Tag Archives: Discrimination

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09.08.2013 Rroma Murders in Hungary: Four Right-Wing Extremists Sentenced to Long Prison Terms

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the judgment in the ongoing process against four right-wing radicals that has been ongoing for several years. The defendants are accused of having deliberately killed six Rroma. The judgments of the judges, three life sentences without parole and one thirteen years sentence, are not yet final because of the defence resource. Theses right wing activists, in a series of attacks, had set fire to the Rroma houses and shot at the people fleeing from the fire. Only by analyzing mobile phone data of the defendants could it be proved that they were at the times in question near the crime scenes. However, the trial does not address the dubious role of the local police. Odehnal comments: “As the German executive following neo-Nazi murders, the Hungarians first investigated feuds amongst the victims. […] In Tatarszentgyörgy the police suspected a faulty heater as a trigger of the fire, although there were shell casings at the scene everywhere.” Representatives of the Fidesz party pushed the responsibility for the lack of investigation on the incumbent Socialist Party in power at that time.

In his comments, Odehnal (2013/II) is sceptical about the social resonance of these sentences. In the Czech Republic, after a similar trial, there were increased marches of right-wing members and incitement against Rroma. Odehnal sees as a problem for the missing results of integration that the political elite of Hungary and other Eastern European states has not been held accountable for not acting against racism in their own countries. Thus, Rroma were sidelined as before, in spite of funding from foundations, the EU, and Switzerland.

Baumann (2013) adds that the victims’ relatives accused the local police of serious corruption in the investigation of the murders. They tried to cover up evidence. Even the racist motives behind these actions were not at all part of the process. The secret service failed to monitor two of the offenders until shortly before the crime. Eng (2013) adds that the perpetrators are supposed to have planned the murders after a dispute with Rroma.

The Basler Zeitung (2013) describes the sentencing more precisely: Two of the four defendants asked the court to not have to listen to the verdict. They were then led back to their cells. The judgment is only the first instance one and can be challenged in higher courts.

Ozsváth (2013) gives a voice to the families of the victims in his report. They are still stunned by the perpetrators lack of repentance and by the dysfunctional police investigation: They even contributed actively to the elimination of proofs.

Civil rights leader Aladar Horvath himself Rrom, see the court’s judgment as appropriate, but states that the crucial issues have not been discussed: the racism that motivated the killings and the objectives in connection therewith: “The sentences have been very high, and that is appropriate for the actions. Unfortunately, however, they were imposed only for simple murder motives. The indictment stated that the killers wanted to spark a civil war. They should have been charged with crimes against humanity and terrorism with the aim of genocide.” While Hungary denies its own past, as Horváth states further, racist murders are possible again. According to Horváth, Hungary’s role in World War II and the crimes of the communist dictatorship were processed insufficiently (Verseck 2013).

Kerenyi (2013) sees the sentences of the four right-wing as being just the tip of the iceberg of a total social phenomenon: According to a new poll, 80 to 85 percent of the population were “overtly or covertly racist against Roma”, 36 percent are committed explicitly to that Roma should be “separated from the rest of society,” that is, should be moved or deported to ghettos. A particular concern is that pejorative comments about Rroma belong to the current fashion educated circles. Kerenyi assessment of Culture Minister Zoltan Balog is also interesting. Balog, who held a flowering lecture on the Hungarian efforts to integrate the Rroma at the beginning of the summer at the University of Zurich, in which in spite of all the eloquence raised serious questions about the congruence of reality and his statements. Kerenyi comments: “Balog is a contradictory personality through and through. He belongs to the temperate wing of Orbán’s team, which does not prevent him to grant regularly honours to racists and anti-Semits.” Also, the condemned right-wing radicals are only a part of the perpetrators, who committed a series of assassinations of Rroma between 2008 and 2009. These offenders were up to now neither identified nor prosecuted.

Balzer (2013) spoke to the Hungarian journalist Szilvia Varró about the social backgrounds of the Rroma murders. A large part of the Hungarians, by far not only right-wing extremists, have great reservations about Rroma. Moreover, it is common to simply ignore radical or controversial events: “Racism and resentment were a problem already earlier. We Hungarians have never dealt with our past. Not with our role in the Second World War, not with the revolution of 1956 and even with the series of murders against Roma.” Most Hungarian media have not reported about the murders. Varró then started a project together with the filmmaker András B. Vágvölgyi: Actors known in Hungary were hired to retell the story of the action and the statements of the relatives. This piqued the interest of the usually apolitical tabloids of Hungary. While the reactions from the right side were understandably negative, the echo of otherwise indifferent people was positive: They started to be interested in the topic and question ethnic categorizations: What if it was her son who had been shot? The state media did not pay any attention to the movies. The above-mentioned films can be watched under the following links:

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HMjVjZDx7ug

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5z9aVB0Ktc

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzc2N9MirPI

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrWahe1pCWY

  • Basler Zeitung (2013) Roma-Mörder verliessen während Urteilsbegründung den Saal. In: Basler Zeitung online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Baumann, Meret (2013) Hohe Strafen für Rechtsextremisten in Ungarn. In: NZZ online von 6.8.2013.
  • Eng, Adrian (2013) Lebenslang für Mordserie an Roma in Ungarn. In: 20 Minunten Schweiz online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Kerényi, Gábor (2013) Auch die feine Gesellschaft schimpft über die “Zigeuner”. In: Berliner Zeitung online vom 9.8.2013.
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) Haft für das rassistische Quartett. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  6.8.2013. 
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013/II) Ungestrafter Rassismus in der Politik. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  7.8.2013. 
  • Ozsváth, Stephan (2013) Ermordet wie auf einer Jagd. In: Tagesschau online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Verseck, Keno (2013) Roma-Mordurteile in Ungarn: “Ein Zigeunerleben ist nicht so viel wert”. In: Spiegel online vom 6.8.2013. 
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09.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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The Praguer Zeitung (2013) reports new anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic. In Vítkov, about three hundred protesters, many of them from the right-wing came together to demonstrate “for the rights of all decent citizens.” The demonstrators denounced the racism against the white population and propagated slogans such as “the Czech Republic for Czechs”. With several arson attacks on Rroma four years ago, Vítkov has become a symbol for anti-Romany actions.

Schmidt (2013) also draws a gloomy picture of the relation of ethnic Czechs towards Rroma: There were again anti Rroma pogroms in Vitkov this Saturday. Particularly insidious is the fact that the Hungarian railways even provided extra trains for demonstrators of the radical right. In Vitkov, several Rroma were victims of arson attacks four years ago. A girl suffered serious burn injuries and barely survived. She now suffers from persistent anxiety states. Schmidt sees the pogroms as an indication of a worrysome state: The negative attitude towards Roma is supported by a significant part of the Czech majority society: “When the Neonazis sit again in their trains, native “whites” still shout anti-Roma slogans. Normal people, pensioners, families with children. An elderly woman says “The speakers at the rally were right,” about the rioting extreme rightists, and she feels “disturbed” by the Roma she adds. It is not an isolated case.” When open hatred towards Rroma is experiencing wider social support, democracy is threatened in the Czech Republic, as stated by the Czech domestic intelligence agency. Sociologists see the sources of this increasingly socially acceptable  xenophobia among others during the economic crisis: The insecurity on livelihoods of a large middle and lower classes fed the idea that Rroma were coddled by the state.

According to Amnesty International (2013), the European Centre for Human Rights identified nine anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic since April this year. Several instances are concerned about the increasing animosity towards Rroma in the Czech Republic.

  • Amnesty International (2013) République tchèque. Il faut protéger les Roms qui risquent d’être victimes de violences avant le début des manifestations d’extrême droite. In: Amnesty International France online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013) Erneuter Aufmarsch gegen Roma. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Schmidt, Hans-Jörg (2013) In Tschechien eskaliert der Hass gegen die Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 4.8.2013. 
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02.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Lazerges (2013) does not want to cast the informal Rroma settlements and their evictions as a cultural problem, as many French politicians do, but as a problem of poverty. Lazerges criticises that there is not enough affordable housing for people with low to very low income. Although the eviction of illegal settlements are usually lawful, because the houses were built without a permit, they violate the right to housing, a due to every human being. In addition, the barriers to access education, health care and social protection are still very high, rendering a successful integration of Rroma more difficult, “Mais la levée seulement partielle des mesures transitoires applicables aux citoyens roumains et bulgares est inacceptable et préjudiciable à leur insertion. Nous souhaitons la levée immédiate et complète des mesures transitoires, afin de permettre notamment aux personnes roms de trouver un emploi, pierre angulaire de l’insertion” [The partial removal of transitory measures applicable to Romanian and Bulgarian citizen is unacceptable and constitutes a prejudice against their integration. We wish the immediate and complete removal of these transitory measures to allow, among others the Rroma, to find work, a keystone for their insertion.] Lazerges further calls for a clear distancing from the defamatory statements made by some French politicians that are clearly influenced by the impending Municipal elections. On should much more strive for a clear commitment to a real policy was that promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Leroy (2013) reports on Rroma families in Le Havre, who, with the assistance of the collective  “Hébergement, l’urgence c’est maintenant” are being granted accommodation in various communes. Although families are being fragmented, the 64 Rroma, including 44 children, according to Leroy, are rather cheering this. On the 16th of July, the families were evicted from their camp, a plot of the fire brigade of the Eure and had then settled behind the Church of Saint-Augustin.

Piquemal (2013) spoke with Alain Régnier, the person responsible for the access to housing for the homeless or poorly lodged people (Délégation interministérielle à l’hébergement et à l’accès au logement des personnes sans abri ou mal logés; DIHAL). Régnier looking at the politics under Nicolas Sarkozy who applied an extreme security policy towards Rroma, sees a shift towards more constructive approaches. While the inter-ministerial letter from Jean-Marc Ayrault is still far from being applied in its effective principles, it is nevertheless getting some movement. Régnier argues for a differentiated policy towards the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in France: Firstly, one must promote successful integration which improves the often very poor French skills which would facilitate access to education and housing; and on the other hand one has to promote an intelligent, bilateral policy with Romania towards their integration at home itself and also in support of a possible return. He does not see the difficult access to the labour market as the major cause for the lack of integration. In addition, the French population must be better informed about the history and culture of the Rroma. Régnier still sees to many common misconceptions: many still do not know that there is a difference between the “Gens du voyage” and the Rroma. An important part of his job is to deconstruct stereotypes and prejudices and counteract.

Mamère (2013) criticizes the French Rroma policies as being openly racist: both the right and the left parties are, with regards to their treatment of Rroma, very restrictive and undifferentiated. While with right-wing politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi racial prejudice prevails, leading to a denial of individual differences and a stigmatisation of the Rroma population that needs to be disciplined or expelled, politicians of the left as Manuel Valls are driven by a zealous planning policy, which led the Hollande government to an approximate doubling of forced evictions: “Sous prétexte de faire respecter l’Etat de droit, il [Manuel Valls] présente les camps de Roms comme des zones de non-droit […] En utilisant la justice comme arme de sa politique à deux vitesses, il installe dans l’opinion de la gauche et des démocrates l’idée que les Roms sont une catégorie de la population à mettre au ban de la société.” [Under the pretext to enforce the respect of the rights, he [Manuel Valls] presents the Rroma camps like zones without laws. … Using justice as a weapon for his two speed policies, he instils in the opinion of the left and of the democrats the idea that Rroma are a population category that needs to be banned from society.] For Mamère, Rroma are instrumentalised by many politicians, whether from the right or from left, for purposes of policy: They propagate the incompatibility of Rroma life with that of the French. He regards these policies as a historical repetition of past practices of exclusion, especially the stigmatization of Jews from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. Until 1969, the Rroma in France had to carry an anthropometric passport with them. Tthe task of politicians is precisely to allow and ensure the coexistence of different ways of life, and not to suppress it. To this plea of ​​Mamère we fully agree. However, he involuntarily presents cultural difference between Rroma and French, where almost none actually exists: He speaks almost continuously of Rroma as travellers, whereas most of them are not. The French “Gens du voyage” are usually French citizen who do not speak Rromanes.

Hugues (2013) describes the French Rroma policies as a disgrace for a country that sees itself as the cradle of human rights. In recent years, French policies towards Rroma were repeatedly condemned as inhumane by both the UN and the EU. France must seek a rapid paradigm shift, if it does not want to lose its legacy of tolerance. At the end of July 2013, there have been physical attacks on Rroma in which several were seriously injured. The targeted surveillance policies advocated by Estrosi are another step backwards in the effort towards more tolerance and integration as an alternative to repression and expulsion.

Duquesne (2013) also sees the French population policies towards Rroma as increasingly aggressive. At the end of July, two residents of a Rroma camp were seriously injured in an attack by an armed mob of fifteen people in Saint-Denis. The numbers of evictions increase, Estrosi and like-minded want to prevent the accession of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area, which would result in the freedom of movement with the rest of the EU.

Abdul (2013) reportes on a dispute over water in Wissous, in the Essonne department. The Mayor of Wissous, Régis Roy Chevalier, on 6 July 2013, turned off  three of five hydrants that are close to a Rroma camp.. This after the inhabitants of the camp had tapped the hydrants due to lack of a water supply. Thereupon ensued a debate around the question as to whether, in the case of lack of water supply water may be illegally tapped. While green politicians like Marie-Hélène Brelaud describe Roy Chevaliers approach as obscene,  the Social Democrat decidedly does not want to be seen as a sympathizer of right-wing politicians. He sees himself as a representative of the residents of Wissous and whose will he enforces by the means of law: “M. Roy-Chevalier, le maire de Wissous, souhaite „se différencier de toutes ces personnes“. A l’en croire, cette décision ne relève pas de son autorité de maire, mais de celle de la communauté d’agglomération, dont il est vice-président… „Mon premier parti, c’est Wissous. Je sais que certains partis bien-pensants estiment que l’on peut s’occuper des populations en situation illégale avant les autres. Pas moi“, se défend M. Roy-Chevalier.” [ M. Roy Chevalier, Wissous’ mayor wishes “to differenciate himself from all these people”. If he is to be believed, this decision is not a consequence of his mayor’ office, but is the responsibility of the community of agglomeration of which he is the vice-president… “My first party, is Wissous. I know that certain politically correct parties think that one should take care of illegal population first, I don’t”.] With this statement, Chevalier cuts himself away from a humanism that is ready to break the rules when it is for the better of those concerned.

Fouteau (2013) interviewed the French ethnologist Michel Agier, on the question of the relationship between ethnicity and nationalism. Agier sees France policies toward Rroma as part of a state policy that deliberately defines itself in contrast to outsiders, and these outsiders – the Rroma – are consciously exploited for one’s own identity definition. In addition, from the perspective of the nation state, the state’s borders are strengthened by the assignment of clear categories to various population groups. He describes this assignment of clear categories as a dominant act that intentionally generates distance and provides the justification for eventual the deprivation of rights: “Dans le contexte de la mondialisation, les Roms, ou plutôt ceux qui sont désignés comme tels, sont utiles au pouvoir. Au moment où les États-nations périclitent, où la crise économique fragilise les sociétés “occidentales”, les gouvernants ont besoin de ce nom pour créer un dehors. Ils ont besoin de faire croire à leur altérité absolue, de les constituer en étranger ennemi, pour faire exister leurs frontières. Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité, tout comme expulser des Afghans ou reconduire à la frontière des migrants venus d’Afrique.” [In the context of mondialisation, the Rroma, or rather those who are thus labelled, are useful to the power in place. At a time where nation-states are collapsing, where the economical crisis fragilises occidental societies, the rulers need this name to create an outside. The need to make believe in their absolute otherness, to constitute them as foreign foes in other to make their own borders exist. To expulse Rroma is a way to create nationality, exactly as is the expulsion of Afghans or to send back migrants from Africa.] However Agiers analysis does not go far enough, as he considers Rroma only in terms of methodological nationalism. But Klaus-Michael Bogdal has shown in his detailed deconstruction of stereotypes and prejudices against Rroma that these are not a phenomenon of individual nation-states, but a problem of Europe as a whole. But Agier is correct in that it is at the level of national policies that attention these categories exists.

Sources:

  • Abdul, Shahzad (2013) A Wissous, la “chasse à l’eau” des Roms, privés de bornes à incendie par le maire. In: Le Monde online vom 29.7.2013.
  • Duquesne, Pierre (2013) Roms: «Partout, les agressions se multiplient» In: L’Humanité online vom 30.7.2013.
  • Fouteau, Caroline (2013) “Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité” In: Mille Babords online vom 1.8.2013.
  • Hugues (2013) Roms : La France qui fait honte au pays des droits de l’homme! In: Agora Vox online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Lazerges, Christine (2013) Intégrer les Roms requiert du courage politique, In: Le Monde online vom 31.7.2013.
  • Leroy, Vanessa (2013) Les Roms relogés dans l’agglomération du Havre. In: Paris-Normandie online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Mamère, Noël (2013) Les Roms ou la nouvelle question juive. In: Rue 89 online vom 30.7.2013. 
  • Piquemal, Marie (2013) Les tensions envers les Roms sont plus vives en France qu’ailleurs» In: Libération online vom 30.7.2013. 
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02.08.2013 Rroma Xenophobia as Economical Racism

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Jurga (2013) takes an interesting look at – but even here caution is advisable before generalization – the coincidence of economic deprivation and racist tendencies. Based on the concept of “short-changed” Jurga wants to show that there is a battle for public attention and social benefits, which in the case of the houses in Duisburg manifests itself in hateful slogans against Rroma. Thus state aid measures for the Rroma are perceived as unfair advantage of foreign nationals who are “seating themselves at already to small tables”. Competition for housing, jobs or simply overfilled settlement favours this kind of economic racism, which is the most common form of xenophobia at all.

Source:

  • Jurga, Werner (2013) Zuwanderung in Duisburg: Fußvolkes Futterneid. In: Xtra News online vom 28.7.2013. 
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26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Putzier (2013) presents a one-sided view of the debate on poverty immigration to Germany. He describes the migration from Southeast Europe exclusvely as a mass exodus of poorly educated Bulgarians and Romanians. That a significant proportion of immigrants he cites, 27,242 Bulgarians and Romanians during the months of January and February, could include seasonal workers and professionals, it is not discussed. Also the warning about the “rising costs of poverty immigration” is not new, as it is fiercely debated since the beginning of this year.

Adeoso (2013) spoke with Adam Strauss, a German Sinto and a founding member of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Strauss has won several awards for his work against racism and for the integration of Rroma. However, against these official honours, the social reality weights in, a reality which is still pervaded by a great many negative experiences: “It has been 70 years since the Nazi era is over and 68 percent of the people, according to a Emnid survey, want no contact with us. If someone says, “You are ALSO people”, it is already clear on what kind of place we stand. […] We have stood alone in the yard at school during recess, nobody has played with us, and I experienced the same situation today with my granddaughter. She also stands alone in the playground, no one plays with her, she eats her bread during the break alone, sitting in the corner, just like us – with us no one had contact either. This is the worst […] ».

Beer (2013) spoke with Roman Franz, chairman of the Association of Roma and Sinti in North Rhine-Westphalia. Franz tries to spread a counter perspective to the usual arguments about poverty immigration from Eastern Europe. One cannot always poke about the integration willingness of immigrants; one also needs to create the necessary structures so that they can integrate. One should also attempt to present a more differentiated view on the reasons behind migration. Portraying migration solely as an economic one, simplifies the situation too much: “Nobody likes to leave his home. Many Rroma in Eastern Europe live in incredibly difficult conditions. If they are allowed to send their children to school at all, then they are pelted with stones. They are there fair game. It is imperative that our head of state engages himself in countries such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic or Slovakia, that Rroma are not forced out in this way”. With this he comes to a much too little discussed topic: What do political analyses say about the socio-political situation of a country and what are the actual experiences of local people? According to most countries official analyses, there is no discrimination against Rroma in South-eastern Europe.

Sources:

  • Adeoso, Marie-Sophie (2013) „Es ist mir sehr wichtig, dass ich ein Sinto bin“ In: Frankurter Rundschau online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Beer, Achim (2013) Roma-Verbandschef fordert Quartiere und Sprachkurse. In: Der Westen online vom 21.7.2013.

 

– Putzier, Konrad (2013) Europas Arme kommen nach Deutschland. In: Die Welt online vom 24.7.20

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19.07.2013 «Just the Wind» highlights Anti-Rroma Pogroms in Hungary

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Bence Fliegauf film “Just the Wind”, which won a Silver Bear at the 2012 Berlinale, currently runs since the 18th July of this year in German cinemas. The film explores the marginalization of Rroma by the Hungarian majority society, which in the case of the story – based on true events – led to the racist murder of several Rroma families. Rother (2013) of the FAZ interpreted the film as a plea for the right of existence of Rroma: “’Csak a szél’ is not the first film from Hungary, which deals with the fate of the Rroma or, as we say here, Cigány. While formerly the integration stood at the centre, as in one of the best known examples, in Pál Schiffer documentary movie “Gyuri Cseplö” from 1978, it seems the situation has gone so far now that movies have to defend the mere right of existence of these citizen.”

Assheuer (2013) interprets the film as an indictment of a latent state racism, which deems Rroma to be outside of the law and so they deliver into the hands of racist mobs. For these economically-racists arguments, Rroma are just useless bodies that do not contribute to the increase of national wealth: “The moment where the state singles Rroma out of the universe of civil rights, he declares them to be outlaws – he delivers them to the hatred of the society allows them to be shot as Misu, the errant pig, in the forest. […] Fascism therefore does not mean that the state built camps. It means that it takes the Rroma the right to have rights, and leaves them to the mob.”

Taszman (2013) emphasizes that the film became a political issue prior to its presentation at the Berlin Film Festival. The Hungarian Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, and the Secretariat of State for social integration issued a leaflet handed out to journalist, which represented the attitude of the Hungarian society and the Hungarian state towards Rroma as being open-minded. The letter repeatedly stressed the massive efforts of the Hungarian government made to successfully integrate Rroma.

Schnelle (2013) describes the film as an allegory about the omnipresent fear of something that is not visible. The invisible in this case is represented by the sudden arrival of the murderers, which, while the Rroma family indeed suspects will happen, cannot be articulated exactly. The father of the family now dwells in Canada, which one would like to follow on as soon as possible. Schnelle notes: “Fliegauf hardly tells of actual events. It is more of a film centred quite directly on fear. The family, threatened by racist terror and abandoned by a silent majority, is trying to survive the day after the last attack. And in the evening, as darkness falls over the village, one moves in bed together even more closely than usual.”

Krings (2013) describes the film as an oppressive portrait of repressed social reality: “Bence Fliegauf created a tremendously haunting film with “Just the Wind”, a laconic drama that accuses simply by showing a social reality that is often overlooked in Europe. Of course, such a film is no pleasure, though he builds tension like only a few thriller can. It is the cold power of horror. It is also about what Europe has to hide.”

Peitz (2013) sees the film as a portrait of people who were declared outlaws and must constantly reckon with death. In this “Tropic of Fear,” as it was called by the jury of the Berlinale, only extreme restraint and going for invisibility offers some protection: “[The film] is a snapshot from the lives of vulnerable people, almost unbearable du to fear. Bence Fliegauf glossed over nothing, many a Rrom in the film breaks his back with had work , some are just broken existences. But you can see the causes of the destruction, can feel the pogrom atmosphere with one’s hands. “There is no political film in Hungary, no more socially committed cinema” the director stated in a recent interview, self-critical of his own profession.”

Rebhandl (2013) emphasizes that the film genuinely shows the transition between nature and civilization, institutions, and vulnerability and tries to show, in which social atmosphere  ideological murders can happen: “A few weeks ago, a news went through the press that the Hungarian case against four men who allegedly killed six Roma in 2008 and 2009 is not progressing. They are still sitting in custody and whether there will be a process is unclear. “Just the Wind” leads a compelling indictment in a process that goes far beyond juridical concerns.”

Sources:

  • Assheuer, Thomas (2013) Und am Abend bist du tot. In: Die Zeit online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Krings, Dorothee (2013) eklemmendes Roma-Drama “Just the Wind”. In: RP online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Peitz, Christiane (2013) Menschenjagd als Spielfilmthema. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Rebhandl, Bert (2013) In der Hitze des Tages. In: TAZ online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Rother, Hans-Jörg (2013) Der lange Lauf dieses Tages. In: Frankurter Allgemeine Zeitung online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Schnelle, Josef (2013) Brillantes Gesellschaftsporträt: Benedek Fliegaufs Kinofilm “Just the Wind” über Roma in Ungarn. In: Deutschlandfunk online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Taszman, Jörg (2013) Ungarns Angst vor der eigenen Realität. In: Die Welt online vom 18.7.2013. 
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12.07.2013 A Romanian Rroma School from a Swiss perspective

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Staat (2013) reports on a village in the heart of Romania, Roşia where Rroma children can go to school in a school specifically for Rroma without fear of discrimination: The Waldorf School. The report puts them in the context of the migration to Western Europe and the debates surrounding the Freedom of the new EU member states Romania within Europe. Rosia was a three-part Village: The top of the hill inhabited by the Romanians, where there is a bakery and a small food store. On the slope, the more affluent and Rroma. Rroma in the valley are the poor, most of whom are illiterate and had to be convinced by the teachers of the Waldorf school and the community to send their children to school. Through the school they should be able to have a better life than their parents, even if for the most of them, this remain an utopia. The article is written emphatically, but he uses many of the clichés that we already know from the media: The Rroma are poor, often illiterate, discriminated against, which is why many of them are attracted to Western Europe. The presentation is one of people being victims who need the helping hand of the West. The more successful Rroma briefly spoken about at the beginning of the article remain shapeless. She reproduces, despite her empathy, a dichotomous world view of the rich West and the poor East and through this, indirectly confirms the polemical statements of politicians who predict a mass emigration to take advantage of the social system of Western Europe.

Source:

  • Staat, Yvonne (2013) Ein Fenster in eine andere Welt. In: Beobachter online, Ausgabe 14/13. 
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12.07.2013 Persistent Polemics on Rroma in France

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Le Monde (2013) reports on the continuing politicization and Polemics about Rroma in France. Christian Estros, UMP deputy, complained about the the creeping abrogation of Nicolas Sarkozy campaigns in a Sunday television program and ran a political attack against Rroma. He complained in addition, that the expulsion of Rroma illegal camps has become more difficult since a 2012 by Circular of Manuel Valls. This statement must not obscure the fact that Interior Minister Valls did not really pursue Rroma friendly policies. Valls, in public statements, has repeatedly accused the Rroma of lack of will to integration, and of a cultural incompatibility with France. Estros urged France’s mayors to enforce a lasting, tough policy on illegal Rroma  settlements: He threatened Rroma, which he equates with the term of “travellers”, with a rigorous monitoring and enforcement policy: “La première chose que je fais, c’est de vous mettre caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent. On va noter ceux qui rentrent, sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment et ce que vous allez faire partout, dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.” [The first thing I do is to put cameras everywhere to monitor your actions in the hours to come. We will note those who come in, out, at what time, and what you are going to do everywhere, in the city, in the agglomeration.] He said he would make Rroma financially accountable for the lack of payment of public services.

Estros political attack against the Rroma shows once more that state representatives do not really care about the fate of Rroma. Rather, they use them to construct a counter-concept, an counter idea to their own values. Thus, the Rroma are stylized to integration averse travellers who intentionally want to live in poverty and social exclusion. How absurd such a demonization of an entire ethnic group is, seem not to be clear to many. Rather, political practices seems to make it apparently de rigueur to identify them as enemies of the state and to openly accuse and defame them.

Bonneau (2013) reports on the meeting of the French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault with Romanian representatives in Bucharest. The delegates, in a two-day meeting, wanted to discuss the economic and social relations between the two countries. It is the first state visit by a French minister since Dominique de Villepin’s visit in 2007. For Ayrault, the dossier on the role of Rroma is especially important since it strained the relations of the two Latin-speaking countries in recent years. French politicians in recent times have repeatedly criticized Romania for doing too little for the Rroma integration. On the other hand, one does acknowledge the efforts of Romania to try to stop the emigration from Romania. On the French side, there are calls for a paradigm shift in the Romanian policies on Rroma.

Le Quotidien (2013) emphasizes that Ayrault also highlighted bilateral efforts and the pan-European responsibility for the integration of Rroma. According to the Romanian census cited, with 600,000 members, Romanian Rroma constitute one of the largest community of this European minority. According to NGOs, the number is even much higher and will reaches to approximately two million. Romanian Prime Minister assured that Romania will take full responsibility for the integration of the Rroma up, but needs France’s support.

Erlanger (2013) provides a contextualizing, historicising overview of French Rroma policies. He is like many before him who have also found that the Rroma policies of the French state have not really changed since the inauguration of the Hollande government. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls had just done as many evictions if not more cause evictions of illegal camps than his predecessor. The repressive policy towards Rroma is particularly fuelled by the imminent opening of the borders between the new Schengen States Romania and Bulgaria and the rest of Europe. Despite his emphatic approach in his portrayal of the situation of Rroma, Erlanger commits the error to reduces them to the publicly visible: the beggars who live in slums. The expulsion of Rroma from France has increased in the past year: Thus, in 2011, according to statistics 10’841 Romanian and Bulgarian nationals, here they are automatically assumed to be Rroma, were sent back. In 2012, there were then about 12,800. The situation of Rroma in Romania has even worsened since EU accession: The access to public health care is difficult.

Geneviève Garrigos (2013) President of Amnesty International France, in a public speech, challenges the French Prime Minister to finally take an active, strong and inclusive policy towards Rroma. She also points to the rampant and sometimes massive human rights violations against Rroma in Romania, facts that gained recognition in view of the recent evictions. Garrigos also criticized the openly racist opinions of Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen and Christian Estrosi, as well as the findings based on ethnical traits from the Social Democratic Interior Minister Manuel Valls.

SOS Racisme in France will press charges against Christian Estrosi and Jean-Marie Le Pen because of their racist abuse. Le Pen calld the presence of Rroma in Nice called “urticante et odorante” [itching and odorous] and warned of an impending mass exodus of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma to France. Estrosi in turn has announced a relentless monitoring policy towards Rroma, through which he wants to bring them to reason and make them pay (MY TF1 News, 2013).

Sallé (2013) sees a clear deficit between political statements and reality: Since the implementation of a law in 2000, requiring adequate accommodation for Rroma and Travellers, only a fraction of the projected accommodation options have been effectively implemented.

The French Education Minister George Pau-Langevin will attend an event of the Paris Summer University, dealing with the successful integration of Rroma in France. George Paul- Langevin stressed that she wants to especially strengthen the education of Rroma children. “Il faut faire en sorte que ces enfants-là (les Roms, NDLR) deviennent des enfants de la République.” [We have to make sure that these children become children of the Republic.] This contrasts with efforts of other politicians, who want to accelerate the expulsion of Rroma communities (Lyon Mag 2013).

Roux (2013) wants to present the political polemics some real solutions for the successful integration of Rroma. The French state already took one such option. These are so-called “integration villages”, where needy Rroma receive accommodation and social support. Downside to this project: There are surveillance systems, their access criteria are arbitrary and promote ethnic segregation. The statistics on the successful integration of the residents of such “integration villages” are sobering: Until now, between 15 and 20% of the residents have found work again.

Another approach is to promote the integration into the workplace. Key problem is the long waiting period for obtaining a work permit, which lies between six and ten months. In addition, Romanian and Bulgarian nationals access to the labour market is made more difficult until the end of 2013 by temporary legislation. You only have access to 150 defined professional groups and the employer must pay a tax to the French integration office.

As a third approach, Roux names the necessary political and social will to integrate Rroma: The prefect of the Rhône distributed around a hundred residence permits to Rroma after a local real estate agent who engaged himself for Rroma had granted them shelter and support.

Sources:

  • Bonneau, Benjamin (2013) Tous les chemins d’Ayrault mènent aux Roms. In:  online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Erlanger, Steven (2014) Droite ou gauche : les Roms sont toujours aussi maltraités. In: Courrier international online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Garrigos, Geneviève (2013) Le Pen, Estrosi et les Roms : Monsieur Ayrault, cette stigmatisation est intolérable. In: Amnesty International France online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Le Monde (2013) Roms : Estrosi adepte de la méthode forte. In: Le Monde online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Le Quotidien (2013) Les Roms et Schengen au menu des discussions de Jean-Marc Ayrault à Bucarest. In: Le Quotodien online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Lyon Mag (2013) A Lyon, la ministre Pau-Langevin veut améliorer l’intégration des Roms. In: Lyon Mag online vom 12.7.2013.  
  • MY TF1 News (2013) Propos d’Estrosi et Le Pen sur les Roms: SOS Racisme annonce des plaintes. In: MY TF1 News online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Roux, Fanny (2013) Roms: après la polémique, les solutions. In: Youphil online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Sallé, Caroline (2013) Roms, gens du voyage… un casse-tête pour les maires. In: Le Figaro online vom 10.7.2013. 
Bulgarien Deutschland News Osteuropa News Westeuropa North Macedonia Rumänien Serbien

05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
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28.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany and Austria

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In a long article, Carstens (2013) reports on the Romania trip of the Berlin district councillor Franziska Giffey. He tries to present a detailed picture of the situation on the ground, but he fails due to his preconceived belief that all Rroma want to move to Germany. He describes the representatives of the Romanian village Cojasca as caricatures but who are ultimately only interested in profit through economic relations with Germany. The mayor of Cojasca, according to Carsten, tries first to get Giffeys to agree to finance a factory with German money, then switches to asking for funds for the local school canteen and ends with offering his services in Germany as a translator. Carsten’s bottom line reasoning is simple: children’s allowances and benefits in Neukölln and in general in Germany are so high when compared with the low income in Romania, so that it provides essential stimulus for migration wherever poverty exists. He may not be wrong, but he oversimplifies the complexity of transnational migrations. He neglects questions about social cohesion of groups and communities, does not ask anything about the history of the Rroma in Romania, does not question the Romanian and German migration policies. If migration is considered only from an economical perspective as this often happens and is also Carsten’s view, questions about social integration, historicity, the role of individuals and the power of political discourse are simply neglected. Poverty migration exists, but it is not nearly as one-dimensional as Carsten’s represent it: It also takes courage to leave one’s own home behind and to travel to another country whose language you do not speak properly. Transnational relations are formed more or less depending on the structures of the participating countries and the possibilities of the involved persons. He who upholds the rules of the free market and therefore the freedom of workers should be self-critical, if he / she sees the new residents of a given country as poverty migrants from other countries who actually come as bearers of wealth and expertise. The reality is more than the just visible on the surface and certainly not just an intellectual construct.

Dernbach (2013) points out in her article the widespread pejorative views about Rroma. On the occasion of the presentation of Markus End’s findings “antiziganism – the state of research and the counter-strategies” she discusses the situation of Rroma in Germany. End points out that the stereotypes are still strong in the minds of the masses and that the thematising violence and discrimination against Rroma usually only is put in relation to events in Eastern Europe and not in their own country.

End (2013) points out in his publication about strong grievances regarding media coverage and the public abuse of Rroma. There is almost no research which focuses on antiziganism, the regulation of the press provides insufficient protection against discrimination, politicians can even make derogatory or racist remarks against Rroma without any consequences. Broad sections of the population continue to exhibit strong prejudices against Rroma, such as the belief that Rroma tend to criminality. Based on those views, discriminatory acts against Rroma occur regularly and these are seldom followed upon.

Hämerle (2013) spoke with the Romanian President Basescu on the relationship between Romania and the European Union. The conversation also covered the role of Rroma. Basescu stated: “There are virtually no problems with Romanians who emigrated, the whole debate revolves around the economic migration of the Rroma. But the Western states dare not to say this, which is why they prefer to talk about problems with Romanian immigrants. We will then make progress when they openly admit: Yes, the Rroma minority is causing problems, and we need to resolve this.” Regarding this point, Basescu seems to be poorly informed about the German, French and English media. There, this is in fact treated exactly as a Rroma  problem or question. Basescu sees a reluctance of Romanian Rroma to use existing educational opportunities. Combined with the significant differences in wealth between Germany and Romania, the raises the economic migration question. To solve this migration and to better integrate the Rroma needs a pan-European solution.

Gottschlich (2013) reports on the efforts of the North Rhine Westphalia Interior Minister Ralf Jäger to better integrate the Rroma in the cities of the province. The federal government is also required to get involved, as signing of the Schengen Agreement on the free movement of persons resulted in increased migration and in the concentration of migrants in individual cities. Specifically, he called for the safeguarding of health care and the promotion of school enrolment. But efforts in the countries of origin such as Romania and Bulgaria are required.

Sources:

  • Carstens, Peter (2013) Willkommen im Roma-Dorf. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 26.6.2013. 
  • Dernbach, Andrea (2013) Sinti und Roma beklagen Vorurteile. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 27.6.2013.
  • End, Markus (2013) Antiziganismus. Zum Stand der Forschung und der Gegenstrategien. In: Mediendienst Integration online vom 28.6.2013.
  • Gottschlich, Peter (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung: Innenminister Ralf Jäger will Städten helfen. In: RP online vom 24.6.2013.
  • Hämmerle, Walter (2013) «Ja, Roma werden diskriminiert» In: Wiener Zeitung online vom 27.6.2013. 
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28.06.2013 European Rroma Policies

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The Swiss TV (2013), the Blick (2013) and the Neue Luzerner Zeitung (2013) all report on the plans of the European Commission, to push its Member States to better integrate  Rroma. EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding wants to bring the EU states to not only tap EU money but also use federal funds to promote integration. Access to the labour market, education, and housing should be improved. The result of previous integration efforts was quite sobering. The Swiss television contributes with its short article to the dissemination of false stereotypes. The use of the word “traveller” in the title, a word used afterwards synonymously with Rroma, simply does not represent the  reality. Most Rroma are not travellers but are sedentary: The so-called travelling lifestyle is the result of persecution and exclusion. The Rroma are not only the people who live in slums and cannot not read or write, as written by Ms. Katarina Linke from Dusseldorf in her comments, but are also the well-trained, integrated and therefore invisible Rroma. To accuse them of arrogance and lack of will to integrate ignores the fact that integration is a two way process that depends on structures and personal powers to act. What is described in the comments as the identity of the Rroma is an ethnicisation of poverty and has nothing to do with the origin of Rroma. Statements like “I’ve seen it myself in the hospital, with what arrogance Rroma made outrageous support, although they can not read and write, and the men want to have any regular job” oder “What is the EU doing when the Roma give a damn about integration, education, labour market, etc.? Is far as I know, they just want to travel and do no want to settle anywhere,” are uncouth generalizations that are intellectually belong to the last century. That ordinary people’s knowledge is so easily manipulated by politics and that they see the Rroma culture as an explanation for all possible problems are deeply upsetting.

In the article of the Kurier (2013) also mentioned that EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding is incensed about the blatant discrepancy between the spoken about integration measures and their effective implementation. This reluctance towards the implementation of integration policies has to do with the widespread views that Rroma will be a burden to the Western European welfare systems and that they are not willing to integrate. That these statements reduce the complexity of reality and are part of massive voting-campaign policies is often ignored (see Standke 2013). The statistics which assumes that four-fifths of Roma living in the European Union live in poverty, that only every third of them works and that half of Roma children are not attending kindergarten (Die Welt, 2013) may be true, but it is highly disturbing to reduce this problems of poverty to Rroma culture and to blame them for a lack of willingness to integrate. This notion of deliberate disintegration is deliberately encouraged by populist politicians and finds shockingly enough echo into the minds of many people.

The 02elf Abendbaltt (2013) adds important information in reporting on the comments of EU Social Affairs Commissioner Laszlo Andor, who says that the networking of the parties involved in the implementation of integration policies need to be strengthened. A policy from above, which negates the needs at the local level or pays to too little attention to it is prone to practical ineffectiveness. Andor aptly stated: “The civil society and representatives of the Roma communities themselves must be fully involved in the implementation and monitoring of policies for Roma inclusion. They to be involved exactly as the national Roma contact points in the ongoing planning of the use of EU funds for the 2014-2020 period.” Specifically, there seems to be a big difference between the awarded integrations wishes and their effective implementation, as the EU Member States have not committed to real action.

Sources:

  • 02elf Abendblatt (2013) Roma: Kommission ruft Mitgliedstaaten zu stärkeren Bemühungen um Integration auf. In: 02elf Abendblatt vom 26.6.2013.
  • Blick (2013) EU-Kommission: EU-Staaten müssen Roma besser integrieren. In: Blick online vom 26.6.2013.
  • Die Welt (2013) EU: Länder in Mitteleuropa müssen Ausgrenzung von Roma beenden. In: Die Welt online vom 26.6.2013.
  • Kurier (2013) Roma in der EU: 80 Prozent leben in Armut. In: Kurier online (Österreich) vom 26.6.2013.
  • Neue Luzerner Zeitung (2013) Bessere Integration für Roma gefordert. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung online vom 26.6.2013.
  • Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen (2013) EU will Roma besser integrieren. In: Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen vom 26.6.2013.
  • Standke, Olaf (2013) Brüssel unzufrieden mit Roma-Integration. In: Neues Deutschland online vom 27.6.2013. 
Bulgarien Frankreich Deutschland Griechenland News Osteuropa News Westeuropa North Macedonia Rumänien Serbien Spanien

21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Mouillard / Piquemal (2013) report on the whereabouts of persons displaced from their Rroma camp in Lille. 200 families lived there until last week. The mayor justified the eviction with the statements that the situation in the camp had become unbearable. Both the sanitary conditions, as well as the aggressive begging, prostitution and unsustainable behaviour of the inhabitants of the camps had made the eviction necessary according to Martine Aubry. A circular from the government from 12 August 2012 defines the exact procedures of such an evacuation. This includes the construction of sanitation facilities for displaced people and securing the supply of water and other necessities. Mouillard / Piquemal criticise the caricature representation of Rroma from the authorities.

In Villeneuve d’Ascq, after a series of burglaries, on arrived at a pogrom like situation of the initiated by residents who protested against the presence of Rroma. The Mayor of Villeneuve d’Ascq sees the socio-political situation in his district as poisoned by the presence of Rroma and relativises the humanitarian perspective identifying them as victims of exclusion and racism: “Citoyens européens roumains et bulgares, ils ne sont pas des réfugiés qui fuient une guerre ou une dictature mais des populations qui arrivent, s’installent n’importe où, construisent n’importe quoi, sans respect d’aucune loi ou règlements. Ils n’habitent pas Villeneuve d’Ascq. Ils s’y installent sans droit ni titre.“ [European citizen from Romania or Bulgaria, they are not refugees fleeing a war or a dictature but populations who arrive, settle anywhere, build anything, without any respect to laws and regulations. They do not live in Villeneuve d’Ascq. They settle there without rights.] He calls for better distribution or Rroma in the distribution between communes and for a nationally organised Rroma policy.

The assistant to the mayor of Strasbourg presents a differentiated position. She fought for the establishment of well equipped temporary housing options. Around 150 families live in caravans in the camp behind Strassburg’s train station. This costs the government around 200,000 euro per year. The mayor of Gardanne, Roger Meï, seized the initiative and built accommodation on a former mining area. Meï sees his action as a counterpoint to the national policies and visions that are seldom followed by concrete action: “On est fiers de ce qu’on a fait. François Hollande a dit il y a quelques mois qu’il ne devait pas y avoir d’expulsion sans solution de relogement, de belles paroles. Nous, on a agi “ [We are proud do what we die. François Hollande said a few months ago, that there should be no expulsions without more permanent lodging solutions. Pretty words. We acted.]

The Assistant Minister of Social Affairs of Bordeaux, Alexandra Siarri, is outraged by the simplifications in the representations of the situation: Either say you that France can’t afford to integrate Rroma and they have to leave, or one sees them as victims to be saved. The situation around the evictions of Rroma camps in France remains a politically charged issue that is abused for electoral purposes and the people of the country are being sensitised about Rroma. The danger is in a strong negative representation with disparaging views towards the Rroma, which is taking place in the French media, representing Rroma almost exclusively in the form of delinquency and poverty.

Nahoum-Grappa (2013) thematise the various forms of racism against the Rroma in Europe. While in Greece, extreme-right parties have gained during the economic crisis and act with physical violence against foreigners and minorities, in France, the evacuation of illegal has become a status quo. This is especially a view from outside that dominates the media and public image, less than concrete knowledge about the life of Rroma in the camps. Nahoum-Grappa takes a clear position against the regulatory practices that she feels are inhuman and anachronistic, and are a form of socially sanctioned state racism. She notes: “Brûler, écraser, massacrer tout cela sous les yeux d’une famille que l’on met à la rue, et ce à chaque fois qu’ils reconstruisent, c’est une pratique barbare d’avant la démocratie. Mise à la rue, la famille traîne avec ballots et enfants. Le corps de la mère reste le seul habitat de l’enfant tout petit. Les hommes et les vieux, le blanc des yeux jaune, tournent dans la jungle de la ville: tous vivent dans un temps historique d’avant l’idée d’égalité.” [Burn, crush, massacre, all under the eyes of a family that is thrown to the street, and this every time they rebuild, is a barbarous practice predating democracy. On the street, the family errs with children and bags. His mother body remains the only housing for a small child. The men and the old ones, the white of their eyes turning yellow, walk around in the city jungle: all live in historic times from before the idea of equality.]

Francetv (2013) reported a Rroma slum in Marseille. The settlement is generating protests by local residents and, according to right-wing politicians, threatens the social peace. A media tempest was caused by a government advisor Didier Réaul, who called on Twitter for physical violence against the Rroma. He had asked for Molotov cocktail to be thrown on the illegal camps. The UMP deputies Guy Teissier described the camp as well as the many other France as a social powder kegs. If no solid measures are to be taken soon, the National Front will get massive increase in votes in the next elections.

Sources :

  • Francetv (2013) Un élu marseillais UMP prône la violence contre les Roms. In: Francetvinfo vom 8.6.2013.
  • Mouillard, Sylvain/ Piquemal, Marie (2013) Roms : quand les mairies expérimentent des solutions concrètes. In: Libération vom 11.6.2013.
  • Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique (2013) Le traitement actuel des Roms est celui d’une Europe oublieuse de ses crimes. In: Le Monde vom 11.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma and the Slovak School System

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Schultheis (2013) reports on a privately funded secondary school in Kremnica in Slovakia, where Rroma children are supposed to gain better access to higher education. The educational institution is financed by private funds, which the school principal has to search for continuously. The students, who usually come from very modest backgrounds, have nothing to pay. The project creates a counterpoint to the often criticized segregation of Rroma children in Slovak public schools, where, up till now and in spite of massive international criticism, little has changed. The school supports motivated Rroma children from the poorest slums in the east of the country. There, most settlements have unemployment rates that tend toward 100%. Schultheis finally states: “According to a new UN study, one in five Roma children in Slovakia is enrolled in a special school for the mentally disabled. The Slovak government repeatedly rejected claims of alleged systematic discrimination. Nevertheless, a debate has now broken out on how the education crisis can be stopped. Kremnica could lead the way.”

Source:

  • Schultheis, Silja (2013) Slowakisches Vorbild für Integration. In: Deutschlandfunk vom 11.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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07.06.2013 The Khamoro Festival in Prague

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Schultheis (2013) writes about the Khamoro Festival in Prague. With concerts and lectures, the festival fights against prejudice, against one-sided reporting, segregation in schools and the exclusion from the economy. The economic crisis further reinforces racism. The closure of factories after the fall of Communism led to a strengthening of segregation. More and more young well-educated Rroma put poverty-linked stereotypes into question. Rroma representatives criticise in particular that most Rroma programs are initiated by non-Rroma. Gabriela Hrabaňová of the Rroma network Ergo flatly states: “We need more Rroma expertise and Rroma participation. For the last 20 years, those affected have not been involved in the planning of Roma projects. For example, in 2012 at the European Roma Platform there were only two Rroma out of 29 speakers. This is if we were to speak of women’s emancipation and leave women outside.”

Source:

  • Schultheis, Silja (2013) Festival Khamoro: Zur aktuellen Lage der Roma in Tschechien. In: hagalil online vom 4.6.2013. 
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07.06.2013 Zoltan Balog and the Hungarian Rroma strategy

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According to the article in the NZZ (2013), Zoltan Balog, the Hungarian Minister of Education, Health and Social Affairs wants that Rroma feel themselves as Hungarian citizens. This also means that they should pay taxes, health insurance and pension contributions. Enrolment in employment programs and scholarships should further the integration of the Rroma in the labour market. Critics see the Hungarian employment programs as humiliating forced labour, which offers no real future.

Friday the 7th of June, Balog will lecture on “Hungary’s Roma – Problem or chance” at the University of Zurich (Zemp 2013). The lecture is organised by the alumni of the Faculty of Law, the European Institute of the University of Zurich and the Hungarian Embassy. The lawyer Philip Stolkin criticised that one thus continues a tradition of lectures set to talk about members of ethnic groups without their participation, i.e. without them. The organisers referred to Balog’s good reputation and to the freedom of expression.

Balog’s lecture proved to be the quintessence of a smart politician: he gave an eloquent, almost blooming speech on Hungary’s integration strategy for the Rroma. He began with discussion of the requirements of life in an industrial society, which he – and this at least can be criticised – he contrasted to the Rroma as a “natural society”, something which does not reflect reality. He then spoke of the forced integration during the socialist times and the portrayal of Rroma as a turning as being losers of the change of system. Concerning the present situation, there is an increasing poverty driven between Rroma and impoverished Magyars underclass, and thus an increased racism. The actual plans of the Hungarian government for Rroma were presented as a costing comparison between integration and segregation. If segregation is maintained it will cost significantly to the state than more than if Rroma were successfully integrated. Hungary European Rroma strategy is based on the promotion of education, support for the integration into the labour market and the fight against social segregation. This includes the establishment of courses on the culture, language and history of the Rroma in public schools. On this point, Balog proved that he isinfluenced by clichés when he began to speak of the role models of successful Rroma musicians: Successful Rroma are far from limited to the field of music, but are also found in many non-traditional professional groups.

All the eloquence and persuasiveness of Balog to demonstrate the enormous efforts undertaken by the Hungarian government to integrate the Rroma, the burning question of the social reality and social practice in the effective use of the Rroma needs to be asked. Balog’s lecture gave the impression it is a part of the Hungarian foreign policy aimed at leaving a positive image of Hungary with its trading partners. Reports in newspapers such as the Pester Lloyd paint a less rosy picture of the situation of Rroma in Hungary. Whether Balog’s ambitious plans are actually translated into reality is to be hoped but is also doubtful.

Source:

  • «Es geht um unsere Zukunft», Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 06.06.2013
  • Zemp, Thomas. Protest gegen Roma-Vortrag eines ungarschen Superminister. Tages Anzeiger, 03.06.2013
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31.05.2013 Prejudice and Social Realities: Rroma in France

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Vincent (2013) speaks about the prejudices against Rroma found in France. The recurrent protests by residents against members of this minority give him the opportunity to do so. Recently, there was a demonstration against Rroma settling in a country house in Fontainieu. Vincent goes after some stubborn stereotypes that the opponents of Rroma refer to again and again: Aggressive begging, theft, poor hygiene and excessive noise. Regarding aggressive begging, he notes that the opinions of the answers of people cover a broad spectrum. Some massively irritated by the begging of Rroma and describe them as intrusive; others think it is restrained and not conspicuous. Conflicts are the exception. As for children begging, about which some residents complained, none was to be seen, simply because they were in school. Vincent sees the attribution of thefts to Rroma as undifferentiated. The surveys of local residents are often hastily written, and associate Rroma to poverty motivated crime. A resident in an interview stated that: “Je n’en ai jamais pris, mais on les soupçonne. Quand tu as 50 centimes en poche, tu ne fais pas le tour du magasin.“ [I never caught any, but one suspects them. When you have 50 cents in the pocket, you don’t go around the shops] The Police in turn denies that in the case of the crimes in Fontainieu one is dealing exclusively with the acts of Rroma. To note that these houses had been marked with a cross is implausible, because thieve gangs who did this years ago would incriminate themselves. Critics accuse Rroma to be responsible for a marked increase of disease cases, especially tuberculosis. With counter-studies, Vincent dispels this accusation: A local doctor finds no increase in cases of disease. In the centre and north of Marseilles, there will inevitably be more health problems than elsewhere, but this is due to difficult access to health-care and not to ethnic factors. The noise is also clearly more a product of structural conditions in the settlements than a result of cultural factors. Nevertheless prejudices and resentment persist among many residents. One wishes less benevolent policies towards countries of origin, such as Romania, because of the fear of a mass migration, as in other European countries or Western Europe or because one is convinced of the incompatibility of the Rroma culture with the French one.

Metro News (2013) provides information on the whereabouts of some 170 Rroma in Lyon, who, after a fire in a house they occupied, have been accommodated temporarily occupy in the gymnasium of a school. For unexplained reasons, the gym can no longer use as a. Sixty of those affected are being helped by a local program, the rest are literally thrown on the street.

Libération (2013) reports a demonstration of Rroma and people sympathetic to their cause in Paris. The protesters, including many children, have criticised the current practices of the French government who put Rroma on the street without alternative accommodation, who deprives them of the status as an EU citizen or forcefully deports them.

Source:

  • Libération (2013) Manifestation parisienne contre les expulsions de Roms. In: Libération vom 25.5.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Lyon : que vont devenir les Roms après l’incendie mortel? In: Metro News France vom 30.5.2013. 
  • Vincent, Julien (2013) Tout ce que vous avez toujours voulu savoir sur les Roms… In: Marsactu vom 30.5.2013. 
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31.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Peters (2013) informs about the fate of Nizaqete Bislimi, a “poverty migrant” from South Eastern Europe, who now works as a lawyer. It addresses the different facets of her life, such as the difficulty to openly stand by her Rroma origin. She notes: “I’m not going to adjust my life. […] I did not want to be a Gypsy woman, I felt ashamed. […] When I confessed it once to a girl friend she said that: You? But you’re clean! And good in school!” Peters shows the bias contained in the politicians’ reasoning such as for example Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich: They distinguish only between economically interesting, elite-migrants and poverty immigrants. That the transitions between these two extremes is continuous and that poverty immigrants can improve their attractiveness to the labour market, is not taken into account in this simplistic views. There follows a detailed description of the regulatory hurdles that Bislimi had to overcome to study law and get a residence permit. The statistics on the predicted povertymigration are to be taken with caution: for example, the number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria from 2007 to 2011 passed “from 64,000 in 2007 to 147,000 in 2011 more than doubling” but this number ignores thousands of seasonal workers, According to Peters even up to two-thirds. In addition, 20.9 percent of the Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants have a college degree, a proportion higher than the one of the majority population in Germany, which is at 18.1 percent.

At the end of the article Bislimi confirms the issue raised by Contact Point Rroma on visible and invisible Rroma and the reduction of Rroma identity around poverty: “I personally know of lecturers at universities, students, entrepreneurs, doctors. But most do not identify themselves as Roma, fearing old stigmata, from which they want to especially to protect their children.”

Gürgen (2013) discusses the work of the regional office for job training, integration and democracy (RAA). The organisation is committed to the successful integration of immigrant children in German schools, the focus currently lying on immigrated Rroma children. After initial reservations, especially on the teachers’ side, the work of the organisation is now broadly recognised and brings a lot of positive experiences. The aim is to successfully mediate between immigrant families and public schools. On the families’ side, according to the project spokeswoman Susanna Ismailovic, there are deeply rooted reservations about state institutions. A positive fact is that all the active auxiliary teachers speak Rromanes.

Walther (2013) speaks about two “invisible Rroma” who have successfully studied political science and subsequently spent two months at the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) in Flensburg. The two young Rroma are a stark contrast to the usual stereotypes and image of Rroma propagated in the debate on poverty immigrants: They are not poor, uneducated, work-shy and criminal but hard-working and intelligent. Diana Iuliana Pirjol and Aleksandar Marinov come from a humble background in Romania and Bulgaria. They emphasise that their families support them in their efforts and see education as a valuable resource. Regarding the anti-Rroma policies in Western and Eastern Europe, Aleksandar Marinov states, “We have no national state, to which we can feel connected, and must rely on the support of the government.” This really simple fact has been lost on many European government so far.

Sources:

  • Gürgen, Malene (2013) Pilotprojekt für Roma. In: Neues Deutschland vom 31.5.2013.
  • Peters, Freia (2013) Die Roma, die unbedingt nach oben wollte. In: Die Welt vom 30.5.2013.
  • Walther, Antje (2013) Den Roma auf der Spur. In: Flensburger Tageblatt vom 28.5.2013. 
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31.05.2013 Anti-Semitism in Hungary

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Odehnal (2013) conducted an interview with the publicist Paul Lendvai about the conflicting anti-racism policies of the Orban government. Lendvai, in his opinion, sees Orban as a Janus on racism: Towards the foreign press he represents a liberal, anti-racist view while towards the Hungarian press he presents a nationalist position. Lendvai sees the missing historical work on the Holocaust as a reason for the large upswing of right-wing nationalist parties like Jobbik. He also notes a “brain drain” of many young, well-educated Hungarians, who because of the political situation in their homeland see no future there. You hardly notice “the creeping erosion of democratic structures […] It’s all in the hands of the government. The National Bank was the last bastion. Which is now also fallen.”

Pester Lloyd (2013) reported on the continued segregation of Rroma children in Hungarian schools. A demonstration of the civil rights movement “The Constitution is not a toy” is opposed to the establishment of private school foundations within state schools, to the creation of pure Rroma classes and is against the segregation of children at events and in school buildings. Pester Lloyd criticises also the support programmes initiated by minister Balog as part of national Roma strategy as these are indeed and in truth promoting school segregation nor rather than to fighting it. The programme is reducing all Rroma to a concept and is not taking them seriously in their individuality. The focus agenda has not “educational, but rather racial standards.” As other media, the Pester Lloyd addresses the question as to whether the separation of powers in Hungary is still present or has now united under one roof a corrupt judicial, executive and legislative branches.

Sources:

  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) «Viktor Orbán ist ein grosser Zyniker». In: Tages-Anzeiger vom 26.5.2013.
  • Pester Llyod (2013) Demo gegen gesetzlich geförderte Segregation von Roma-Kindern in Ungarn. In: Pester Llyod vom 28.5.2013. 
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