07.03.2014 French “Rroma doctor” suspended

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Christophe Lamarre, who amongst others, treats a large community of Rroma in Roubaix, was suspended from his work by the tribunal of social security for a period of four months. In its explanations for the suspension, the tribunal refers to the unlawful prescription of drugs, both in terms of quantity as well as duration: “He prescribed Subutex and other substances derived from morphine in too big quantities and for too long periods [ … ] The rules concerning prescribed Toxika are very strict: not more than 28 days without interruption. These errors in the prescription can be very dangerous for patients.” Lamarre was not suspended, as some media announced incorrectly, due to exceeded working hours. In 2009, following an investigation due to anomalies in his prescriptions, a health insurance of Roubaix filed a suit against Lamarre. Lamarre was trying to show that he had already reduced the prescriptions of morphine when receiving the complaint from the insurance by 40%. Nevertheless, in November 2013 he was sentenced to a four-month suspension of his profession, two of them on probation. In the district of Roubaix, where Lamarre practices, one doctor is responsible for 10’000 inhabitants. Lamarre accommodated several Rroma families in his former practice after a local camp had been evicted (compare Bordenet 2014, Mascoli 2014, Metronews 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014).

07.03.2014 Francetv info: “Who are the Rroma?”

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In a series of five articles, Francetv Info presents the lives of immigrant Rroma in France. Unfortunately, the only Rroma getting a voice already stood in the focus of media attention through the focus on differences to the general population. Baïetto’s (2014) text focuses on the fate of a Rroma family in Champs-sur-Marne. The article accuses the eviction-policy of the French authorities, but at same time confirms stereotypical notions of neglected Rroma that beg and sell scrap metal. In addition, once again only visible Rroma get a chance to speak: “For many families in their situation, scrap iron and begging are the two basic sources of income. The men get up very early in the morning, looking for pieces of metal they can sell. The women beg in the streets of the city and make five or six Euros a day.” The Rroma interviewed emphasize that life in France, in spite of their apparently miserable conditions, is still much better than in Romania. Here they don’t go hungry and the children can attend the school. Since she is living in France, says one Rromni, she had to change her accommodation a dozen times due to forced evictions. This happened in a time period of four years.

Legrand (2014) portrays a young Rrom who left Romania at the age of thirteen. Elvetian works as a middleman. He provides his acquaintances with outlets for objects such as mobile phones or jewellery whose origin are doubtful. In the following section Elvetian tells about his childhood, in which he committed shoplifting and illegal copper collection. He was deported several times, but always travelled back to France, because his entire family lives here. Legrand’s article gives an overview of the difficulties immigrant Rroma face in their attempt to integrate into the labour market and French society. However, her article confirms stereotypes about stealing Rroma, as the have been widely disseminated by the media. Therefore, one cannot describe the selection of the portrayed Rroma as fortunate nor as representative.  

The third article deals with a fifteen-year old Rrom who prostitutes himself in front of the Gare du Nord in Paris. He earns twenty to thirty Euros per client, who he usually serves on the toilets of the train station and the surrounding fast food restaurants. He has no pimp, but regular customers. Between thirty and fifty young Rrom prostitute themselves in front of the Gare du Nord, according to the sociologists Olivier Peyroux. One of the reasons for this are the difficulties minors face in finding a regular job. The article paints a picture of prostitution that is practiced out of poverty and lack of alternatives and not equated with human trafficking. Nevertheless, also this article has to be described as one-sided, as it confirms stereotypes of prostituting Rroma (Legrand 2014/II).

The fourth article focuses on the fate of a Rroma family from Timisoara, in north-western Romania. The family of 32-year-old Viktor benefited from an active integration policy, which was conducted between 2000 and 2007 by the agglomeration syndicate Sénart. As a result of the active integration policy, the portrayed family received a council house on the condition that the children regularly attend school, that the parents actively seek work and they would not beg: “At the end of the 1990s, Rroma families settled down in the heart of the new town. Some voters complained and the prefecture decided to try something out.  […] Based on their behaviour and their history, the prefecture chose 23 Rroma families and settled them on a site with sanitary facilities.” In return for their active integration efforts, the families received first job offers and residence permits, so that they would be able to raise the necessary funds to purchase regular social housing. In 2007, Sénart stopped its support payments to the families due to lacking funds. Viktor and his family could remain in the social housing thanks to his job in a supermarket. They do not approve the one-sided portrayal of the Rroma in the French media: “I hear pranksters about Romanians in television, rants Viktor. […] If a Romanian causes problems, they equate all Romanians, he complaints. Look at me, I’m working, I have a house and my children go to school, he tells.” The fourth article, concerning the stereotypical representations of Rroma, clearly can be better rated than the other ones. It shows the positive example of a successful integration. However, that there are other integrated Rroma in France, who are living the country since generations or decades, a fact that is not mentioned here either (Baïetto 2014/II).

The fifth article in the series also tries to create a counter-image against stereotypical notions of Rroma. Florin, a Rrom of 25 years, works as a storeman and speaks perfect French. Only as a teenager, when he newly arrived from Romania in France, he was begging. Then he made the acquaintance of a mart trader, for whom he worked illegally for seven years. His girlfriend helped him to learn French. After problems with the residence permit, Florin’s family was one of the few beneficiaries of the infamous, inter-ministerial circular of the 26th August 2012. His parents got a council house and he and his wife a room in a hotel. In September 2013, he finally finds a legal job as a storeman in Rungis. However, he still has no definite residence permit, even though he would like to integrate and live his life in France (Baïetto 2014/III).

07.03.2014 Desecration of Rroma Holocaust memorial in Merseburg

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Two unknown persons, who most likely belong to an extreme right-wing group, desecrated a memorial in Merseburg, which commemorates the Holocaust of the Rroma during the Second World War. The offense has been recorded by a video camera that was installed because of an earlier desecration: “In recent weeks, four foreigners were attacked in Merseburg. A suspect was taken into custody, several well-known right-wing extremists were investigated. On Saturday, about 600 people rallied on the streets against racism in Merseburg.” The Holocaust against the Rroma is insufficiently reappraised until now. Only in October 2012, a memorial remembering the murder of the Rroma by the Nazis was inaugurated in Berlin (Berliner Zeitung 2014, Focus online 2014).

28.02.2014 Tilo Sarrazin propagates the alleged Rroma problem

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The highly controversial author Tilo Sarrazin, who sparked a debate about immigration and the safeguarding of German values with his 2010 book Deutschland schafft sich ab, rallies in a recent statement against the alleged taboo of the so-called Rroma problem. Sarrazin, as well as other conservative exponents, assume that Rroma do in fact pose a problem for the German social welfare system and the German society. He therewith strengthens the statements of xenophobic reductionists, who imply that Rroma lack the will to integrate and culturally tend to criminality. Sarrazin says: “Basically, the immigration from Bulgaria and Romania presents no other problems than the one from Lithuania and Poland. But there is a special topic and that is: Roma. But that is not clearly named and is one of the biggest taboos. […] Whether you say “Gypsies”, “Sinti and Roma”, “economic refugees” or “poverty tourists”, you have to tackle the problem at the source, which lead to widespread reservations, and not hide the problems through different names” (Focus 2014). Sarrazin therefore propagates the absurd idea that Rroma are harder to integrate than other ethnic groups, which is completely preposterous. The propagating of a Rroma problem spreads false notions of cultural alterity and incompatibility. The Rroma are just as willing to integrate as members of other ethnic groups. That the already well-integrated Sinti are completely negated in this debate is astonishing (compare Neues aus Braunschweig und Wolfsburg 2014, Ad-Hoc-News 2014).

A contrary position is taken by Vosskühler (2014). She questions the distinction between economically useful and un-useful immigrants with facts that are supported by statistics: „Romanians and Bulgarians are more commonly associated with social benefits than other EU foreigners“ – not true. „Romanians and Bulgarians abuse social welfare in a big way“ – not true. „All Romanians and Bulgarians who come to Germany are poverty immigrants.“ – Also not true.” What is needed are entrepreneurs, who are willing to integrate low-skilled migrants. The free movement of persons is not up for debate.

28.02.2014 The liberals of Lausanne are concerned about the enrolment of Rroma children

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Bourgeois (2014) reports on an absurd case of municipal politics in Lausanne. Exponents of the Lausanne liberal party, represented by Henri Klunge, are concerned about the enrolment of Rroma children in local schools. Reason for the dispute: the integration of the children is said to encourage their parents to beg. Klunge criticises: “In his text, Henri Klunge questions the coherence of the Lausanne policy towards the Rroma. On one hand, the policy prohibits the residence of Rroma in Prés-de-Vidys, where their temporary accommodations were destroyed, on the other hand, it allowed them to settle down in an unused building in the north of Lausanne.” Tosato Oscar, councillor of Lausanne, qualifies the criticism of Klunge. The enrolment of children has no connection with the ban of begging in Lausanne, but relies on the international children’s rights. In addition, the enrolment of the children doesn’t come at the expense of Lausanne’s taxpayers. The dispute over the enrolment of four Rroma children shows the strength of the prejudices that hold against the minority. If one makes the integration of the Rroma as difficult as possible, their situation won’t change anytime in the near future.

28.02.2014 The invisible Kosovo-Rroma in France

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Bonnet (2014) reports on a documentary that Rroma refugees from the Kosovo film about their past. A group of Rroma from Beziers documents their escape, the horrors of war and reveals for the first time to a public their ethnic identity: “It is the first time that they speak. Because the memories still hurt and because, since their arrival in France, they have learned to behave discreetly. Fifteen years after the war in Kosovo and their flight, several Rroma families for the first time speak about the horrors they experienced. They also succeed in expressing what they have concealed out of fear of being rejected: to say that they are Rroma.” The reservations of the Rroma to hide their identity to the outside are very justified. As the media coverage about Rroma has shown, but also the statements of many French politicians, the reservations towards Rroma are still severe.

28.02.2014 The integration of Rroma in Europe achieves only little progress

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Fontanella-Khan/Eddy (2014) take as a reference the fate of Rroma in Northeast-Hungary to question the effectiveness of European integration efforts towards Rroma. Analysts as well as people affected share the opinion that the situation of Rroma in Europe hasn’t changed. The controversial assessment that there is a European “Rroma problem” is also shared by the European justice commissioner Viviane Reding. However, it must be made clear that right-wing politicians connect the concept of a “Rroma problem” with an alleged lack of desire to integrate, while others use it to describe the striking marginalization of the minority. The latter view is shared by the authors of the article: “The biggest struggle for the Roma has been overcoming stereotypes that depict them as travelling petty criminals unwilling to integrate into mainstream society. [ … ] Images of Roma beggars across Europe have fortified past prejudices, even though a study by the UNDP of Roma migrants in Belgium showed that the overwhelming majority had emigrated to work rather than claim benefits or abuse the welfare system.” A brief recap of the history of suffering that Rroma endured since their arrival in Europe follows. The current situation of the Rroma in the European Union does not look rosy either. In most Western European countries, they are confronted with a rigorous policy of expulsion. Fontanella-Khan/Eddy criticise the EU and the national governments for having failed in effectively fighting racism and prejudice against the Rroma. An additional problem is declining public funds for the education of the younger generation. The Roma Education Fund regrets this in particular. Reasons for the lack of effectiveness of the integration programs are passed from various departments to others. Moreover, the EU shows little efforts in the implementation of minority rights through the governments of its member states. One of the problems lies in the lacking analysis of the effectiveness of the overall programs. Although the EU tracks where the money is spent, it doesn’t analyze the effectiveness of the programs it funds. Local politicians who are entrusted with the implementation of integration programs, often have a bad attitude towards the Rroma and intentionally corrupt the integration efforts.

28.02.2014 The immigration debate and Rroma stereotypes

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The Romanian ambassador in London, Ion Jinga, writes against the stereotypical representation of the Rroma in the British media. Only recently, the English newspaper “Daily Mail” published an interview with the Romanian Rroma “Rudi”, who confirmed almost all prejudices against the minority: that Rroma steal and burden the British welfare system. That an individual of an ethnic group is taken to represent all members of a group, is not a new phenomenon, but it is amazing how well this presentation method works. Rudi stated: “I made my way by pick-pocketing, thieving and other small crimes. I was put in prison or arrested by the police in Norway, Finland, Sweden, Spain, Italy, France, Austria and Germany before I arrived here. [ … ] Your benefits system is crazy. It’s like finding a sack full of cash that has been dropped, picking it up and no one saying anything.” Jinga attempts to qualify the one-sided statements and to show the complexity behind the generalizations. Rroma are marginalized, but most of them are trying to find a job and work hard, especially when they migrate to another country. The portrayal of problem cases through the media confirms false prejudices and hinders a successful integration of the minority. The Romanian government has repeatedly pointed out that the integration of the Rroma is a pan-European task that cannot be handled by a single nation. Jinga also convincingly demonstrates that the Romanian economy performs very well in a pan-European comparison. However, one has to disagree in one point with him. Jinga claims that access to the Romanian labour market is equal for all. That Rroma in Romania are still heavily discriminated against, should not be denied (Jinga 2014).

The highly one-sided article from Daily Mail (Reid 2014) builds its argument on dubious statistics from the British bureau of statistics. The ONS (Office for National Statistics) stated that Romania has the highest birth rates in Europe and that the British welfare system animates Romanian immigrants to get even more children. These statements are supplemented with the effusive confessions of Rudi, who confirms all prejudices about social tourism. That, through his statements, he advocates for the restriction of immigration, doesn’t seem to come to his mind. At the end of the article he states: “We Romanians can go anywhere we want in Europe now — but, of course, it is only Britain that pays us to live.” Reid manages to fuel fears of mass immigration into the British social system and to consolidate them. She doesn’t seem interested in an objective assessment of the situation at all.

28.02.2014 Teaching about Rroma: Promotion of critical thinking or confirmation of stereotypes?

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Koepping (2014) reports on special lessons that were designed to teach primary students of Höhenschönhausen on the culture and history of the Rroma.  The teacher for humanities and environment, Susanne Meier, was the project’s initiator. The goal of wanting to provide students with information about the lives of Rroma is laudable. Unfortunately, when reading the text one gets the impression that students were taught in positive stereotypes, rather than ask to think about issues such as stereotypes and exclusion: “Within their classes they travelled to the memorial at the Otto-Rosenberg-Platz in Marzahn, where a Nazi labour camp for Roma and Sinti was located during 1936-43. The musicians Janko Lauenberger and Wilfried Ansin came to visit and told the students of the world of gypsy-swing, and together with Susanne Meier they sang Roma songs.” Prejudice against an ethnic group are one thing, but one should be very careful what and how to teach about an ethnic minority. With the replacement of negative stereotypes with positive ones, one doesn’t help Rroma in their integration efforts. That the lessons described confirmed misconceptions of patriarchal structures and entrenched traditions can be seen in the response of an eleven year old student: “I don’t like that the boys have more rights and that the girls and women always have to wear skirts.”

28.02.2014 Social marginalization of the Rroma in France

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Brigaudeau (2014) addresses the relationship of French citizens towards the Rroma, referring to the new publication Roms & riverains: Une politique municipale de la race by Eric Fassin et al. She notes that in the French media the problems arising in connection with this minority receive massively more space than their discrimination and exclusion. The publication of Fassin et al. offer answers to this one-sidedness and thematises the political issues behind the unwillingness of the majority society to integrate the Rroma. First, there is the problem of local politics, which is entirely focused on the needs of local residents, because they re-elect the mayor. This leads consequently to shifting the Rroma from one place to another: “The state is content to answer the needs of the local voters. And when the mayoral elections approach, the mayors hand the responsibility for their decision down to the residents: the representatives are content to answer to the demands of their voters!” Because of this, Rroma are made the scapegoats of local politics, usually to their disadvantage. On the other hand, there are positive examples of towns and villages that have been actively trying to integrate the minority. When taking these actions, the politicians rely on the hope that voters will reflect on their intelligence and not on their emotions. Fassin also notes that the evacuation of a camp costs more than to equip one with water electricity etc. It is therefore also the French voters, and not only to the French politicians, who contribute to the marginalization of the Rroma: “The question that those responsible must ask themselves is: is it really in our interest to keep a population, who has settled down in Europe, in such a marginality?”

28.02.2014 Police raids in Rroma camps from Grenoble against pimp networks

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Numerous French newspapers report about a large coordinated police action in four Rroma camps in the agglomeration of Grenoble. A total of 180 police officers stormed the four settlements with the aim to uncover a pimp network. Fourteen people were arrested and are now being interrogated. The police of Grenoble had collected evidence against the human traffickers and pimps for several months. Far from wanting to trivialize real human trafficking, the equation of prostitution with human trafficking must be called into question. Prostitution happens often out of poverty and is not always equal to the result of modern slavery. In particular, the idea of hierarchical Rroma clans, who force their wives into prostitution, has to be strongly questioned. In addition, the one-sided focus on criminal Rroma is racist per se (compare France Bleu 2014, 20 minutes 2014, France 3 2014, Le Parisien 2014).

 

Keywords: Rroma, prostitution, human trafficking, pimping, France

28.02.2014 Germany wants to declare Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina “safe countries of origin”

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Schäfer (2014) reports on the plans of the German federal government to declare the Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina “safe countries of origin”. As a result of this, asylum applications from these countries can be processed more quickly in the future. The letter of the German federal ministry of the interior states: “that in all these countries ( … ) neither political persecution nor torture or inhuman or degrading treatment takes place and no threat by reason of indiscriminate violence in situations of international or internal armed conflict.” Left-wing politicians like Ulla Jelpke demanded the deputies of the federal states to withhold the authorization for this policy. The new policy is said to primarily affect Rroma: “As a matter of fact, “90 percent of these people are Rroma, who are fleeing systematic discrimination and hazardous exclusion and poverty.” In the countries concerned, Rroma are exposed to “multiple forms of discrimination, taken together they certainly justify refugee protection”. But this protection  “is sacrificed on the altar of a populist debate”, said Jelpke.” While proponents of deportation rely on country analyses that state none or only very minimal discrimination against minorities in countries like Serbia, Macedonia or Bosnia-Herzegovina, proponents of the asylum seekers state the exact opposite. Subjective experiences, which can rarely be proved with documents, usually are dismissed in comparison to the official analyses that assess the social situation in a country. Bernd Mesovic from Pro Asly criticises that restrictive asylum practices are already in place now and serious examinations of the reasons for flight are not applied (compare Tiroler Tageszeitung Online 2014, Die Welt 2014, Zeit 2014).

28.02.2014 Francetv Info confirms prejudices about criminal Rroma gangs

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Legrand (2014) confirms with her article prejudices about criminal Rroma gangs that operate from slums in the French suburbs. For her article, she refers to numerous accounts from police stations, expressing problems when dealing with underage beggars and thieves. Thereby common stereotypes of Rroma are perpetuated. Particularly problematic are the opinions from the office for prevention of crime by homeless people (office central de lutte contre la délinquance itinérante OCLDI): “Our investigation units determined that vans are driving away from the camps in the morning. The boys are dropped of on a street where they steal money and jewellery before they are taken elsewhere, confirms a police commander. But it is difficult to persecute the networks based on facts. You’d need to have a huge number of staff available to examine all the inputs and outputs of the camps, complains the police commander.” Legrand only uses one-sided sources to demonstrate her reasoning. Representatives from the Rroma or Rroma organizations are not allowed to speak. This leaves the false impression that the French penal code is too lax for the persecution of the delinquent Rroma. The Rroma are not more delinquent than members of other ethnic groups.  

28.02.2014 Discrimination against Rroma in the Czech Republic

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Anna Šabatová has just been elected as the ombudswoman of the Czech Republic. In an interview with the Prager Zeitung she declares her intention of a dedicated combat against the discrimination of Rroma in the Czech Republic: “We should especially start to consistently call by name the discriminatory acts arising from prejudice. In this matter, I agree with the intention of the ministry of education, to make one year kindergarten for all pre-school children – including for Roma children – compulsory. This could have a positive impact on their entry into the school system. Education is the move toward integration into society and also to a balanced perception through society.” Rroma are affected by strong discrimination in the education system in the Czech Republic. They are often put into separate classes for learning difficulties or disabilities, although no deficiencies are present. In addition, segregated classes as well as segregated schools still exist (Prager Zeitung 2014).

28.02.2014 Die Zeit criticizes the victim discourse about Rroma

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In her article in Die Zeit, Lau (2014) criticizes the victim role to which Rroma activists are said to refer to constantly in Germany. In the debate about poverty migrants from Romania and Bulgaria, one mainly talks about the immigrants, but not with them. This also has to do with the focus of the activism of Romani Roses, who has been working for the rights of the Rroma in Germany for several decades. Rose focuses his policy on the recognition that Rroma were victims of the Nazi genocide, whereby other topics are to receiving less than enough attention: “Ironically, the central council and Romani Rose prevent elsewhere that the understanding between newly arrived Roma and the majority society improves. Since he can remember, Romani Rose fought for the recognition as victims of genocide, a fact repeatedly disputed by historians. […] Since they share neither religion nor written culture, there is actually only one link between the Sinti and Roma: the experience of persecution. And that is the reason why discrimination is the central topic in the political statements of their community, rather than strategies of advancement.” Lau’s article tries to find out why there is a lack of solution strategies in the current debate about immigrants from Southeast Europe. However, she is wrong when she accuses Rroma to stick to a victim status. This criticism was already expressed in the beginning of 2013 by another author: In his book Zigeuner – Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk, Rolf Bauerdick criticised the lack of self-initiative in improving the social integration of the Rroma. This criticism is one-sided and hides the mechanisms of exclusion. Although it is right that a successful integration involves two sides, promotion and self-initiative, the latter one can only happen if the necessary conditions are given. Otherwise, suppression remains the dominant factor.

Just the opposite is argued by the TAZ in its interview with the historian Patricia Pientka. Pientka researched the story of a Rroma detention camp in Berlin-Marzahn. The historian is shattered about how bad the persecution of the Rroma in Germany was researched so far, also concerning the Berlin-Marzahn detention camp. In 1936, Rroma were selected via by sociographic criteria for the camp: caravans, many children and certain profession groups were decisive for the internment as well as the living on welfare. In 1938, the pseudo-scientific criteria of the racial hygiene research unit under Robert Ritter were implemented. The continuity between the war and the post-war period is particularly shocking. Perpetrators from the Nazi era were appointed as experts in courts, where they could play down or even qualify the war horrors with false statements: “In Berlin and elsewhere, the police departments for “Gypsy questions” established at end of 1938 are of central importance. In Berlin, the head of the department was Leo Karsten. After the war, he was superintendent of the police of Ludwigshafen and throughout Germany was the appointed expert on compensation issues for Sinti and Roma. His testimony led, among other things, to the verdict that the senate didn’t recognize the Marzahn detention camp as a labour camp […]. One can definitely say that the racist persecution of Sinti and Roma in Nazi Germany hasn’t been critically analysed until today. We have a huge deficit. This is also reflected in the case with Roma from South Eastern Europe, for instance Serbia, who are absolutely not perceived as descendants of Holocaust victims – what they definitely are” (Memarnia 2014).

28.02.2014 Austrian Rroma should receive more funding

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The right-wing populist platform unzensuriert.at (2014) criticises that the Kulturverein Österreichischer Rroma under the leadership of Rudolf Sarközi wants to receive more funding from the federal government. The criticism is built on the uncertainty about how many Rroma actually live in Austria. In 2012, the Kulturverein Österreichischer Rroma is said to have received 433’0800 Euros. Sarközi guesses the number of Austrian Roma at around 9,000. Up to 40,000 were added due to migration from other states. In the comment column of the article, racist statements accuse Rroma of taking advantage of the “hard working people”. Rroma work just as hard as members of other ethnic groups. Such one-sided articles favour uncritical, reductionist thinking.

21.02.2014 The victims of the Rroma murders in Hungary

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Verseck (2014) discusses the role of the bereaved families of the victims of the Rroma murders in Hungary. Éva Kóka is the widow of Jeno Kóka, a Rrom from Tiszalök, in North-Eastern Hungary. Kóka was brutally murdered in April 2009 by members of an extreme right-wing group, when he wanted to start his night shift at the local pharmacy factory. Immediately after the murder, the health of Kóka worsened significantly: “Éva Kóka broke together after the murder of her husband, her health deteriorated abruptly. She was unable to work, had to give up her position in a wood factory and moved in with her daughter.” The murders, Verseck states, are symptomatic of the institutionalised racism against Rroma in Hungary. A Hungarian minister is said to have known about substantial evidence that would have led to the arrest of the perpetrators, already back in 2009. But this evidence was purposively obliterated. In addition, the members the families of the six victims and the 55 people heavily injured people didn’t receive any redress or apology from the state until August 2013. On the 6th of August last year, four of the murderers involved were convicted, three of them to life imprisonments. Following the convictions, the Hungarian government promised the victims and survivors financial compensation. To date, they haven’t received anything. Many are seriously ill and are still living in severe poverty.

21.02.2014 The Rroma and the Swedish-Romanian relations

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Iskenderov (2014) reports on difficulties in the Swedish-Romanian foreign relations. The reasons for the difficulties are the integration efforts of the Romanian government towards the Rroma in Romania. The Swedish government accuses Romania to inadequately ask for and utilise the social funds provided by the EU: “The allegations of Swedish politicians against the government of Victor Ponta relate to the use of resources from the European Union funds. It is in particular the inadequate use of these resources, which provoked the discontent of the Swedish politicians. According to the European commission, the European social fund has provided 3.68 billion Euros for the social integration of the Roma in Romania during 2007-2013. Only 27% of the funds were used.” The Swedish integration minister Erik Ullenhag particularly criticizes the non use of the European social fund. This criticism takes place in the context of the ongoing debate about the free movement of persons in the EU. The focus on Rroma is unfortunately highly selective and one-sided: only impoverished or delinquent Rroma get represented by the media and therefore reproduce a stereotyped, public image of the minority.

21.02.2014 The movie “Lungone Dromença” gives Kosovo refugees in France and Germany a voice

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Delacou (2014) reports on the new documentary by the filmmakers Marie-Christine and Pierre Duchalet Gadrey. The two directors give five Rromni who fled from the war in Kosovo avoice. The filmmakers already knew a Rroma family from Kosovo, through their work for the organization Réseau éducation sans frontières (RESF). The film wants to establish a counter-image to the strongly negative loaded representation and perception of the minority by the media and the public: “By realizing our documentation, we wanted to show the true face of this community: people like everyone else with the same desires and objectives: live free, work, raise their children in peace, being accommodated decently.”  For the five eyewitnesses, the film is also a revelation of their own history and identity to the public: “They are now well integrated in France and Germany. No one knows that they are Rroma! Not even their colleagues, not even her friends. They kept their identity systematically secret, for fear of being rejected.” This film is also a call for more social tolerance and a more humane asylum policy. Although a return agreement between the countries involved exists, the effective situation of Rroma in the Kosovo is not really considered.

21.02.2014 The misconceptions of organized begging networks

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Ulmi (2014) qualifies stereotypes of organized begging networks among Rroma, as they are disseminated by numerous newspapers, in particular the Weltwoche in Switzerland. In his text, Ulmi refers to the study of the Lausanne sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin, who discussed the mechanisms of begging for the canton of Lausanne. Tabin qualifies nearly all conventional notions about organized begging: the income from begging is very modest and only secures the beggars most basic needs. High profits are a media illusion. Most beggars do not operate for organized, criminal networks, but for themselves. With his study, Tabin argues for begging to be considered as poverty mendicancy and not as an enrichment strategy. Tabin explains that the idea of organized begging is a misunderstanding of mendicancy. This incomprehension is then replaced by the apparently obvious answer of criminal networks: “Everything we think we know about begging, in our cities in general and about the begging Rroma in particular, is wrong. False is the idea of the organized networks that take advantage of the beggars. False are our ideas about the gains coming out of begging. Completely wrong is our idea of the identity of the Rroma…“

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