Category Archives: Germany

04.03.2013 Persistent Rroma Debate in Germany

Published by:

After a flood of articles last week, the debate over the feared mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania to Germany has somewhat abated. News is now dominated by some more articles, which try to bring rationality and reflexion to the debate.

For example, Bild newspaper published an editorial entitled “The truth about the Rroma in Germany.” It shows that after the establishment of residency rights for citizen from Poland, no mass exodus to Germany took place. In addition to the usual portrayal of a Rroma family living in poverty, the article actually gives a voice to the invisible Rroma noting that: “An estimated 120,000 Gypsies live in Germany, 70,000 of them with German citizenship. Many have studied and are successful.” In contrast, they postulate the existence of a large mass of very poor Rroma living  on the edge of criminality (Kiewel, Solms-Laumbach, Winterstein 2013).

The TAZ denied once again the inflated figures that have been mentioned in the course of this debate. On the one hand, it was hardly mentioned that a significant number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are actually seasonal workers. The number of migrants in Germany is smaller by that large amount. TAZ states a number of 58,000 seasonal workers out of the to 147,000 migrants claimed by the German Federal Statistical Office. In addition, far from all immigrants have an automatic right to Hartz IV funds.[1] He who in his business cannot provide official payment information, has no right to social benefits (Dribbusch 2013).

Also Preffer (2013) of the FAZ criticizes the culture of one-sided discussion in this debate and takes Maybrit Illner talk show as an example. In the hysteria surrounding the predicted mass immigration the fact that the number of “unqualified poverty migrants” is a minority was never stated. Preffer therefore calls the statistics of the Rhine-Westphalia Institute for Economic Research the “Non-statistic of the month”. Preffer qualifies the Maybrit Illner talk show as not fruitful, as far as the reduction of stereotypes and fears goes. As catchy picture of Rroma in conjunction with human trafficking, prostitution, crime and garbage dumps was presented instead. The only non-politician present was the Rroma Representative Dotschy Reinhard but she could do little in this political tug of war.

What is amazing is the dedicated and constant belief in almost all articles and television shows that the problems of extreme poverty, rising crime in German municipalities and increasing prostitution and illegal employment are explicitly a Rroma issue. That these problems exist is not to be denied. It is important to take them seriously. However, it is highly problematic to present them as problems of a Rroma way of life or of a Rroma identity. With this ethnicization, no problems are solved, only new ones created. Numerous articles assign a victim role to Rroma and establish a clear link between victimization and identity. In spite of good intentions, this results in one more inappropriate preconception on Rroma. They are effectively deemed to be immature and to lack of free will.

The next surprise is the high level of expertise that most authors claim to have about the situation of Rroma in South-Eastern Europe. Again, discrimination and the poverty of the Rroma are the key factors presented, but few of the authors seem to have reliable sources on Rroma in the countries concerned and to rely instead on the common views of the general population.

Martens (2013) mocks the Rroma debate with reference to the comedian Gerhard Polt. In the last few days and weeks, many of the concepts on and representations of Rroma were first immediate impressions, which would then be generalised to all Rroma. Polt makes fun of this tendency in his article “All about the Russians’”. Martens deconstructs and denies the cliché of Rroma King, the hidden force pulling all the strings and forcing Rroma them to beg and who imposes his will in all areas of life. This has nothing to do with reality, definitively not in its cliché form. Martens concluding reference to the invisible Rroma is of particular interest and has been pointed out by the RCP many times. He notes this:

These are extreme cases of “visible Roma.” They need contrasted by the “invisible Roma” over who have found their livelihood as nurses, cleaning ladies or construction workers and are well integrated. That is why they are no longer perceived as Roma. These “invisible Roma” have no interest in identifying themselves to the begging or criminal “visible Roma”, which are perceived by the majority of the general population as the only representatives of their people. Roma are always the others (Martens, 2013).

Carsten (2013) refers to the situation of the Rroma in Europe as a misery circle and sees their situation, and this is to be strongly endorsed, primarily as an acceptance problem. Europe must finally stop to consider the Rroma as the continent’s last wild horde and accept them as human beings and citizens. This includes overcoming a tradition of prejudices on Rroma handed down from generation to generation. Breaking this negative preconceptions cycle is in the interest of all involved.

Mappes-Niediek (2013) also contributes to the deconstruction and negation of false prejudices. He focuses on the idea that there is an extensive network of Rroma gangs organising prostitution, begging and theft. In this cliché, Rroma are victims, but also “agents of a threatening power”. Mappes-Niediek points out that is in the viewer’s mind who transforms a woman with a girl into a supervisor who collects the money. Particularly problematic is the view “that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the norm among the poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania”. This is an extreme form of cultural attribution with which one wants to explain the poverty itself away. Ultimately, however, it is simply poverty, as Mappes-Niediek aptly states:

To understand the behaviour of Roma poverty migrants one need not be a criminologist and also do not need to study ethnological works. It is sufficient, in essence, to imagine how you would live even if you had no money, no job, no apartment. This is not a pretty picture, and who does not have to confront itself with it, tries to avoid it (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Sources:

  • Carsten (2013) Die Kellerbewohner. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Deutscher Städtetag (2013) Positionspapier des Deutschen Städtetages zu den Fragen der Zuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.staedtetag.de/imperia/md/content/dst/positionspapier_dst_zuwanderung.pdf (4.3.2013).
  • Dribbusch, Barbara (2013) Noch ärmer als Hart VI. In: Die TAZ vom 3.3.2013.
  • Kiewel M., Solms-Laumbach F., Winterstein T. (2013) Die Wahrheit über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Mappes-Niediek, Norbert (2013) Falsche Könige. In: TAZ vom 4.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Pfeffer, Sebastian (2013) Buschkowsky warnt vor Sinti-und-Roma-Slums. In: Die Welt vom 1.3.2013.
  • ZDF (2013) Elend dort, Angst hier – kommen jetzt die Armen aus Osteuropa?. Maybrit Illner vom 28.2.2013.

[1] Social benefits in Germany

22.02.2013 Politicization of the Westward Migration of Rroma from Southeast Europe

Published by:

A hysteria on the mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania has broken up in Germany in expectation of the impeding 2014 relaxation on the freedom of movement with those two countries and the EU. A wealth of articles have been published in recent days about the predicted or already happening mass immigration, a selection of which is discussed below. The immigration of people from southeast Europe has become a political issue, as you can see from contradictory statistics and emotionally charged statements. The fear is the potential increase in social spending and benefits for these poorly educated migrants. In an interview with the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the integration minister of North Rhine Westphalia, Guntram Schneider, warned about this issue (Burger 2013). German politicians are now calling Southeast European governments for dedicated steps to better integrate the Rroma.

Reinhard Veser (2013) General of the Frankfurter Zeitung writes about what he sees as a fact that all Roma in Southeast Europe – mainly Romania and Bulgaria – are marginalized and poor, which results in a large migration of Roma to Western Europe. He uses this insight, to call for a clear naming and representation of the “problem.” He states: “It is wrong when, on the debate on poverty immigration from Bulgaria and Romania, those who come are not named. Most of these people are Roma”

In addition to social programs in South East Europe on should help the German cities, which are affected by the poverty driven influx of Rroma, since the efforts to better integrate the Rroma in their countries of origin is not a big success.

Also “die Welt” reported in several articles about the seemingly increasing poverty driven migration of Rroma to Germany. Between 2007 and 2011 the number of migrants from Romania and Bulgaria had increased from 64,000 to 147,000. Most of them are Rroma and were often smuggled by organized traffickers to Germany, from where they would be exploited. As a result they are often forced to earn illegal income working for dumped wages, or in prostitution or begging. Many big cities are overwhelmed by this migration and are crying for help them up as petty crime has increased dramatically and residents start to feel alienated (Von Borstel 2013, Crolly/Frigelj 2013).

The Zurich Rroma Contact Point is amazed at the ability of journalists of recognized newspapers to regurgitate politically generated knowledge uncritically and without any hesitation, presenting it as scientific fact. Recognizing that many Rroma in Southeast Europe are living in poverty and exclusion is certainly to be agreed. But from a massive immigration – even a migration – of Rroma to Western Europe, and to call for dedicated countermeasures is highly problematic. The journalists are simply reproducing once more the common stereotypes about Rroma. They establish a clear link between ethnicity and socio-economic circumstances and thus discriminate against those Rroma who are well integrated and live in total integrity in their home countries. These invisible Rroma, who are not part of the media coverage, are thus made part of one-dimensional representation that portrays Rroma as discriminated economical refugees. That transnational migration requires great courage – leaving family and friends behind – is not addressed any more than the ethnicization a poverty problem.

This problem should be identified as a socio-economic paradigm and not as an ethnic and even less presented as one. Using the latter must inevitably leave one open for accusations of racism. In this regard, Verica Spasovska calls for a committed action of the EU in all Member States (Spasovska 2013).

Even the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung agrees to this chorus of laments on the apparent mass immigration of Southeast Europeans Rroma, resulting in astronomical increases of costs for the Social Department and in the aggravation of social conflicts. The numbers from the statistical office are not questioned at all (Hauser 2013).

It needs to be noted that people, regardless of their origins, are not entitled to social assistance, “if they have not been paid in the social system by having a regular job” (Reichmuth 2013). This fact is not considered at all in the emotional debate.

The Migazin (2013) criticized the numbers of Federal Statistical Office on the immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria as inaccurate. While it is true that 147,000 people had migrated in 2011 from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany, but out of that number, a large amount of people leaving Germany needs to be excluded. If those leavers are taken into account, only 58’350 people from the countries concerned immigrated to Germany, a massively smaller number. In addition, the statistics of the Federal Department included many temporary workers would should not be counted as permanent residents.

Torsten Krauel (2013) is outraged at the apparently special treatment of Roma families in major German cities and calls for the equal treatment of all EU citizens, regardless of ethnicity. Else the “resilience of the state towards the behaviour of some Roma families could be a starting point for anti-European sentiments.” He further postulates a mass immigration of Rroma families to German social services offices, which is “not a God given state of affairs” and always talks of the so-called “Roma issue”. The article emphasizes the diversity of life among Rroma, but pours in his portrayal a collage of stereotypes, tells of Roma kings and draconian force in extended families. He notes:

The Roma families […] live in their own universe. At the same time, they are the freest and least free people of Europe. They consider themselves not bound to any State to law and have no loyalties except to their own […] The world of the Roma is as varied as ours, their values ​​are glamorous or as harsh as before in the Middle Ages – and in some of their extended families [these values] are not compatible with the ideas embodied by the Civil Code. Yes, there are child gangs. Yes, there are criminal clans. And yes, there are also large families that are not noticed by such offences. The latter are potential allies against the excesses [of others].

Although Mr Krauel, in his descriptions of the “Rroma world,” tries to give a differentiated representation of the facts, it is surprising how decisively he represents the “otherness” of the values ​​of the Rroma. The statement “They do not consider themselves bound by any state, law and have no loyalties except their own” is a crass defamation and pretentious ascription of identity to an ethnic group that can only be described as racist. It constructs the Rroma intentionally as the opposite and negation of the so-called loyal and compliant values​​. The addition of  “freedom in its positive aspect” to these statements doesn’t change much to them. He thus assignes Rroma a blanket identity of self-imposed exclusion, whereas in fact, this is  a history of foreign exclusion. Mr. Krauel writes that the Rroma value measures are “glamorous and harsh as before in the Middle Ages.” This evolutionary portrayal of the values ​​of the Rroma as an anachronism is deeply patronizing. It defames all those Rroma who are well integrated and live an integer life in European societies. Those invisible Rroma he mentions only marginally. The idea that the majority of Rroma live under the influence of regional Roma kings, can only be deemed totally absurd. At the beginning of the article, Mr. Krauel says that what was happening in German cities is not xenophobia. What he writes in this article, however, is.

The SPD politician Martin Korol (2013) recently published a paper on the “Roma in Bremen” on his webpage. In it he refers to what he deems as a striking increase  of the West migration of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma to Bremen. They are coming by families, by whole clans, not for political reasons but “because of the poverty in their country and the opportunity here to live in a warm and dry enough place, to eat to satiation and in case of emergency, to have medical treatment.” Like the majority of German media, he sees the Romanian and Bulgarian Roma as economical refugees. That in itself is not to be condemned. However, there are preposterous statements, now deleted in the newest version, in which he states that Rroma “take their daughters out of school […] to force-wed them,” and that young Rroma men “melt their brains away with adhesive fumes brain away […]. The prospect that each Rrom contributes to GNP or even to his own pension or mine “is” null” (Schirrmeister 2013) Even the current version of the text still has racist statements like, “But it amazes me now that Bremen suddenly discovered its love for Roma, who socially and intellectually still live in the Middle Ages, in an ancient patriarchal society in a way that raises the strongest concern among every party, every church and every association in Germany in general and particularly in Bremen.”

The rest of the text contains a correspondence between Korol and a person responsible for immigration in Bremen. In it, he is annoyed at the blatant disinterest, in his opinion, for the house that he wanted to give for temporary migrants. Korol is actually staging himself as a misunderstood benefactor for immigrants from South-eastern Europe.

The SPD chief of Bremen distanced himself decidedly from Korol’s paper and stated that this position was in no way in line with the social democratic values. Also, the The Rroma Contact Point can only vehemently condemn Korol’s statements and  even denounce the malicious defamation that his blog partially contains. That such statements can be made by an SPD politician in Germany is very surprising and offensive.

Sources:

  • Burger (2013) Armutsmigration wird zunehmen. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Crolly, Hannelore / Kristian, Frigelj (2013) Roma in Deutschland – ausgebeutet, illegal, kriminell. In: Die Welt vom 21.2.2013. 
  • Hauser, Jan (2013) Dortmund rechnet mit Millionenkosten für Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Korol, Martin (2013) Roma in Bremen. In: http://www.martinkorol.de [22.2.2013]
  • Krauel, Torsten (2013) Gleiches Recht für alle in der Roma-Frage! In: Die Welt vom 22.2.2013.  http://www.welt.de/113817150 
  • Migazin (2013) Keine Belege für Armutszuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.migazin.de/2013/02/22/keine-belege-fur-armutszuwanderung-aus- bulgarien-und-rumanien/ [22.2.2013].
  • Reichmuth, Christop (2013) Angst vor Armutseinwanderung. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung vom 19.2.2013.
  • Schirrmeister (2013) SPD-Abgeordneter hetzt gegen Roma. In: TAZ vom 21.2.2013.
  • Spasovska, Verica (2013) Arme Roma – Ein Problem das Europa gemeinsam lösen sollte. In: Deutsche Welle vom 21.2.2013.
  • Veser, Reinhard (2013) Armutseinwanderung Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 22.2.2013.
  • Von Borstel, Stefan (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung – Großstädte schlagen Alarm. In: Die Welt vom 16.2.2013.

11.01.2013 Gypsies and the anthropology of Enlightenment

Published by:

The literary scholar Klaus Michael Bogdal wrote a book about the representation of Rroma in European literature during the last centuries. Before, he intensely concerned himself with historical discourse analysis and Foucault (Bogdal 2011). He unfolds a story of the representation of Rroma in Europe from the Middle Ages to the present, in which he shows how they have always been constructed as an antipode to bourgeois values ​​in order to differentiate and depict oneself in opposition to them. The Roma were portrayed as savages, who live in an anachronistic, archaic society. Through depicting them as a «nomadic horde» in a state of nature, they became the antipodes of bourgeois values ​​and the source «a permanent civil war against state order» (Bogdal 2011: 162).

The images that are evoked about them – which rarely have to do anything with reality – were passed down over centuries through literature and oral tradition. Negative literary descriptions were often used as ethnographic facts and further disseminated. All the pejorative stereotypes that are attributed to the Rroma – that they are thieves, children robbers, vagabonds, spies for the Ottomans – constitute a form of negative dialectics, a form of domination of men over men through knowledge. In this case, the quality of knowledge plays a secondary role. For the public it doesn’t matter if the negative stereotypes correspond to reality, but that they become the dominant narrative about the Rroma, which dominates all other narratives. This form of disciplining of humans through knowledge by misattribution is also called «epistemological violence». Bogdal states: «Die Argumentation der Kontrahenten ist weniger durch den Willen zum Wissen, als durch deutende Gewalt charakterisiert. In ihren Abhandlungen erzwingen sie die Lesbarkeit des Fremden, Anderen, indem sie dessen Zeichen nahezu beliebig innerhalb des eigenen Verstehenshorizontes deuten“ (Bogdal 2011: 146).

Miss-ascription of knowledge about the Roma was not confined to verbal forms of racism and social exclusion and discrimination, but was applied to control them. In Switzerland one used the knowledge about them, to identify, intern and chastise them. As part of the initiative “Kinder der Landstrasse” hundreds of Roma and Yenish were taken away their children and placed in orphanages, psychiatric and educational institutions or foster families. In several lectures the fascist attitude of the supervisor Alfred Siegfried became evident. However, he remained head of the organization until shortly before the dissolution in 1973. He continued to separate children from their parents, order sterilizations and internments in psychiatric hospitals and thereby made the lives of many Roma and Yenish an agony. The Rroma children were often declared mentally incompetent and therefore remained in the power of the patronizing organization (Meier 2003).

In Germany, institutionalized pejorative knowledge was distributed about them – based on pseudo-scientific racial theories that were then classified as science  – which allowed their systematic murder by the Nazis. Bogdal emphasizes that it is not knowledge about the Roma that allowed their exclusion and extinction, but the power to enforce a certain knowledge about them. He states: «Es ist also nicht das Wissen über die Zigeuner, das bestimmte staatliche Gewaltmassnahmen erforderlich erscheinen lässt, sondern ist umgekehrt nach 1933 die Macht vorhanden, ein bestimmtes Wissen in allen gesellschaftlichen und staatlichen Bereichen weitgehend durchzusetzen» (Bogdal 2011: 337). One accuses the Rroma of the destruction of the foundations of society, caused by their lack of possessions and differing lifestyle. Through this they would illegitimately demand the work of the majority. Poverty is therefore criminalized a declared a stigma. One also attributes them hereditary criminality and begins to physically measure them. In the wake of the Nazi extermination policy «actions should no longer prevented, but lives exterminated» (Bogdal 2011: 340). State racism, which builds on the deviation of a defined norm, and decides over «useful» and «useful« lives as form of biopolitics, becomes and institutionalized variable. Positive knowledge about the Rroma, as produced by the Enlightenment anthropology and ethnography, which propagate for the integration of the Roma, remain unheard. Bogdal sees a supremacy of the positivist sciences, which have dedicated themselves to progression and applied knowledge, but unfortunately create a form of negative dialectics through unethically applying their knowledge. He states: «Die beiden für die Wahrnehmung und Verortung der epochalen Wissensformationen, die aufklärerische Anthropologie und die Ethnographie, brachten vor allem in ihren philosophischen und kulturhistorischen Dimensionen immer auch positive Aspekte zur Sprache und zogen, wenn auch nur für kurze Momente, die Möglichkeit einer Assimilation und Integration in Erwägung. Hingegen haben ausgerechnet die modernen, sich dem gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt und der praktischen Anwendung verschreibenden Wissenschaften der ersten Jahrhunderthälfte die Politik der Verfolgung, Ausgrenzung und Vernichtung bewusst befördert und gerechtfertigt» (Bogdal 2011: 342).

Source:

  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2011) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner. Eine Geschichte von Faszination und Verachtung. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag.
  • Meier, Thomas (2003) Hilfswerk Kinder der Landstrasse. In: Becker, Helena Kanyar (Hrsg.) Jenische, Sinti und Roma in der Schweiz. Basel: Schwabe & Co, S. 19–38.

04.01.2013 Rroma as “hostile others”

Published by:

The television program “Der Club” of the Swiss national television company arranged a discussion about the topic of Rroma as “hostile others”, appearing in public only in connection with negative events. The participants of the discussion were Stefan Heinichen of the Rroma Contact Point Zurich, Mustafa Asan, a Swiss-Macedonian dual citizen and Rroma, Alexander Ott, supervisor of the immigration authorities of the police corps Bern, Julia Kuruc, social worker for the women organization “Flora Dora”, Brigitte Hagmann, supervisor of the section West-Balkans of the DEZA and Martin Heule, a folklorist. The discussion started with the topic of Rroma being publicly present as beggars and what backgrounds and motives there are to this activity. The participants agreed upon the insight to differentiate between Rroma identity and the criminal activities – begging or more explicitly organized begging, is prohibited in many Swiss cities. More importantly however, it was criticized that criminal activities are often hasty and uncritically attributed to Rroma, even though most people are not capable of identifying the language Rromanes or other markers of Rroma identity. Therefore, there is a picture of criminal Rroma, which is actively produced and spread by public actors as the police, un-reflected media and public persons, which builds on prejudices and lacking knowledge about Rroma. Not rarely, people of East-European origin, which are not Rroma and who engage in criminal activities, are identified as Rroma.

Another important aspect is the striking poverty of many minority groups in Eastern Europe, often even big parts of the entire population. This socio-economic hardships force people to organize and band with each other in order to overcome lacking means of financial income. Organized begging – as Julia Kuruc states – is therefore often not a choice, but a necessity for survival.

The negative stereotypes attributed to Rroma are so strongly anchored in many European societies, that also in Switzerland, people of Rroma origin are often reluctant to publicly state their Rroma identity. The consequences can be social exclusion, the strengthening of prejudices against persons and consequently more disadvantages. Therefore, many Rroma prefer to label themselves with their nationality and keep their ethnic identity a secret.

Mustafa Asan stated, that from his viewpoint, the events concerning Rroma are often reduced to a perspective of majority-society, excluding problems as the lacking will of majorities to integrate and support Rroma and therefore change their ongoing problem of exclusion and discrimination. Stefan Heinichen added, that one should stop to speak of a “Rroma problem” but start to speak of a societal problem. Of European society, which still has striking problems in integrating Rroma economically, socially and politically. Brigitte Hagmann criticized the lacking efforts of many East-European governments to actively change the miserable situations of Roma. On the other hand, it would be to simple to ascribe Rroma just to role of victims, but that it is necessary that Rroma themselves deploy an active part in changing their situations long- and short-term.

Another aspect is the difficulty of portraying the way Rroma really life. Life worlds of Rroma are very diverse, depending on their family and national history, their religion, their insisting on traditions or their subsequent softening and alteration, their group membership and social integration. Heinichen clearly hesitates when asked to explain Rroma traditions.  

As goal to improve the conditions of Rroma the participants identify better integration into the education system and better embedding and access to the economic sphere. Also, the problem of severe poverty of many people in Eastern Europe, which is important to separate from the topic of Rroma, has to be addressed.

Also the German television program «Menschen bei Maischberger» on ARD elaborated on the notion of Rroma as hostile others. Only seven days after the Swiss program, it joined elected green politician Claudia Roth, Christian-civil politician Joachim Herrmann, supervisor of the Central Council of Roma and Sinit in Germany Romani Rose, Rroma attorney Nizaqete Bislimi and Swiss journalist Philipp Gut from the «Weltwoche» in a discussion. The debate also started with the elaboration on the established negative stereotypes about Rroma, which since several hundred years continue to negatively influence the life worlds of Rroma. The discussion then continued with Philip Gut denouncing criminal activities of Rroma in Switzerland. He stated again and again, that his article in the «Weltwoche» was based on proofed facts, but he failed to intelligently distinguish criminal activities from the topic of Rroma identity and origins. Romani Rose and Claudia Roth therefore accused him of deliberately making a racist connection between ethnic origin and criminal activities. Gut defended himself by explaining that what he condemned was that certain Roma groups used children to implement burglaries, but that he didn’t accuse the Rroma as a whole of criminal activities. However, the mere fact, that he made a connection between Rroma and criminal activities, was enough to evoke the outrage of Romani Rose and other participants of the discussion.

Taking side with Romani Rose’s viewpoint, the author wants to emphasize the importance of not making an undifferentiated connection between criminal activities and Rroma ethnic identity. The making of this connection fails to consider vital questions of respect and ethics towards an ethnic group as the Rroma.

Source:

04.01.2013 Rroma Names

Published by:

The publication «TANGRAM 30» by the federal institute against racism gives an interesting differentiation of terminologies associated with Rroma. They differentiate between Rroma, explained to be a meta-term for the numerous groups of around 8 or 10 million Rroma living in Europe. The Rroma, which became sedentary in central Europe around the 15th century – the exodus out of India starting in the 10th century – are termed «Sinti» in Germany and Austria, «Manouche» in France and «Gitans/Kalés» on the Iberian Peninsula. The authors stress additionally:

«In einem engen Sinn schliesst der Begriff Roma die Manouches/Sinti und Gitans/Kalés aus und umfasst nur einen Zweig der aus Indien zugewanderten Hauptgruppen. Die grössten dieser Gruppen leben in Rumänien, Ungarn, Slowakei und Bulgarien. Im TANGRAM wird der Begriff Roma in dieser Bedeutung verwendet.»

The logic in this distinction is not explained nor whether if it has political, ethnological or other reasons. The «Manouche», mostly based in France, are explained to regard themselves as a separate group from the Rroma. On which sources this statement is based, is not explained. The term «Gadsche» is used to denote non-Rroma people. It can be seen as a tool for the construction of Rroma identity in separation to the majority of societies.

Source:

  • Tangram 30 (2012) Jenische, Sinti/Manouches und Roma in der Schweiz. Bern: Eidgenössische Kommission gegen Rassismus. 
rroma.org
de_DEDE