclusion of the Rroma, the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and the poor introspection about the German Rroma policies. The objective of the treaty is a targeted promotion of Rroma in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Access to education and thus also to the labour market should be strongly supported. The draft of the treaty states: “The exclusion and discrimination of Roma and Sinti dates back to the Middle Ages. The cruel persecution and genocide by the Nazi regime brought immense suffering to Sinti and Roma in our country and effects people to this day. This injustice has only been recognized politically embarrassing late, and has not yet worked out sufficiently. Even the antiziganism is still existent and not overcome. Being aware of this particular historic responsibility towards Sinti and Roma as citizens of our country and guided by the desire and motivation to promote the friendly coexistence.”

Pekdemir Hagen (2013) reports on Hasiba Dzemajlji who is engaged in Bielefeld for a better integration and recognition of the Rroma. Dzemajlji wants more Rroma in Germany, Rroma who have been living in the country for decades to publicly declare their identity. For fear of exclusion and discrimination many people of Rroma origins keep it secret. Together with the organization Migovita, Dzemajlji wants to strengthen the self-confidence, especially of young Rroma, and facilitate their access to education. She also wants to create a counter point to the still heavily rooted stereotypes, a new view that is characterized by heterogeneity and complexity.

Niewendick (2013) discusses the increasing radicalisation of local residents and politicians, who make propaganda against immigrated Rroma: During the last one and a half years, systematically, rumours of “thieving Kids”, littering and other prejudices about immigrants Rroma have been spread. The tensions achieved a peak in the fire of the “Rroma houses” on 9 October, a fire whose cause is still unclear. The heavily politicised situation manifests itself besides open demonstrations for and against Rroma with questionable expressions such as “problem house” and “flood of poverty refugees poverty”.

At the opening of a new interim dormitory for refugees in Duisburg, Kleinwächter (2013) discussed the situation of Rroma in Kosovo. Bernd Mesovic, Vice-President of Pro Asyl Frankfurt is cited with gloomy assessments on the integration of the Rroma in Kosovo: The situation of the Rroma in Kosovo is totally glossed over by the German authorities. In reality among them, very high unemployment prevails, and attacks are not tracked: “Officially, there are no attacks on them. Who issues a complaint, must fear reprisals. They can hardly expect any help from the Albanian police. Under the Constitution, all these rights are guaranteed, as is the internationally agreed reintegration of returnees. But the funds for that are lacking. The Rroma themselves have no confidence in the authorities dominated by Albanians, they are almost hermetically spatially sealed off from the Albanians and a kind of fair game for criminals.” Mesovic’s statements show once again the discrepancies between official country analyses and the real experiences of migrants. Official assessments of stability and legal security stand in contrast with personal experiences that are difficult to objectify. The official view remains the decisive criterion for the assessment of migrants’ fates.

Onay (2013), a green politician from Lower Saxony, reports on a field trip to Serbia. Purpose of the trip was a meeting between German and Serbian Rroma as well as non-Rroma, which was initiated by the organisations novels Aglonipe and the International Youth Meeting of Roma and non-Roma. At the meeting, issues such as the lack of access of Rroma to schools, to health care, and to the labour market were discussed. On the subsequent trip to Stara Karaburma, Onay paints a bleak picture of excluded Rroma living in ghetto-like conditions: Poor hygiene, glaring poverty, few or no prospects for the future. Onya’s portrayal stands in stark contrast to official country assessments that classify the situation of Rroma in Serbia as stable and safe. This contrasts with the fate of individuals surveyed Rroma, which report massive violence against them.

Bachmair (2013) reports on a meeting of the German association “Against Forgetting, for democracy”. At the meeting, eyewitnesses and relatives reported about the suffering experienced by Rroma and criticised the lack of coming to terms about the persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Germany. In his contribution, Romani Rose criticised the continued employment of Nazis by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, a fact that prevented the recognition of Rroma as victims for a long time: “In the offices, the survivors met the same officials who had sent them years before to the concentration camps, and who refused them compensation and recognition as victims of Nazi persecution. Even police officers who had perecuted Gypsies, made unhindered careers made in the Federal Republic. Only when Gypsies got organised and a 1980 hunger strike on the grounds of the former concentration camp at Dachau drew attention to their situation, was their suffering recognized.” The researcher Wolfgang Benz on racism expressed concern that the lessons of the world War II have never been applied or only very poorly on Rroma.

In his short, article, Schuhmann (2013) asks for less political correctness in the name of minorities who commit a crime. Naming the origin – in the case of this article “Gypsy” – helps to identify grievances among the stakeholders and to ask critical question: “If the reader completes the sentence “cheating gypsies on the road” with “of course – who else ?”,  a true nightmare for journalists has become a reality. The police does not want that. Neither does the majority of readers who are quite capable of differentiating between minorities and criminals among those. […] To name their origins could pave the way for many other questions. Namely who exploit these women and what a life they are forced to lead.” Through this statement, Schuhmann relativises her own reasoning. If the committed crimes, or respectively the exploitative relationships have nothing to do with cultural background, why then is naming the origin relevant? Schuhmann also assumes from fully mature, critical readers, who can recognise stereotypical reductions as such. This is to be doubted. Many readers will be confirmed in their prejudices by one-sided reporting.

Also, in an article about criminals young Gypsy women, Schuhmann (2013/II) uses the stereotypes of organised Rroma groups: The testimony of a police officer who speaks of burglars networks, is quoted without comment. Also without comment is the fact that one assigns physical characteristics to perpetrators: “The official explained what they should pay attention to. Women, beggars, rather dark in type “Gypsy one cannot say”, Fuchs says with a glance at the present journalist.” that there is no “culture of crime” ought to be clear to every man of common sense. Just as there are delinquent Rroma, there are delinquent ethnic German, Swiss, etc. No one would ever get the idea to talk about organised crime.

Unzensuriert.at (2013), in an absurdity not to be outdone, reports in an article about the Rroma the “problem house” in Duisburg. According to the article, these Rroma have collected the rat traps that were installed by the urban pest control and sold to scrap dealers. The Rroma, called “Gypsies” here, are brought in directly in conjunction with a rat infestation: “Rat plague: Gypsies stealing traps.” The article is a prime example of uncritical, unreflective, populist journalism.

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09.08.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Hoock (2013) reports on the Rroma lawyer Nizaqete Bislimi, as being a positive example of a successful integration. Her family fled in 1993 from Kosovo to Germany before the war in Yugoslavia. Even before, the parents had only spoken Albanian with their children in order not to make them outcasts in school. Then followed 13 years with unclear status as a refugee: The fear of being deported always there. Through the support of friends, Bislimi could finally study law and obtained in 2006 a residence permit following a humanitarian action. It takes a very critical perspective on the current debate about Rroma in Germany: Quick Solutions, as propagated by various politicians are to be critically questioned. People and their fates need to be at the centre: “The lawyer advises all who offer quick solutions on the Roma problem to meet the people at eye level. Each has its own story and is in Germany because he has no chance at a decent life in Romania or Serbia. “Be a human being – that’s what counts.””

  • Hoock, Silke (2013) Eine Roma mit starkem Willen – ein starkes Beispiel für Integration. In: Der Westen online vom 7.8.2013. 
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05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
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17.05.2013 Documentary about the Self-View of the Serbian Rroma

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Majic (2013) reports on the work of Lidija Mirkovic, a documentary filmmaker who wants to present through her work a picture of the Rroma beyond certain foreign stereotypes. Mirkovic has interviewed countless Rroma in months of work and documented their everyday lives. She receives regular visits from journalists from Germany who are interested in her work. Usually she asks them two questions. First, what he or she wants to know about the slums and secondly, what he or she actually knows himself about Rroma. With this second question Mirkovic goes to the core of the issue. Her intention is to create new images that can compete with the entrenched stereotypes. Besides stereotypes, the essence of the slums lies at centre of the film “slumdogs”. Majic states: “What in the West is either glorified or branded a part of gypsy culture, is actually the result of unbearable misery. This reality cannot be banished away from one’s own doorstep, by simply declaring its consequences to be the nature of a particular ethnic group.” The film critically examines this ethnicisation of poverty as a self-chosen way of life, and take a look into the slums, not in a third world countries, but the middle of Europe.

Source:

  • Majic, Danijel (2013) Die Slums in der Mitte Europas. In: Frankfurter Rundschau vom 13.5.2013. 
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19.04.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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In the context of the ongoing debate in Germany about Rroma,  DerWesten (2013) reports about the Rroma situation in the Balkans. In the course of the debate, some centre-right politicians have expressed the fear that large crowds of poverty migrants from Romania and Bulgaria would flood Germany. Key to the debate discussion on the freedom of establishment between Germany and the new EU member states Romania and Bulgaria due to come in force at the beginning of 2014. The journalist visited the Rroma settlement of Fakulteta in the Bulgarian capital Sofia. He presents the common image of misery in a suburban ghetto where there is much suffering and little prospects for the future. He cites young men looking for better living conditions in Western Europe, mainly in because they are marginalized in Bulgaria itself, and often cannot engage in any remunerated work. The Rroma settlement is also misused by local business as an illegal landfill, where they unload their trash next to the houses and huts of the Rroma. In addition, lack of sanitation leads to disease, especially among children. The journalist asks about the truth of the feared mass immigration due to poverty and concludes that it is not the case, referring to the low numbers of migrants quoted by the European Union and the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma.

Neverthelss, the journalist of DerWesten fails to paint a differentiated picture of Rroma in the Balkans. He also falls into the pitfall of misery stereotypes and the portrayal of a parallel world. At the end, he tells of his encounter with a Rrom who runs a transport company, and who is angry at the lack of representation of integrated Rroma in the media. This remains a marginal statement in this article otherwise dominated by a presentation of misery:

The sun is slowly setting on Fakulteta. […] Some men are standing in a circle around two fighting dogs. With shouts, they fire the dogs and they pounce on each other head-on. For foreigners it seems required to leave the this place with the incoming darkness. Almost 400 kilometres to the northwest, right in the middle of the Serbian capital Belgrade, one finds the notorious Roma settlement of Belvil. There are no brick and mortar houses, no cars, no horses. Only crooked huts made of everything that can be found. And tons of waste.

Source:

  • DerWesten (2013) Niemand will sie haben. – Reise zu den Roma auf dem Balkan. In: DerWesten vom 17.4.2013. 
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12.04.2013 Travel Ban for Serbian Rroma

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The TAZ reported on Rroma families in Belgrade who want to try their luck in Germany or have already done it and were expelled back. Jacob (2013) visited the families in the slums around Belgrade. He represents the common image of misery: Lots of waste, high unemployment, misery, little or no prospects for the future. Ajrija Demir already tried twice her luck in Germany. A total of seven years she lived there and had to leave again twice. Since the EU threatened Serbia to reintroduce a visa requirement, controls at the borders against potential asylum abuser were enforced by Serbia. The border guards are to identify “false asylum seekers” – on what criteria this is done, Jacob does not discuss – and send them back on arbitrary grounds. In December 2012, the Serbian judiciary introduced Article 350a into the penal code criminalising “help for wrongful asylum claim abroad or for wrongfully obtaining welfare”. Dadruch Rroma are able to consciously leave them held Serbia. This practice is contrary to the UN Convention on Human Rights where the right to emigrate from one country – one’s own or another – is postulated. Jacob laconically states that:

The civil rights activist Vukovic would be happy to challenge the exit restrictions in court, but can not find any plaintiff. “Rroma do not dare to go against the state,” she says. The visa waiver is the most important government’s asset, and it wants to retain it. “For this they sacrifice the basic rights of the Roma.”

Source:

  • Jakob, Christian (2013) An der Grenze zurückgeschickt. In: TAZ vom 9.4.2013. 
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05.04.2013 Forced Return of Rroma in Kosovo

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Bahri Cani (2013) reported about the fate of some 2500 Rroma who left Germany in the last three years and had to go back to Kosovo. The forced return destroyed lives and families that were built up over years in the new home. Often these victims of forced returns speak little or only very poorly Albanian and Serbian, as they are grew up in Germany. The school thus becomes a major challenge. The deportations are the result of a bilateral agreement between Kosovo and Germany, which were ratified in 2010 and enables simplified deportations. Back in Kosovo, returnees are confronted with high unemployment rates and a lack of integration. Many of the deportees see no future for themselves in Kosovo.

Source:

  • Cani, Bahri (2013) Traum von der Rückkehr nach Deutschland. In: Deutsche Welle vom 1.4.2013. 
Albanien Deutschland Kosovo News Osteuropa News Westeuropa Serbien

05.04.2013 Forced Return of Rroma in Kosovo

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Bahri Cani (2013) reported about the fate of some 2500 Rroma who left Germany in the last three years and had to go back to Kosovo. The forced return destroyed lives and families that were built up over years in the new home. Often these victims of forced returns speak little or only very poorly Albanian and Serbian, as they are grew up in Germany. The school thus becomes a major challenge. The deportations are the result of a bilateral agreement between Kosovo and Germany, which were ratified in 2010 and enables simplified deportations. Back in Kosovo, returnees are confronted with high unemployment rates and a lack of integration. Many of the deportees see no future for themselves in Kosovo.

Source:

  • Cani, Bahri (2013) Traum von der Rückkehr nach Deutschland. In: Deutsche Welle vom 1.4.2013. 
Bulgarien Deutschland Kosovo News Osteuropa News Westeuropa North Macedonia Rumänien Serbien

15.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reinger Burger (2013) of the FAZ concerns himself rather one-sidedly with the topic of poverty migration to Germany. He focuses on the media hype surrounding an apartment tower in Duisburg, which is regularly visited by politicians and journalists. There is nothing really new that he can tell, but he lets the residents speak out in an emotionally loaded way without any context with residents complaining about littering and rising crime. The gloomy forecast from people responsible for integration in Duisburg, which says that because of the freedom of movement within Europe that will start at the beginning of 2014, they will need to spend an additional 15 millions, cannot be missing. Men mostly do undeclared work while many young women prostitute themselves. He brings a few new points to the debate namely that many in Germany believed that Rroma, as they are travellers, would only temporarily stay in Germany. The opposite is the case: Many want to stay and build a future for their children, because in Romania and Bulgaria they see no future for themselves. Hannes Swoboda, chairman of the SPD in the European Parliament demands a dedicated Commissioner for Rroma issues. To ignore the situation is not an adequate response to the prevailing events.

The Welt (2013) reports on the action of Saxony’s interior minister Markus Ulbig. He will travel from March 17th to 20th to Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo and talk to state, charities and Rroma representatives. His aim is to rationalise the debate about poverty immigration. Migrants from Southeast Europe are almost to 100% not political refugees but are fleeing poverty. This leads to the abuse of political asylum.

The Bremen SPD politician Martin Korol is being excluded from the local SPD fraction (Möller 2013, Hudemann 2013, Stengel 2013). After anti-Rroma statements were made public on Korol’s website, a public debate started centred on the content and intentions of this blog. Korol tried to appease it, which did not succeed with his party colleagues. From his point of view he wanted to start a constructive debate on the situation of Rroma in Germany. Since his statements go against social democratic principles, an exclusion proceeding has been instituted against him. Korol only just became a citizen of Bremen.

Arndt (2013) is writing a report for the Konrad Adenauer Foundation on the situation of Rroma in Bulgaria. The article consists of a series of statistics which does not describe how they were collected and does not discloses their sources disclosed nor discusses them. Arndt distinguishes initially three dominant minorities in Bulgaria: Bulgarians of Turkish origin, Pomaks and Rroma. About the Rroma living conditions, he reports is fully in line with the standard misery views: the majority of Bulgarian Rroma live in closed communities, 55% in urban areas and 45% in rural areas. The number Rroma completing school is blatantly lower than among ethnic Bulgarians. Illiteracy, particularly among women, is also much higher. Many Rroma children speak little or no Bulgarian, when they arrive at school. This data may be correct, even though in the absence of any sources, criticism is almost impossible. The report becomes problematic when it starts to operate on the level of values. Arndt notes for example that: “Due to the shortcomings of their socialization they often lack the necessary social behavioural patterns required to be successful in school. […] The biggest obstacle to a successful integration is likely to prove to be the ghettos with their patriarchal and feudal, often criminal structures, less so the Roma culture.” What shortcomings in the socialization does Arndt mean? How is this justified? His article postulates facts without context and these are not explained. This approach is seriously to be questioned. 

Sources:

  • Arndt, Marco (2013) Geschlossene Gesellschaft. Zur Lage der Roma in Bulgarien. In: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung – Auslandsbüro Bulgarien vom 8.3.2013.
  • Burger, Reiner (2013) Das bessere Leben im Problem-Hochhaus. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 11.3.2013.
  • Delius, Mara (2013) „Die Zigeuner“, ein imaginäres Kollektiv Europas? In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Die Welt (2013) Ulbig will Situation der Roma auf dem Balkan erkunden. In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Ebbinghaus, Uwe (2013) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner, um sie zu verachten. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 13.3.2013.
  • Hudemann, Steffen (2013) Rassismus oder Denkanstoss? In.: Radio Bremen vom 22.2.2013.
  • Möller, René (2013) SPD meidet Martin Korol. In: Radio Bremen vom 8.3.2013.
  • Staats, Christian (2013) Kitsch und Hass. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Stengel, Eckhart (2013) Auch SPD-Fraktion will Rechtsabweichler loswerden. In: Frankfurter Rundschau vom 1.3.2013. 

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01.02.2013 Accelerated Return of Rroma to Serbia and Macedonia

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The NZZ writes about the accelerated return of Rroma asylum seekers to Serbia and Macedonia, which is the result of a new policy of the national migration office (BfM), which implemented a so called 48-hours procedure for people from countries, which are declared safe of prosecution. This new policy may seem favorable from the viewpoint of the BfM, which sees the Serbian and Macedonian Rroma as economic migrants, which don’t have any “real” reason for migration to Switzerland. However, this viewpoint dismisses the ongoing, de facto discrimination of many Rroma in Serbia, which suffer from ongoing racism against them. The article by Andreas Ernst acknowledges, that the policy doesn’t recognize the ongoing problems of Rroma in Serbia, but the author doesn’t seem aware of the questionability of declaring a country safe of prosecution, but not considering the role of ethnic minorities like the Rroma. Ernst sees the topic as an economic issue and that Rroma should be better fostered in their home countries. The problem of de facto social discrimination doesn’t receive the attention it should. This becomes also evident, when reading the interview with Mario Gattiker, supervisor of the BfM. According to Gattiker, who takes the line with the official political assessment, there is no persecution of Rroma in the Balkans. The political categorization of Rroma as not being persecuted may be true when analyzing their situation through official evaluations. The range of what persecution really means and what Rroma people experience de facto, can not be covered by this official political assessment. One young Rroma man from Belgrad, for istance, told about his abuse through the Police of Belgrad in “Menschen bei Maischberger». He described the situation of Rroma in Serbia as one of strong discrimination.

The RCP wants to emphasize, that official political assessments of countries, declaring minorities free of discrimination, have to be consumed with prudence.

Sources:

  • ARD (2012) Feindbild Sinti und Roma: Sind wir zu intolerant? «Menschen bei Maischberger» vom 20.11.2012.
  • Ernst, Andreas (2013) Problem ist gelöst – ausser für die Roma. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013.
  • Häuptli, Lukas (2013) Weniger Asylgesuche dank Schnellverfahren. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013
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18.01.2013 Fostering Social Housing in Bosnia-Herzegovina

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Liechtenstein will foster education and public housing of Rroma in Bosnia-Herzegovina with 105’000 Swiss francs, helping the local international organization for refugees and migration aid (IMFH). According to the article, a big part of the aid money will be used to build facilities of the public housing program, which is aiming to improve the conditions of Rroma living in countryside, often under precarious hygienic conditions. From the viewpoint of the state of Liechtenstein, the housing program will also help to decrease migration movements to Western Europe, which are caused by social-economic hardships.

The educational program of the foundation “Kinderdorf Pestalozzi” is currently enabling around 5’000 Rroma children in Serbia and Macedonia to get a regular school education. The state of Liechtenstein is also fostering this program with a financial contribution (Lichtensteiner Vaterland 2013).

Source:

rroma.org
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