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15.11.2013 Incitement against Rroma in the “Daily Express”

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Jeeves (2013) defames Rroma in an article full of prejudice and generalizations up to the limit of open hatred: “Earlier this week, former Home Secretary and Sheffield MP David Blunkett highlighted the “serious problems” after the arrival of Romas from Slovakia. […] Teenage girls are said to offer sex for less than the price of a pint of beer. Others believe drug deals are taking place, with cars pulling up and packages being exchanged. Concerns that Roma gangs already in Britain are engaged in such appalling criminal acts will add weight to the Daily Express crusade to force the Government to keep controls in place on Romanians and Bulgarians, rather than opening the doors to both countries on January 1.” Jeeves’ article presents a highly one-sided, racist image of Rroma: they are portrayed as a criminal gang incompatible with English society. The Rroma are misused as a vessel for the vote on the free travel and establishment of persons from Romania and Bulgaria. The clearly conservative minded author projects his racist and distorted ideas about migrants unwilling to adapt who will be a cost on the British welfare system, and thus defames Rroma. A proper reporting is different.

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15.11.2013 European Rroma Policies from an American Perspective

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Bilefsky (2013) of the New York Times comments on the events surrounding the European integration, respectively, non-integration initiatives on Rroma. On the background of the trial against 27 Croatian Rroma who are accused of child trafficking and education towards delinquency, he raises the question of the role of the Rroma in European society. However, his questions are clumsy: he sees the Rroma as being inevitably forced to delinquency by widespread poverty and discrimination. But poverty does not automatically mean a drift into illegality. Such a concept corresponds to conservative views, seeing all poor Rroma as embedded in hierarchical, exploitative structures. The defence of the 27 accused Rroma have put forward a questionable traditions of otherness in their arguments. Therefore Bilefskys provocative question in the title of the article: „[the] members of the defense team offered an unusual legal defense: rather than focusing on the argument that the Roma are forced to resort to crime because of poverty and discrimination, it claimed that in some cases they were simply following age-old Roma traditions and generally operate outside the norms of society in «the style of the Middle Ages. »“  This view of a cultural otherness is precisely the one favoured by Manuel Valls and conservatives. The fact that the defence used this to rehabilitate the defendant Rroma is particularly questionable and raises the question of their integrity. The prosecution, however, favoured a perspective of organized crime: the Rroma children were deliberately educated to become thieves because of the widespread impunity they have as children and they are part of clan-like structures. This, however, according to Bilefsky confusing analysis, is not a cultural explanation. Then what? He takes a liberal attitude towards the cited opinion: The Rroma, as he suggests in a concluding quote have to try to emancipate themselves through their own efforts. That this also requires the readiness of the public should not be forgotten.

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15.11.2013 Cementing of Prejudices with the Case of Maria

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In the case of the blond bulgarian Rroma girl Maria, Scholz (2013) sees a renewed strengthening of racist prejudices against Rroma. Both the researcher on racism Wolfgang Benz, as well as the Chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Romani Rose, criticized the reporting of numerous media as well as the actions of the involved police agencies as being based on “racist patterns”. The un-reflected articles promoted the exclusion and general prejudice against Rroma living in Europe. Rose, according to  Scholz, loudly criticised the one-sidedness of the reporting that always relies only on problem cases and completely neglects the “invisible” integrated Rroma: “A few days ago in an interview with the “Südeutsche Zeitung” Rose had already warned  against “always focusing on only one part of the Roma.” One must distinguish between the ones “who live in anonymity and those who lead a perfectly normal life in Germany”.” Rose further calls for the establishment of a committee of experts to examine antiziganism in Germany and who would make public (also compare German Wave 2013).

Peters (2013) precises that according to a recent survey, 64 % of Germans would reject Rroma as neighbours. And this even though many already have Rroma as neighbours, but do not know it because they keep their identity secret. Peters also draws clear parallels to the discrimination against the Jews with reference to Wolfgang Benz. Such journalism would not be allowed in Germany about the Jewish minority due to the historical events. But for Rroma surprisingly, this is acceptable. Rose criticizes: “Worldwide, missing children are now suspected to be among Roma. Hundreds of parents now hope that their missing children are alive and were abducted by Roma. This makes all Sinti and Roma to potential child thieves.”

Gezer (2013) comes to a dismal conclusion about the current acceptance of Rroma in Europe. The public image is dominated by negative stereotypes, Rroma are used as scapegoats and as a projection for a wide range of social fears and debates that are taking place on their back: fears of immigration, of change, economic impoverishment, “Yes, Europe has a new villain, he is called Roma and is everywhere. The new villain has dark skin, sings and steals, gives his children no shoes on because it is their tradition to do so. In Europe it is acceptable again to stigmatize a group because of their ethnicity.” She especially criticizes the silence of many politicians and public figures who hush up the blazing racism against Rroma. It is the same type of behaviour that was observed when the migrants were the Turks.

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08.11.2013 Rroma and the Zurich Street Prostitution

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Bracher (2013) in her article presents a shocking picture of humiliated, exploited women to be reintegrated back into Hungarian society by the Hungarian Baptist Aid Charity after their exit from prostitution. Two-thirds of them were Rroma. The women were all victims of pimps – often their own brothers, uncles or friends – who threatened them with violence or already applied it and under whose influence they mostly still stood. The interviews were all done by Bracher in the presence of a member of the charity and favour a victim’s perspective with a “Loverboy” havin pushed the women into prostitution. It is says for example: “With 24 Valeria met a man who promised her an income opportunity in Budapest. Whether she then knew then that it was about prostitution? She denies it, perhaps out of shame. When she learns in Budapest what is expected of her, she wants to go home. But the man threatened her that he will kill her grandmother. […] Onlyl last February Katalin did return from Zurich. Her then boyfriend took her to Zurich and told her there that he had sold her to a pimp. He brought her in a hotel where she was coerced into prostitution.” Without any intention to playing down forced prostitution, a question arises due to the discrepancy between Bracher’s representations and the opinions of women and prostitutes organisations  These paint a different picture that does not correspond to the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma. The prostitutes organisations Dona Carmen (2013 ), Hyra (2013) and the Zurich Institute against the trafficking of women and women migration (2013) describe forced prostitution as a marginal phenomenon that constitutes the exception, not the rule. Rather, the economic misery is the cause for prostitution, usually voluntary. Poverty is therefore what needs to be addressed, not the prostitution itself. Moreover, one should not only always speak about, but one must also discuss with the prostitutes: “It is not a great job. It is a tough job. But it annoys us when sex workers are always portrayed as victims. They are not. Many of them are strong, wise women who make a living and that of their families and are small entrepreneurs. They are victims only because of the stigma of sex work” (Boos 2013). Here, however, great caution should be exercised before playing down forced prostitution. Dona Carmen (2013) refers in its presentation on police statistics on declining, even almost non-existent cases of human trafficking in Germany. The reliability of these statistics is to be doubted, as the identification of human trafficking is far from clear and simple. The same goes for the other side, the one claiming that each case of prostitution is the result of trafficking. To describe the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as standard case is to be decidedly questioned. It corresponds to the Weltwoche view that sees Rroma society as a hierarchically organised clan structure.

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08.11.2013 Generalisation on and defamation of Rroma in the Weltwoche

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The article about the alleged Rroma children in the world Week 44 /2013 is both factually and in its argumentation on a weak foundation:

It is based on a report of the Association of Towns published in 2011, the Bern Police spokesman Alexander Ott and various cantonal police forces. A bit thin an argumentation to generalise the given examples to an entire ethnic group and thus to actually defame it. The quoted anonymous sources from police sources make things even worse, as they suggest at best a form of conspiracy theory.

A true proof to the core message is not presented here.  The individual case described about a Rromni who rented a child for 250.- euro may be true. But to take the tragedy of this story for the thesis of existing organized gangs can only be regarded as journalistically and scientifically untenable.

Any counter-arguments to the thesis of the Weltwoche are completely ignored: For example, the study of professors Tabin and Knüsel showing that beggars earn less than 20.—CHF per day in Lausanne is not mentioned here. In addition, beggars organizations are actually a legend from the Middle Ages. No word about this either.

But the article dwells on the prostitution of underage Rroma boys. There is no mention that their customers are actually committing a criminal offence. Victims are made to be perpetrators, and the fate of innocent children is criminalised.

On cannot condone the generalizations about criminal Rroma, exploited by clans and tribes. The Weltwoche may have good reasons to write against the EU and the Schengen agreements, but we ask them not to build their argument on prejudice against an entire ethnic group. Maybe this paper should replace the term Rroma with the name of a different ethnic group and ask themselves if they could still publish it.

 

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01.11.2013 The Cliché of Rroma Stealing Children

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The “Bote der Urschweiz” paper (The Messenger of Central Switzerland) (2013) confirms in an article about the Rroma blonde girl Maria who was found in Greece, the biological relationship to a Rroma family in Bulgaria. Both the biological parents and the foster parents now raise claims to the care of the girl. The media attention about Maria encourages still strongly rooted prejudices about Rroma, both of biological and social nature: Rroma have to be dark-skinned and dark-haired. In addition, the case is hyped for all the wrong reasons: It reinforces the still widespread but absurd ideas about Rroma and children theft or sale. The foster mother is reported as having bought Maria for 500 leva (about 315 francs) from her biological mother, which the latter, however, denies. The Bulgarian Child Protection Authority claims that the biological parents are not able to adequately care for their children. Which is why they want to give Maria to a foster Bulgarian family (NZZ 2013).

Versek (2013) also criticised the concept of child-stealing Rroma which is reinforced by the overall reporting as absurd and non-credible. What give to thin is in fact the uninhibited association of Rroma with human trafficking. In the case of the Jews, the public would never allow such a link, for Rroma however yes. “In recent weeks, ​​the story of the little blond Maria who was discovered in a Greek Rroma family made Europe’s headlines. Even before the details of the case stood firm, the picture in the public mind was created as if it were a terrible case of kidnapping or at least of human trafficking.” As Verseck sees it, it is the vicious circle of poverty falsely is often described as the Rroma culture that needs to be broken.

Von Daniels (2013), states that the ideas of organised clans which are involved in begging and organised crime, are largely wrong. The police in Vienna recently tried to smash a so-called Rroma network. Only they could not find any. What they found, was “third world to touch”, therefore blatant poverty. The idea of Rroma who exploit other Rroma is found among  those who want to criminalise them and discipline them. This is done for both the alleged victim and the alleged perpetrator. Thus, the Rroma themselves are not readily integrable for Manual Valls, which manifests itself in a criminalising perspective on them. This apparent, lack of integration will is elevated to a cultural characteristic: “”These people have long been aware of impoverished and socially marginalized,” says the also representative Kawczynski from Hamburg. What is often referred to as ethnic tradition, is a sign of social neglect. Once this misery meets German conditions, it has a hard impact – for both sides. Residents are disgusted by the squalor of the homes in which Roma will live.” It is therefore the poverty that needs to be combated, not the culture of the Rroma.

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01.11.2013 Rroma In Slovakia

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Like many before him, Neshitov (2013) reports on the Rroma ghetto Lunik 9 in Kosice. The Rroma who live there correspond to the classical stereotypes about them: they have many children, are mostly illiterate and unemployed. Neshitov states: “Except for 19 people,  nobody actually works in Lunik. The 19 work in the steel mill. Father Peter says that in spite of their work, they have the highest debt because they do not know how to deal with money.” The quoted priest,  who takes cares of Rroma in Lunik 9, is reproducing in the article medieval views, views that Neshitov contextualises, but does not really question in his article. Rather, he sees the Rroma in Lunik 9 lapse into apathy, for which they are themselves responsible. He quotes from an interview: “ What keeps this family in Lunik 9? Father Dušan says: “The Roma there can do nothing for their life, they have no work, they are ostracised.” His daughter Tatyana interrupts him: “Come on Dad, honestly: These people do not want to live better. It’s their mentality.”” Neshitov’s article cannot be questioned in terms of the presentation of the facts, but the chosen  coverage and selection of informants and of the location, precisely aligns to the stereotypical image of the Rroma, which is very one-sided.

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01.11.2013 Rroma in Hungary

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Gorondi (2013) reports on a project in north-eastern Hungary, where many Rroma live. In the village of Bodvalenke, Rroma artists from all over Europe have contributed to the production of 33 murals on the outer walls of village houses.  The subjects of the paintings cover both Rroma folklore and religious representations. The aim of the campaign is to strengthen both the self-confidence Rroma  as well as to attract tourists to the small village characterised by high unemployment. The Rroma, according to Gorondi, were particularly affected by the economic crisis: “The Roma have been hit particularly hard by the economic and financial crisis starting in 2008 in Hungary. During the communist era, which ended in 1990, they had mostly guaranteed low-skilled jobs. But since then, many Roma, including those in a village close to the Slovakian border, have had a hard time finding their place in a more competitive society. Half of the residents in Bodvalenke are younger than 18 years, and most of the adults are unemployed and live more badly than well on government support.” The idea of the murals comes from the activist Eszter Pásztor. However, the project is not without controversy. The mayor of the village would much prefer proper jobs. That the murals really will attract tourists is to be hoped, but probably doubtful in view of the widespread prejudice against Rroma.

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01.11.2013 Rroma in Germany

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In her article, Levy (2013) tries to present some individual stories that can create an antithesis to the widespread stereotypes about Rroma. For example, based on the Sinti family Braun: The family take an important role. This includes regular visits to the grandparents, often twice a week because respect for elders is very important. The 21-years old Daniel keeps his identity secret from his classmates. Too great is the fear of misunderstanding and rejection: ““In school, I have not outed myself as Sinto. Because I’m afraid that it brings disadvantages, that one talks bad about me“ Gypsy, that curse word,  he has heard that too many times. “One forgot to gas you”, his grandparents had to hear from their neighbours. “Then you dare no more,” says Daniel, and says nothing”” The integrated Sinti see themselves again confronted with prejudice following the immigration of Rroma from Southeast Europe. They have many children, are poor, begg, steal, and are a burden to the German social welfare system as is often read in the media. Nevertheless they solidarise with the immigrants.

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01.11.2013 Rroma and Poverty

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Mappes-Niediek (2013) takes a look at the overall European situation of Rroma. According to a study by the Soros Foundation Discrimination of Rroma is not the main problem but their blatant poverty is: “Poverty is the main problem, not the discrimination, the researchers found: Of more than a thousand Roma respondents in the four countries, 76 percent in Italy and 66 percent in Spain  felt discriminated against. In Romania, however, there were 40 percent and 34 percent in Bulgaria. In Hungary, where right-wing gangs terrorise and hunt Roma, Roma hardly migrate to western EU countries.” So poverty is an equally important factor in the preventing attending school or to a doctor visit. That discrimination and poverty are not in fact directly related is doubtful. Mappes-Niediek counters the German hysteria about a mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria: Most Rroma remain in their country in spite of poverty.

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25.10.2013 The case of Maria strengthens stereotypes on Rroma

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The exaggerated reporting bordering hysteria by the media on the case of the Rroma blonde girl Maria reinforces stereotypes about Rroma families with numerous children and irresponsible parents. Michele Widmer (2013) from the Tagesanzeiger writes that Maria is  with great probability from a Bulgarian family with eight or ten children. The mother had to leave the child during a stay in Greece due to missing papers and sold her to another Rroma family. While the prosecution speaks of child trafficking, the defence claims the innocence of the Greek Rroma family: they cared care for the girl and only unlawfully adopted her (Blick 2013 I / II).

Mappes-Niediek (2013) explains in his contribution that blonde, blue-eyed Rroma are not unusual in Bulgaria. With the case of Maria, more prejudices about Rroma stealing children are once again stoked, prejudiceswhich are even reflected in European fairy tales. Skinheads in Serbia have tried to take away a blond son from his dark-haired Rroma father. Mappes-Niediek states: “Although the Roma in the Balkans are often designated as “black” and also sometimes even called that, blond hair and blue eyes in the minority are not uncommon. A population genetic analysis of the researcher Kalydijewa Luba at a Roma population in Bulgaria has shown that around half of their ancestors have a genetic no different from the rest of the genome of the Bulgarian population.” Mappes-Niediek (2013/II) expands his coverage of the topic in a detailed article in the TAZ. In it, he calls the actions of the authorities as “King Kong schema”: In a view loaded with prejudices, a blond, blue-eyed child cannot possibly belong to a dark-skinned black-haired Rroma family: “A pattern of actual theft of children by Rroma does not exist. Such a scheme is not documented, not historical. What there is, is a pattern of stories. That soon the “black man” comes and takes you away with him, is an integral part of the education meant to scare children and not only in the Balkans.”

In Ireland, as a reaction to Maria’s story, a seven years old blond girl was taken from her parents. It required a positive DNA test to disprove the official suspicion of child abduction. The procedure ran into massive criticism on the Irish authorities action and response (Basler Zeitung 2013).

Leuthold (2013) of 20 minutes gives a surprisingly sophisticated contextual report on the social exclusion of Rroma in the wake of the media attention to the case of Maria. It emphasizes the prevalence of prejudice and the massively larger impediments of integration by the majority of the European societies. As can be read in the comments section, this emphasis on the systematic exclusion raises once more the question of the relationship between social structures and the personal power of action of individuals and groups. It is wrong, in fact, to attribute to Rroma a pure victim role, but it is also questionable if their fate alone ascribes her own actions. It is the combination of socio-political structures and the reaction to it, which lead to the real behaviour patterns of individuals.

 

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25.10.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Memarina (2013) spoke with Marius Krauss from the youth club “Foro Amaro” who works on the participation of Rroma and Gadje in the society. Krauss sees the statements of Interior Minister Friedrich, who for months warned of a mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria, as being dominated by fear and prejudice. Among Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants there is just approximately 10 percent of Rroma. Many present this migration as being solely Rroma. The same holds true with the beggars in Berlin: “Among beggars, there are many who have no Roma background. They are made only to: Begging is being made as a Roma characteristic, poverty and theft also.”  Krauss thus points to the important fact that many people with non-standard behaviour are attributed a Rroma identity and vice versa, Rroma who actually do not meet these requirements are stigmatised. This includes the image of the many children in Rroma families. In the case of the immigrant Rroma from the village of Fontanelle, the fact that the community in question were evangelical Pentecostals was ignored. Because of their faith they cannot use cotraceptives. That this is not true for all Rroma who belong to different faiths, it is all to often forgotten.

Lechler (2013) reports on the clearance of an informal Rroma neighbourhood in Eforie in Romania. By focusing on the destruction of Rroma settlements in Romania, Lechler wants to identify possible reasons for the migration to Western Europe that go beyond a simple economic migration. The observance of minority rights in Romania is very poor when compared with Germany.

Bade (2013) takes a critical look at the current immigration debate in Germany and puts the predicted mass immigration through historical facts: After the accession to the EU of countries such as Poland, a mass exodus was not observed, and the published statistics on 147,000 Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants in 2011 are not reliable sources, “then one should have considered the strong annual return migration, for example of seasonal workers. In this sense, for example for 2011, there was a net balance approximately 64,000 immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania not mentioned in the noise raised by the cities about the 147,000 migrants. This led to an equally sensational correction by a critical group of scientists who quoted the statistic of the cities is their ‘non-statistic of the month’.” Bade sees the polemical remarks about the so-called poverty immigration greatly influenced by the debate on the book by Tilo Sarrazin influenced and with its associated polemics around of integration and alterity.

 

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25.10.2013 Rroma Between France and Romania

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Delage / Tepeneag (2013) report on a residential project in the Romanian Tinca, a project supported by the municipality of Lyon with 300,000 euro. The aim of subsidised housing for local Rroma is to help them integrate into the labour market. Lyon follows the whishes of the French government to prevent the Rroma migration to France. However, accommodation does not solve the problem of high unemployment among Romanian Rroma, hence their lack of social integration which can only be successful be bridged with a commitment from both sides. Delage / Tepeneag summarize: “Ainsi, pour ce centre imaginé par des ONG françaises et roumaines, et qui accueillera bientôt les Roms les plus démunis de Tinca, Lyon a investi près de 300.000 euros. “Cela va permettre de leur assurer l’accès à des douches, à des lave-linges, pour qu’ils puissent se présenter décemment à d’éventuels entretiens d’embauche, ou à l’école pour les enfants”, explique à BFMTV Monica Suciu, de la Ruhuma Foundation” [Thus, for this centre imagined by French and Romanian NGOs, and which will soon welcome the poorest Rroma in Tinca, Lyon has invested about 300,000 euro. “This will allow them to access to showers to washing machines, so they can look decent for possible job interviews or at school for children”, Monica Suciu, of the Foundation Ruhuma told BFM TV.] France Info (2013) adds that there is a will to build a dignified existence on site among the Romanian Rroma. Often this is very difficult because of the access to the labour market is very restricted. The Romanian Rroma policies, according to the statements of Rroma in Tinca, are ineffective.

Delpla (2013) takes a critical look at the French Rroma policies. He criticises the dominant practice to return Rroma to their reported country of origin. On the one hand one ignores the massive discrimination in countries like Hungary or Romania – now also France – and on the other hand, the fact that they are a European transnational minority and therefore, have no particular homeland. What must be sought is a pan-European integration of Rroma and no back and forth between different  a minority status in nation-states: “La solution du gouvernement français est de renvoyer les Roms non nationaux dans leur pays d’origine, en expliquant que c’est à ces pays d’origine de s’en occuper – avec des fonds européens. C’est une mauvaise idée, car, dans ces pays d’origine, les Roms sont victimes de racisme manifeste […] Il faut traiter ce problème au niveau européen, à la fois parce que les Roms sont le peuple le plus transeuropéen et parce que les solutions nationales ne marchent pas.”[The solution of the French government to send non-French Rroma in their countries of origin, explaining that this is for their country to deal with – with European funds. This is a bad idea, because in the country, Rroma are victims of overt racism […] We must deal with this problem at European level, both because the Rroma are the most transnational people and because national solutions do not work.]  Delpla also argues for making the Rroma citizen of Europe only and not members of a specific state. This would strengthen the EU’s role in the enforcement of their rights massively according to Delpla.

Bouclay (2013) in his article for Valeurs Actuelles pokes fun at the efforts of the community Romeurope. The collective in his brochure simply blends out the prejudice against the Rroma on issues such as begging, theft and prostitution. According to Bouclay, the Rroma are receiving proportionally too much support: “En réalité, loin d’être une communauté soumise à la vindicte de Français xénophobes, les Roms sont soutenus par de puissants lobbys. Le collectif Romeurope compte une quarantaine d’associations financées par l’argent public. Sans viser à l’exhaustivité, un rapide florilège de leurs subventions suffit à donner le vertige.” [In fact, far from being a community subject to the condemnation of French xenophobia, Roma are backed by powerful lobbies. The Romeurope account forty associations funded by public money. Without aiming to be exhaustive, quick flurry through their subsidies is enough to make you dizzy.] He paints a very one-sided picture of support funds distributed to present the French Rroma policies in a good light. The actual points of discussion of the current debate remain virtually untouched.

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25.10.2013 Rroma and the Zurich Street Prostitution

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Marth (2013) informs on the changes of the Zurich street prostitution since the opening of the urban Sex-boxes and the closure of the open scene on the Zurich Sihlquai. Social control in the new place have led to the pimps but also related prostitutes to avoid it: “Where they are and were their women went, one does not know. Probably in a different European city. Relocation to other places in Switzerland were not observed in any case – as far as one could judge.” The street prostitutions on the Sihlquai was used to present a one-sided picture of prostituted Rroma women, although their Rroma appurtenance was anything but clear.

Scharrer (2013) adds that the walk by “opportunity clients” at the new site has been lost. In addition, the number of prostitutes has decreased from 32 to 14. Critics complain that the closure of the street prostitution has worsened the working conditions of prostitutes, that it pushes them in the illegality, all the while while not fighting human trafficking: “The measures taken by the city council since the beginning of this year measures [are] mostly of a repressive nature. The result: They worsen working conditions on both the road prostitution and in the sex-boxes. They do not prevent the trafficking of women and impede access to low-level support.”  Amazing is that this opinion by Scharrer is derived from the of the organisation on women migration and trafficking (FIZ). Besides their declared fight against human trafficking, FIZ argues for a differentiated view on prostitution: sex work and trafficking should have be clearly distinguished. The largest part of prostitution is done voluntarily. The connection between prostitution and human trafficking is referred to as a victim discourse. The FIZ therefore opposes a holistic ban as it was imposed in Sweden (Boos 2013). The important question as to whether prostitution committed out of economic necessity can be qualified as being voluntary. Moreover, such a view trivialises prostitution which happens under duress conditions, be they those of pimps or under the free market.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in the Czech Republic

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Kostlán/Genderkinger (2013) spoke with Miroslav Brož of the NGO “Konexe” which fights for the rights of the Rroma in the Czech Republic. Brož paints a grim picture of widespread and even institutionalized racism against Rroma through all strata of the population. It is particularly worrying that the pogroms currently occurring are no longer only organised by neo-Nazis but increasingly also by “normal” citizens, especially young people. Between the angry citizens and the Rroma there is often the police, and one cannot assume that it will always in the future ensure the protection of the Rroma: “So far, the police could protect the Rroma. Lately I became more aware that we must finally always trust in the police. We count on them guarding our backs, to protects us. During many demonstrations against Rroma, only the counterinsurgency units stood between the aggressive mob and the Rroma families. I do not think that they will continue to keep the mob under control. The demonstrations against Rroma are getting more brutal, more numerous and larger.”  The Czech Republic has massively expanded their monitoring by the widespread installation of cameras in Rroma ghettos and so automatically put them under suspicion. The strong hatred towards Rroma – so Brož – has in turn given rise among Czech Rroma to a strong aversion towards ethnic Czechs, something not conductive to integration.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Radio Dreyeckland (2013) provides information on planned agreement between the state of Baden Württemberg and the National Association of German Sinti and Roma. The draft contract recapitulates the historically documented exclusion of the Rroma, the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and the poor introspection about the German Rroma policies. The objective of the treaty is a targeted promotion of Rroma in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Access to education and thus also to the labour market should be strongly supported. The draft of the treaty states: “The exclusion and discrimination of Roma and Sinti dates back to the Middle Ages. The cruel persecution and genocide by the Nazi regime brought immense suffering to Sinti and Roma in our country and effects people to this day. This injustice has only been recognized politically embarrassing late, and has not yet worked out sufficiently. Even the antiziganism is still existent and not overcome. Being aware of this particular historic responsibility towards Sinti and Roma as citizens of our country and guided by the desire and motivation to promote the friendly coexistence.”

Pekdemir Hagen (2013) reports on Hasiba Dzemajlji who is engaged in Bielefeld for a better integration and recognition of the Rroma. Dzemajlji wants more Rroma in Germany, Rroma who have been living in the country for decades to publicly declare their identity. For fear of exclusion and discrimination many people of Rroma origins keep it secret. Together with the organization Migovita, Dzemajlji wants to strengthen the self-confidence, especially of young Rroma, and facilitate their access to education. She also wants to create a counter point to the still heavily rooted stereotypes, a new view that is characterized by heterogeneity and complexity.

Niewendick (2013) discusses the increasing radicalisation of local residents and politicians, who make propaganda against immigrated Rroma: During the last one and a half years, systematically, rumours of “thieving Kids”, littering and other prejudices about immigrants Rroma have been spread. The tensions achieved a peak in the fire of the “Rroma houses” on 9 October, a fire whose cause is still unclear. The heavily politicised situation manifests itself besides open demonstrations for and against Rroma with questionable expressions such as “problem house” and “flood of poverty refugees poverty”.

At the opening of a new interim dormitory for refugees in Duisburg, Kleinwächter (2013) discussed the situation of Rroma in Kosovo. Bernd Mesovic, Vice-President of Pro Asyl Frankfurt is cited with gloomy assessments on the integration of the Rroma in Kosovo: The situation of the Rroma in Kosovo is totally glossed over by the German authorities. In reality among them, very high unemployment prevails, and attacks are not tracked: “Officially, there are no attacks on them. Who issues a complaint, must fear reprisals. They can hardly expect any help from the Albanian police. Under the Constitution, all these rights are guaranteed, as is the internationally agreed reintegration of returnees. But the funds for that are lacking. The Rroma themselves have no confidence in the authorities dominated by Albanians, they are almost hermetically spatially sealed off from the Albanians and a kind of fair game for criminals.” Mesovic’s statements show once again the discrepancies between official country analyses and the real experiences of migrants. Official assessments of stability and legal security stand in contrast with personal experiences that are difficult to objectify. The official view remains the decisive criterion for the assessment of migrants’ fates.

Onay (2013), a green politician from Lower Saxony, reports on a field trip to Serbia. Purpose of the trip was a meeting between German and Serbian Rroma as well as non-Rroma, which was initiated by the organisations novels Aglonipe and the International Youth Meeting of Roma and non-Roma. At the meeting, issues such as the lack of access of Rroma to schools, to health care, and to the labour market were discussed. On the subsequent trip to Stara Karaburma, Onay paints a bleak picture of excluded Rroma living in ghetto-like conditions: Poor hygiene, glaring poverty, few or no prospects for the future. Onya’s portrayal stands in stark contrast to official country assessments that classify the situation of Rroma in Serbia as stable and safe. This contrasts with the fate of individuals surveyed Rroma, which report massive violence against them.

Bachmair (2013) reports on a meeting of the German association “Against Forgetting, for democracy”. At the meeting, eyewitnesses and relatives reported about the suffering experienced by Rroma and criticised the lack of coming to terms about the persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Germany. In his contribution, Romani Rose criticised the continued employment of Nazis by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, a fact that prevented the recognition of Rroma as victims for a long time: “In the offices, the survivors met the same officials who had sent them years before to the concentration camps, and who refused them compensation and recognition as victims of Nazi persecution. Even police officers who had perecuted Gypsies, made unhindered careers made in the Federal Republic. Only when Gypsies got organised and a 1980 hunger strike on the grounds of the former concentration camp at Dachau drew attention to their situation, was their suffering recognized.” The researcher Wolfgang Benz on racism expressed concern that the lessons of the world War II have never been applied or only very poorly on Rroma.

In his short, article, Schuhmann (2013) asks for less political correctness in the name of minorities who commit a crime. Naming the origin – in the case of this article “Gypsy” – helps to identify grievances among the stakeholders and to ask critical question: “If the reader completes the sentence “cheating gypsies on the road” with “of course – who else ?”,  a true nightmare for journalists has become a reality. The police does not want that. Neither does the majority of readers who are quite capable of differentiating between minorities and criminals among those. […] To name their origins could pave the way for many other questions. Namely who exploit these women and what a life they are forced to lead.” Through this statement, Schuhmann relativises her own reasoning. If the committed crimes, or respectively the exploitative relationships have nothing to do with cultural background, why then is naming the origin relevant? Schuhmann also assumes from fully mature, critical readers, who can recognise stereotypical reductions as such. This is to be doubted. Many readers will be confirmed in their prejudices by one-sided reporting.

Also, in an article about criminals young Gypsy women, Schuhmann (2013/II) uses the stereotypes of organised Rroma groups: The testimony of a police officer who speaks of burglars networks, is quoted without comment. Also without comment is the fact that one assigns physical characteristics to perpetrators: “The official explained what they should pay attention to. Women, beggars, rather dark in type “Gypsy one cannot say”, Fuchs says with a glance at the present journalist.” that there is no “culture of crime” ought to be clear to every man of common sense. Just as there are delinquent Rroma, there are delinquent ethnic German, Swiss, etc. No one would ever get the idea to talk about organised crime.

Unzensuriert.at (2013), in an absurdity not to be outdone, reports in an article about the Rroma the “problem house” in Duisburg. According to the article, these Rroma have collected the rat traps that were installed by the urban pest control and sold to scrap dealers. The Rroma, called “Gypsies” here, are brought in directly in conjunction with a rat infestation: “Rat plague: Gypsies stealing traps.” The article is a prime example of uncritical, unreflective, populist journalism.

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18.10.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The ruthless expulsion of a fifteen year old Gypsy girl to Kosovo, a girl who lived with her family for five years in France, drew added attention to the migration policies of that country. The girl was picked up during a school trip by the police and taken directly to the airport. The uncompromising internal politics of the interior minister Valls has led to severe tensions within the Socialist party. Many exponents of the party have accused President Hollande to continue a policy similar to that of his predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy and to tolerate Manual Valls as a “sarkozy like prefect”. Meanwhile in Paris, a demonstration with a few thousand participants demonstrated against the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and French immigration policies (Lehnartz 2013). In an interview with Euro News (2013) Dibrani suggests that Kosovo is not her home now. Her whole life, her future, is in France. She does not understand the migration policy of the socialist government. In spite of the controversial policies, Manuel Valls remains the most popular minister  of the Socialist party according to surveys. The right-wing National Front has seen a massive increase of voters in recent months.

Despic – Popovic (2013) trace the historical context of the relationship of Kosovo and its Rroma, a theme of greater public interest in the background of the expulsion of Leonarda Dibrani. She notes that before the Kosovo War in 1999, about 100,000 Rroma lived there[1], today there are still around 30,000. Unemployment and exclusion are daily occurrences. Rroma are regularly accused of having collaborated with the Serbian regime, because several Rroma buried the victims of the Serbian army as gravediggers. With the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state in 2010, many exiled Kosovars, including many Rroma have been forced to return to Kosovo. The deportees, among them many children, often do not speak either the two official languages ​​of Kosovo (Serbian or Albanian), rendering inclusion in the school system more difficult. In addition, access to the labour market and to health care is far from assured for minorities. The UN High Commission for Refugees and Amnesty International, have called for a permanent international protection for Rroma.

Atlantico (2013) takes a critical look at the social integration of Rroma in Kosovo. Since independence in 2008, Kosovo has been criticised by human rights organizations for its violation of the rights of minorities. Discrimination, its resulting poverty, and internal displacement are widespread. Wanda Troszczynska of Human Rights Watch states: “Les pays européens renvoient les gens les plus vulnérables du Kosovo vers une situation de discrimination, d’exclusion, de pauvreté et de déplacement à l’intérieur de leur propre pays d’origine.” [European countries send most vulnerable people back to Kosovo towards a situation of discrimination, exclusion, poverty and travel within their own country.]

Le Carboulec (2013) adds that the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and her family to the highlights whole question of dealing with asylum seekers in France. Is it appropriate to “surgically” to identify and remove people without papers? The Rroma are therefore once again the focal point of French politics with regard to the treatment of minorities, undocumented migrants and foreigners in general.

Akerman (2013) and thirty other people take the French society made a statement in writing in Mediapart about Manuel Valls’ statements about Rroma. The signatories state their great concern about the denigration of Rroma by the French Minister of the Interior and demand a more respectful handling of the members of this ethnic minority. She herself, as a lesbian, and also gay, bisexual, transsexual or transgender have always had to justify their identity of course wrongly so, in the course of their biography. The Socialist Party should not degenerate into a mere appendage of the UMP but must rely on its socialist values: “Les problèmes roms ont des noms parfaitement connus et nullement originaux : ils s’appellent droit au travail, droit au logement, précarité, stigmatisation, honte et pauvreté. Ce n’est pas nous qui sommes idéalistes, c’est ce gouvernement, son ministre de l’Intérieur, son Premier ministre, et celui qui les a nommés, qui sont racistes.” [Roma problems are well known and not original: they are called right to work, right to housing, insecurity, stigma, shame and poverty. It is not we who are idealistic, it is the government, the Minister of the Interior, the Prime Minister, and he who appointed them, who are racist.]

Francis Chouat (2013), the mayor of Evry takes a position in Le Monde on Valls controversial statements. As mayor, his perspective requires him to take pragmatic solutions about the concerns of his citizens. In the case of Rroma, this means that one must looks straight at the truth. Chouat believes that most of the Rroma living in the illegal settlements live in conditions of exploitation or as part of mafia networks. They therefore have virtually no power to act own or are involved in criminal activities: “La vérité, c’est d’abord la réalité regarder en face. Ce sont les conditions de vie dans les campestratus ment, totalement indignes, les enfants en danger, souvent exploites – comme beaucoup de femmes – par of réseaux mafieux. Ce sont aussi les vols et les Trafics organisés. […] La vérité, c’est donc dire que le claire ment of démantèlement campestratus ment est un impératif. Un pour les impératif Riverains comme pour la roms dignité of populations.”[The truth is, first look at reality. These are the living conditions in the camps, totally unworthy, children at risk, often exploited – like many women – by criminal networks. There is also the trafficking and organized theft. […] The truth is it clear that dismantling these settlements is a must. An imperative for local residents as to the dignity of the Roma population.] Chouat aligns himself to a governmental police way of looking at Rroma, to the eviction of camps which he thus legitimises. The possibility that the Rroma living in camps might simply settle there because of poverty and lack of alternatives is negated. Instead questionable ideas about intra-ethnic clan structures and relations of exploitation are dished to legitimise intervention.

Mouillard (2013) addresses the question of where the EU’s 50 billions earmarked for the Rroma integration went. On one hand, the EU support is divided into three pots: the European Social Fund, the European Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund. From these three funds in turn only a fraction will benefit Rroma. The actual expenditure for the integration of Rroma is difficult to track because the French Household Statistics do not work with ethnic categories. The integration projects named by Mouillard thereafter refer to travellers, people living in ghettoes or marginalised ones as in the case of housing projects. Another problem lies in the fact that EU countries only use a fraction of their assigned money from three funds effectively: “Mêmes faiblesses en Hongrie, où 40% des fonds sont dépensés, ou encore en Bulgarie (20%). Une précision tout de même : cet argent n’est pas perdu. Il retourne dans les caisses de Bruxelles, au titre de la règle du «dégagement d’office.»” [Same weaknesses in Hungary, where 40% of the funds are spent, or in Bulgaria (20%). Accuracy though: the money is not lost. It is returned to the coffers of Brussels, under the rule of “decommitment.”] Another problem lies in the administrative and organizational hurdles, making the access to the funds more difficult.

[1] This figure represents only the visible Rroma. Rroma were very well integrated in Kosovo and often confused with the Turkish minority. The real number was around 250-300,000. Less than 30,000 still live in Kosovo.

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11.10.2013 Too much political correctness or a trivialisation of poverty and exclusion?

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Woker (2013) criticises the excessive political correctness in the use of terminology for example when referring to the Rroma minority, a terminology which complicates a transparent view of the current debate. With the name “Roma and Sinti” in Germany, the Sinti are presented as a separate group from the Rroma, although they are part of the Rroma as a whole. By this institutionalised political correctness – according to Woker – one makes it more difficult to detect and respond to problems with the minority: “There is a tendency , somewhat premature to suspect a deep-rooted antiziganism. Instead to recognise the real existing problems as such and to recognize and respond to these with social policy measures, authorities and the media often escape into a politically correct vocabulary to prove at least their good will.”

Woker fails to recognise that this recognition is precisely the very real problem. Are the so-called poverty migrants from Romania and Bulgaria, which are negatively represented in the German media and are usually identified as Rroma, poor and uneducated because they are Rroma? Woker comes close to this conclusion. At the end of his article, Woker cites Mappes-Niedieks’ book “Poor Roma , bad Gypsies”, a book which makes a clear separation between cultural characteristics of Rroma, who are anyhow very heterogeneous,  and their ascribed identity from intentional non-integration, nomadism, illiteracy, or culturally related delinquency. Therefore, the crucial question is not really the one of political correctness, but the one on how the conditions that lead to poverty, lack of education, and exclusion are brought into relationship with an ethnic origin. In Germany there are many well-integrated Rroma who do not want to recognise themselves as Rroma just because of the one-sided focus on problem cases. In this case, to trivialise political correctness just means to play down stigma. One thus must ask the question whether it is not highly problematic to ascribe a cultural identity to people, an identity which is the result of the exclusion of the majority society. Political views on culture need to be recognised as being politicised and need to be critically questioned.

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11.10.2013 Rroma in Ukraine

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Tschabanowa (2013) reports on Rroma in Ukraine. Like many before her, she limits herself to reporting on visible Rroma, which can be relatively easily found in ghettos. That she from the outset sets Rroma as lepers and victims, does not seem to bother her. She begins the article by stating: “To learn how Roma live and what they do for a living in Kiev, we went to their camp.” Many of the Rroma that Tschabanowa meets in Ukraine come from the district of Transcarpathia (former Hungarian/Slovakian region). Looking for work, many of them come to the capital during the summer. The image that Tschabanowa paints of them is one of large families, widespread illiteracy and exclusion. That she reinforces prejudices about Rroma in spite of the emphatic perspective about them, she does not seem to be aware of.

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11.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Schmalzl (2013) reports on the deportation of a Rroma family back to Kosovo. Friends of the family were taken aback and expressed solidarity by lighting candles in the Youth Art School Mühlhausen, where the family had attended a painting course. The family was arrested in their house in the middle of the night by the authorities and brought to the airport. Once again, this case raises the question of the discrepancy between the real experiences of migrants in their home countries and the state views on minority protection and living possibilities. Schmalzl cites a young Rromni, who speaks of “violence, discrimination, and poverty” in Kosovo.

Bernhardt (2013) reports on a fire in an apartment building in Duisburg. Located on the Kirschstrasse in the Hochheide area of the city, this house is inhabited largely by immigrant Rroma. The fire department was able to extinguish the fire and evacuate 42 people who had fled to the roof of the house. According to the police, it is highly probable that this was arson. This raises legitimate concerns among residents and supporters of the victims. A few weeks ago, a parade of right-wing groups who protest against immigrant Rroma in Duisburg caused quite a stir. Connections between the arson and the far-right scene are therefore currently suspected. Various anti-fascist groups are calling for a better protection of the Rroma by the police.

Der Westen (2013) reports on a ruling of the Essen Higher Social Court. The court has ruled in a dispute between a Rroma family and the Jobcentre of Gelsenkirchen in favour of Rroma family. Between October 2010 and November 2011, the Jobcentre had not granted the father of the family any benefits since he could only stay in Germany in search for a job. This view is now contradicted the Essen Social Court: EU citizens without job who have stayed for a longer period in Germany are entitled to Hartz IV benefits. The Jobcentre will appeal the decision in front of the Federal Social Court. The decision is grist to the mill of those who warn of a mass immigration of poor migrants from Romania and Bulgaria, and who thus see the German welfare state as endangered. A journalist from der Westen thus stated in another article: “130,000 Romanians and Bulgarians are now entitled to Hartz IV: The decision of the highest North Rhine-Westphalia Social Court is significant because it now affects a significant group of people of about 130,000 claimants, said a spokesman of the court. Especially Romanians and Bulgarians living here and  desperately seeking work now have rights to claim Hartz IV benefits. The municipalities could see now numerous new applications and thus new increased costs” ( 2013/II der Westen).

Blazejewski (2013) points to the fact that there are large discrepancies among politicians in terms of ideas about immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria. While many German local politicians, such as Reinhold Spaniel, assume an influx of low-skilled migrants, EU Social Affairs Commissioner László Andor sees in the immigrants young labour force for the growing German economy who pose no problem for the German social welfare system. 

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