The 																						heated discussion about the immigration from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany 																						continues. Opinions are still divided and range between of gloomy forecasts of 																						overburdened social security system and increasing shadow economy to call for 																						moderation and a rationalisation of the debate and arguments. That the forecasted 																						consequences of such an immigration are political constructs is only emphasised 																						by some of the German media, others simply see them as given and as an inevitable 																						fact.
Duisburg’s 																						Mayor Sören Link speaks of 15 million additional costs to social welfare. He 																						calls on the EU to improve the situation in Romania and Bulgaria quickly so 																						that the people affected – from the perspective of many politicians and 																						journalists primarily Rroma – do not even come to Germany. Link’s concern is based 																						on the upcoming enactment of the freedom of establishment between Germany, Romania 																						and Bulgaria from early 2014 onward. By then, the citizens of the countries 																						concerned will be allowed to stay longer than the current 90 days without work 																						permit in Germany. Link is in line with the gloomy predictions of the German 																						Cities Association and does not really critically questions the issue (Schmidt 																						2013).
According 																						to a survey by the weekly newspaper Focus, a majority of German citizens is in 																						favour of a restriction of immigration from all EU countries. The Federal Interior 																						Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich is quoted as saying that the cities should strive 																						for their own good is a strict compliance with existing legislation. He is 																						alluding specifically to the unfair abuse of social aid funds and calls for 																						tougher controls and fines. Migration researcher Klaus J. Bade is presented as the 																						antipode to Friedrich. Bade criticizes the hysterical reactions to migration 																						from South Eastern Europe and identifies the dire predictions on the 																						consequences of mass immigration as a political construct. Statistics on the 																						massive increase in welfare costs due to immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria 																						are presented at the end of the article. How accurate these statistics from the 																						Federal Labour Office are or how they were constructed is not presented nor 																						discussed (Focus 2013, Berliner Zeitung 2013).
Frigelj 																						(2013) reports on what he calls a “clash of two worlds”. The article focuses on 																						visible Rroma with a negative image living in social housing in Duisburg. As a 																						starting point the journalist chooses a well-established couple living in that 																						estatge since a long time who, since the influx of Southeastern Europeans, “including 																						many Rroma”, no longer feels safe. The majority of the article focuses on the 																						negative issues resulting from the arrival of migrants from Eastern Europe and 																						propagates the image of a drastic disruption of social peace. That there are 																						indeed negative consequences and issues will not be denied, but the one-sided 																						focus on negative stereotypes on Rroma and South-eastern Europeans needs to be 																						decidedly criticized. Sections as the one that follows bring no contribution to 																						the rationalisation of the debate: “The couple Halle and neighbours tell about 																						catastrophes  on other side of the 																						street: loud music, shouting, and barbecue feast till late in the night, 																						garbage thrown out of the windows, human excrement on the premises, no manners, 																						no decency.” As a counterpoint in this debate, the article portrays a resident 																						priest, who is campaigning for a more differentiated and objective debate. According 																						to Frigelj very few of the involved parties want to achieve this. 
Joachim 																						Brenner (Voigts 2013) from the association Förderverein Roma 																						e.v. in Frankfurt criticizes what in his view constitutes the 																						exaggerated figures of the immigration from Eastern Europe. He notes: “The 																						excitement is constructed. With the slogan “The boat is full” votes can be 																						gotten. That more people are coming than ten years ago may be true, but still: 																						We are moving into an area where, for a society like ours, what is socially 																						feasible is not significant. It’s a shame if this is so hyped.” 
Thorpe 																						(2013) enriches the debate by post from a Rroma village in Bulgaria. The local 																						situation is portrayed as most German politicians and journalists present it: a 																						life of misery, poverty, without future. The food is often bought on credit. A 																						university degree often doesn’t even help Rroma to find work because of the 																						discrimination. Migration seems the only way towards a better future in more 																						dignity. Prostitution of Rroma girls in Western Europe is presented as a 																						voluntary decision that had nothing to do with human trafficking, but is made out 																						of economic considerations. The social reality displayed in this article cannot 																						be denied, but once again the focus is solely on  marginalized Rroma living in misery. At more thorough 																						research would have unearthed better-off Rroma can that do not conform to these 																						stereotypes. These Rroma who are not written about in the newspapers, are an 																						integral part of the Rroma reality, and even though they represent the 																						majority, they are almost unknown to the general public. The article finally 																						touches that topic when the Rroma representative Rumyan Russinow is quoted. It 																						states that those Rroma who work abroad and do not take any social state 																						benefits are invisible because they operate outside the public stereotype of 																						Rroma, stereotypes which are constructed also by the media: “Stereotype are 																						created by the media, who blow the behaviour of a tiny minority out of 																						proportion.”
Romani 																						Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma calls for a more 																						concrete intervention of the federal government in cities affected by the 																						immigration and for a solution to the problem of poverty and exclusion in the 																						countries concerned (Frasch 2013). Efforts to improve the situation of Rroma often 																						bear no fruits because of lack of political will to improve the Rroma situation. 																						One often would prefer if they did not exist. He also sees a problematic blanket 																						criminalization of immigrants especially for those who left their countries of 																						origin because of poverty and a lack of perspectives. Such presentation of the 																						facts plays right in the hand of right-wing parties, which so successfully 																						politicized this theme.
In an 																						interview with the Schwabian newspaper (Kling 2013), he also provides fixed 																						point: “The dispute on the free movement within the EU will be held in Germany 																						on the back of a minority. We are confronted here with immigrant fleeing poverty, 																						which are then criminalized solely as Roma: they exploit social care systems, 																						they throw dirt and grime in front of the door, and so on and so forth.“
Michael 																						Martens (2013) of the FAZ writes about the status quo in the Bulgarian society. 																						The resignation of Prime Minister Simeon Djankov, and the protests were 																						symptomatic of the poverty and underdevelopment of the Bulgarian state. For 																						this reason, the Bulgarians are leaving their country in droves. According to 																						statistics of the European Statistical Office, the number of Bulgarians shrank 																						from 2001 to 2011 from 8.15 to 7.33 million. Martens criticized the position 																						paper of the German Association of Cities for an ambiguous naming of the 																						problem.“ While the integration of ethnic Bulgarian (and Romanian) immigrants 																						usually proceeds without significant difficulties, the migration of Roma creates 																						significant problems.” This statement is not acceptable from an RCP’s 																						perspective. Although it may not have been intentionally aiming at a blanket 																						condemnation of all Rroma, as a principle an ethnic representation of an issue 																						is always decidedly to be questioned. Representing the problematic immigrants 																						as Rroma may, in Martens’ view help finding a solution, but ethnic 																						representation and categorisation is always dangerous. This is why, on the other 																						hand, the careful wording of the German Association of Cities is clearly welcomed.
On 																						needs to criticise the Articles of Staat (2013), which reproduces the 																						stereotype of rich Rroma kings who live on the exploitation of Rroma children. 																						As a source, a social worker Norbert Ceipeck is named. He tells of his 																						experiences in Romania, an expertise which is not in doubt. In particular, he 																						details the estate of a Rroma King whose wealth solely stems from the exploitation 																						of Rroma under him. Children were taken away from their parents and taught to 																						steal or even forced into prostitution. The existence of such Rroma chiefs is 																						actually not that clear, as noted by Martens (2013). There are indeed 																						hierarchical relationships and dependencies, but professionally organized 																						exploitation systems, organised by Rroma exploiting other Rroma highly doubtful. 																						These are more an exception to the rule rather than the norm. Speaking of Rroma 																						kings facilitiates the cliché of exploited underlings at the mercy of a chief, 																						exploiting each others, and as such also partly responsible for their own 																						misery:
The children take the long-distance 																						bus to Western Europe und groups of three to five. Each group is accompanied by 																						a woman. Ceipek calls these women “wardens”. Before the groups depart, 																						middlemen organize the accommodations at the destination. The middlemen are 																						also Roma and as the couriers and wardens belong to the inner circle of clan chiefs. 																						[…] The clan chief finds ways to entrap the parents of children in ever more 																						debt. When the girls are older, 15 or 16, they are sold to another clan. The 																						new clan pays a large sum, but he expects the girls that they give birth to 																						many children. “The girls literally have to produce children” says Ceipek. Just 																						so does the business model keep  running (Staat 2013).
Such 																						statements are, even if they want to denounce poverty, are simply as racist towards 																						the Rroma as the repetition of the standard stereotypes.
The 																						report by Weuster (2013) is satisfied with the context-free playback of crimes 																						that were committed by Slovak Rroma on a house in Mülheim. She notes: “Within 																						days, seven Roma refugees ravaged an empty house in Mülheim. burnt wooden 																						banister, ripped conduits from the walls, used rooms as a toilets and garbage 																						dump.” That she might raise ethnic hatred and xenophobia appears unbeknownst to 																						the author.
The 																						same can be said of the article by Brücher / Xanthopoulos (2013). Titles such 																						as “In 7 out of 10 thefts and burglaries, Roma are the perpetrators” can only 																						be described as racist and amateurish. Every journalist should be aware that that 																						making a connection between ethnicity and delinquent behaviour is inherently racist. 																						This should be obvious, even without studying sociology or anthropology.
Kiewels 																						(2013) article, “I am Rom – and did it” gives the impression that most of the 																						Rroma are hostile to education and illiterate. The success story of Jane Simon, 																						who managed to make he baccalaureate (A-levels) by studying in evening classes 																						is to be welcomed especially since currently there are many negative messages on 																						Rroma in the press, but the contextualization of the article is unfortunate. Ex 																						negativo, the article reinforces the negative stereotypes against Rroma.
The Bild 																						newpaters continued its series with an article called “The Truth about the 																						Roma,” (Bild 2013). In this recent article it identifies six so-called truths 																						about the Rroma in Germany: 1. There was no mass immigration. This finding must 																						be greeted, as statistics did not consider seasonal workers and leavers. 																						Moreover, the term “mass immigration” is a question of definition. From what 																						number onwards does one o speak of mass immigration? 2. Many cities are 																						overwhelmed and have to prevent extortion and excesses. This should not be 																						denied, but it must be stressed that these events have nothing to do with Rroma 																						per se. 3. Crime is increasing: 2011 crime statistics listed 26,348 Romanians 																						and 10,960 Bulgarians criminals. How many of them are Rroma is not recorded. 																						The importance of the last statement should be emphasized. Wilfully making 																						connection between ethnicity and criminal activities is unnecessary and racist. 																						4. The countries of origin are the problem, because Romanians and Bulgarians 																						are disproportionately at risk of poverty and Rroma are often marginalized. 5. 																						Europe is failing in helping Rroma in South Eastern and Eastern Europe, with 																						many unsuccessful programs. We clearly agree on points 4. and 5. 6. About half 																						of the Rroma cannot read or write. This number, coming out of an EU statistics, 																						stating that only 42% of Rroma are likely to finish the elementary school, may 																						be true, but begs the question on how the overall number of Rroma (i.e. the 																						total was determined, as this number in itself is subject to discussion). It is 																						nevertheless very questionable to reaffirm in this way the stereotype that 																						Rroma are illiterate. We cannot agree with this statement.
The 																						Rroma debate in Germany is also misused by far-right parties in Germany to fuel 																						hatred, as the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger reports. The faction Pro NRW (North Rhine 																						Westphalia) is planning to march in front of several refugee camps to protest what 																						they deem to be an abuse of asylum. This rightist party uses the heated debate 																						to stir up their racist views (Schmalenberg 2013).
The 																						TAZ (Jacob 2013) reports on the problem of invisible Rroma in Germany. The article 																						describes the life of the Rroma interpreter Diana S., who, in spite of professional 																						success conceals her origins. She talks about the open rejection she 																						experienced in Romania, where she was ostracized at school, despite excellent 																						performance and where she was discriminated against. Also in Hamburg, where she 																						now lives, she keeps her Rroma origin for herself. Too negative was the 																						experience when she revealed her Rroma identity to some friends.
The newspaper 																						“Die Zeit” reported on the work of the Hungarian Rroma activist István Forgács 																						(Bota 2013). Forgács grew up in a Hungarian town near the border with Austria. 																						His family benefited from the financial skill of his father during the collapse 																						of the socialist system. He went to the university and worked for renowned 																						organizations. Today he runs his own counselling centre for Rroma issues. 																						Forgács calls for greater commitment on both sides: both the Gadje (non-Rroma) 																						and the Rroma have to do more for a successful coexistence. Exactly as in the 																						current debate in Germany. Contrary to may other experts, he sees the problem 																						not as poverty issue but renames clearly as a Rroma one: on “Stop to call it poverty. 																						We do not need more money for social inclusion, but for Roma projects. Roma 																						Fund. Best a Roma Bank, which lends money to the states for 20 years for their 																						local Roma projects.” He sees the necessity for Rroma to change their image, so 																						that the rooted hatred they suffer from finally abates. This is why Roma 																						projects are so important.
According 																						to the report of Soldt (2013) of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the 																						immigrants in Mannheim they examined, contrary to what many German media and 																						politicians state are not just Rroma, but are members of the Turkish minority from 																						Bulgaria. The Rroma, which in Neckarstadt-West represented from seven to nine per 																						cent rather came from France, from where they left due to Sarkozy’s policies 																						against Rroma. Mannheim wants to use language courses and “low-key integration proposals” 																						for the integration of migrants. 20% of immigrants hold a university degree, 																						40% have a vocational qualification, and most Bulgarian immigrants are highly 																						motivated to work. It is very important to keep them away from the shadow 																						economy.
Sternberg 																						(2013) from the Märkischen Allgemeine paper writes about the so-called “Rroma 																						houses” in Neukölln. In most of these, Rroma are exploited by corrupt 																						landlords, and only in a few did charities provide decent conditions. 																						Sternberg’s article is in line with the general hysteria over mass immigration: 																						Mafia-like structures are the rule, Rroma are systematically exploited and 																						still come in droves to Germany because they here for take advantage of social care. 																						The article provides no real new views to the debate, but confirms the 																						conservative fears about the negative impact of immigration.
Jürgs 																						(2013) provides a summary discussion of the talk show Maischberger on poverty 																						immigration. He reports a strong clash between the CDU politician Wilfried 																						Scharnagl and Rroma activists Hamze Bytyci. Scharnagl demands a visa regime and 																						laments at the lack of EU intervention. The Integration Minister Guntram 																						Schneider criticizes the in his view incompetent federal action regarding 																						immigration. The activist Michael Will Hard criticized politicians for 																						rejecting responsibility and for putting the blame on EU and on the Federal 																						government. Concrete concepts are in demand. This is also request by the author 																						Özlem Gezer of the Spiegel, who proposed intensive years in education and 																						language for immigrants. The show was more of a political slugfest rather than 																						a forum for concrete and fruitful proposals. 
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- Jürgs, Alexander (2013) Ex-“Bayernkurier”-Chef rechnet mit der EU ab. In: Die Welt vom 27.2.2013.  
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