Monthly Archives: juin 2014

27.06.2014 Swiss travellers: competition and racism

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Fuchs (2014) reports on the problems and hardships of travelling Swiss Yeniche. The focus centres on the experiences of Gérard Mühlhauser, the spokesman for the Swiss travellers’ movement. Mühlhauser criticizes the acute lack of permanent camping and transit sites. He states that the extensive use of existing sites by foreign Rroma, aggravates the lack of space. Once more, culturalising and generalising arguments are presented. These arguments make the Rroma responsible for all problems related to the lack of space and the lack of hygiene in certain stand and transit sites. Foreign Rroma are once again made scapegoats for social ills and problems that all involved parties are responsible for, and are not just caused by a specific ethnic group. That the sedentary population shows reservations against travellers should not be reduced to suspicions towards Rroma but rather generally towards all travellers. Mühlhauser, as well as Fuchs, who largely adopts his reasoning,  with their accusations against foreign, travelling Rroma, makes it to easy for themselves: ““We have a major problem, this is the transit travellers”, says Gérard Mühlhauser to the “Rundschau”. […] The foreign Roma are found throughout Switzerland. “They go on sites without authorisation, on Yeniche sites, they usually leave chaos and dirt. Therefore, one site after the other shuts down”, says Mühlhauser. Roma fiercely contradicts this. The Rroma priest Father Stefan states: “There are good and bad ones. But this is not a question of whether one is Swiss.” Among the Swiss travellers there are racists. Nowhere else in Europe foreign travellers would be denied access to certain sites. Here in Switzerland, there is a sign: when foreign people are on it, they need to get away and must clear space for the Swiss. That’s not right”, says Stefan. That makes him sad.” The criticism of Father Stefan is important. That there are stand and transit sites, which are available only to one specific ethnic group, the Yeniche, is unjust. The preference of nationals over foreigners contradicts accepted laws on equal treatment people of all nationalities. Such reasoning, which massively exaggerates the differences between the ethnic groups and negates similarities, is extremely patronising and creates racist values of desirable and undesirable and therefore valuable and less important people.

That living together with fellow men can cause problems cannot be denied. We all know quarrels with our neighbours, work colleagues and even with friends. However, these problems should not be judged according to ethnic criteria, which is unfair. Disputes with our fellow human beings have something to do with individual behaviour, with social structures and power relations that create conflicts. To reduce these to ethnicity is stupid, and does not do justice to the complexity of the social and individual problems behind it.

Therefore, the Swiss federal government should provide enough permanent and transit camps, which would defuse the competition for those sites. Racist reasonings are applied in the competition for resources for the few sites, which is not particularly astonishing. It is the same reasoning that is also used in the competition for jobs or apartments, and was applied by the SVP during the campaign for the mass immigration initiative. However, we all sit in the same boat, and form part of the same planet. Unfortunately, economic competitiveness also promotes racist attitudes among numerous people. This must be overcome and common solutions must be found. A first, important step in this direction was taken this week. The Swiss federal council has announced that it will establish a working group under the leadership of the department of the interior that will addresses the concerns of Swiss travellers. The foundation “Zukunft für Schweizer Fahrende will receive more funding. However, the foundation is controversial even among Yeniche themselves, as they feel their concerns are taken to little into account. For years, they have pointed out that there is an acute lack in permanent and transit sites. Applications for new sites are often rejected at the community level (compare 20 Minunten 2014, Blick 2014, Neue Luzerner Zeitung 2014, Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen 2014). It should be stressed here that almost all Rroma resident in Switzerland, between 50,000 and 80,000, are sedentary and well integrated

27.06.2014 Hungary: “living as in the Third World”

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The Budapester Zeitung (2014) discusses in one of its latest contributions the increasing impoverishment of a broad middle class in Hungary. The deepening of social inequality happens despite good employment rates, as wages are not sufficient to maintain a good standard of living. This depletion favours economic, competitive thinking, envy and also racist slogans against minority groups such as the Rroma. The right-wing nationalist Jobbik party was able to achieve a new record of expressed votes during the last elections: “According to the definition by Eurostat, every third Hungarian is threatened by poverty and social exclusion; compared to 2010, the number of poor increased by more than 100,000 people. Particularly frightening are the estimates in the report concerning how many children are affected by poverty. In today’s Hungary, 620,000 children grow up in poorly insulated homes, 200,000 children live without electricity and thus in the dark, 170,000 children and 140,000 children know no toilet, no bathroom with tub or shower.” This finding is very serious because the impoverishment of the youth reduces their future opportunities of social advancement, what exacerbates social inequality: “A recent research commissioned by the pro-government weekly Heti Válasz and the internet portal Origo.hu classified more than two million people as belonging to the lowest stratum of society, whose lives is virtually hopeless. At least, these people will never ascend into the middle class, the GfK market research institute and the Research Centre for Social Sciences at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences found out (MTATK). Because it is much easier to socially decline within society than to rise socially.” The article uses only statistical information and reproduces deadlocked categories of well-educated, networked rich people and isolated, poor people with deficient education. A little more complexity beyond these categories would have done no harm to the article.  

27.06.2014 Fassin: lynching racially motivated or not?

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In his newest article for Libération, the sociologist Eric Fassin (2014) poses the question, of why only a few newspapers speak of a racist lynching of the young Rroma, and instead portray the incident as a vigilante justice between robbed banlieue residents and a criminal youth, both of which are poor. He contrasts this to the case of a young Moroccan Jew, who was tortured to death in 2006 by a group of Muslim immigrants. At that time, no one had any doubt that the act was racially motivated. However, this time one does. Even the public prosecutor denies that the offence was committed with racist motives. The thefts committed by Darius, which are regarded as nearly proven, are cited as the actual motive for revenge. Fassin criticises that the victim’s presumption of innocence, valid until his actions are really proven, are completely disregarded. He sees the reduction of the incident to a vigilante justice between robbed and thief as a trivialisation of the intellectual arson against Rroma in France. Negating the defamation of Rroma by politics and the media, also negates some of the possible motives: “In reality, masking the racism of the lynching is abandoning finding the culprits among the responsible people. In other words, it is the denial of the responsibility of politics towards the increase in Roma-phobia: if this act has nothing to do with racism, it has no political relevance. Nevertheless, the “lapses” in public discourse are so numerous and deliberate that it is appropriate to speak of an actual landslide.”

Fassin is certainly right that in the investigation of the lynching case, all aspects need to be analysed and considered. The racist discourse against Rroma is an inherent part of this. However, one also has to be cautious to jump to conclusions and to insinuate motives of the  perpetrators that are not proven. The investigation has to show what motives stand behind the vigilantism. On this issue, Fassin engaged in a dispute with the deputy editor of Libération, Eric Decouty. Decouty (2014), in his commentary on Fassin’s article, criticises that the argument builds upon unsecured facts and is therefore not unproblematic. Rastello (2014) agrees in her analysis with the assessment that the evidence on the exact course of the event is still not verified: witnesses’ statements are contradictory, for example regarding the exact time of the abduction as well as the number of involved persons. Witnesses on  the Rroma side fear further reprisals and therefore hold back statements. On behalf of the residents, there is supposedly a “law of silence”, which is the result of the bad acceptance of the police in this impoverished neighbourhood. In addition, the offenders’ motives are still not clearly established.

Fassin (2014/III) replies that he goes from the position that the racist discourse is in part responsible for the committed crime. Pejorative words and opinions expressed about Rroma in recent years manifested themselves into a real act of violence in the case of the lynched Rroma. To trivialise the issue of intellectual arson against the Rroma is dangerous, as is the silence of the public on this incident, he states. However, what Fassin does not take into account prominently enough is the social dynamics of the suburbs themselves and the misguided social policy that allows this misery. The inhabitants of the suburbs are themselves victims of mechanisms of exclusion (compare Bilefsky/De la Baume 2014, Fassin 2014/II).

25.06.2014 Lynching and Rroma as social scapegoats

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Willsher (2014) discusses the role of the Rroma in France in the context of the lynching of a young Rrom in the Paris suburbs. In addition to a political instrumentalisation of the minority for political campaign purposes and as scapegoats for social ills, Willsher also notes that Rroma are equated with petty crime, leading to a prejudiced association of thieves and Rroma: “It is illegal to compile data on the basis of ethnicity in France, so there is no evidence that the gangs of children who swarm around tourists to filch money, valuables and wallets, or pick pockets in the Métro, are in fact Roma. Because the word “Roma” has become synonymous with petty criminal and delinquent, the public perception is that they are.” Willsher as well as the people she interviewed have, besides the awareness of social inequalities, no understanding of the majority of Rroma who are living integrated lives in France. In the French media, they are continually ignored. The fact that these integrated Rroma do not call themselves Rroma is a consequence of their fear of discrimination and disadvantages if they do so, something journalists and politicians do not seem to be aware of. Thereby, the wrong conception that equates Rroma with an underclass that is uneducated and lives on the edge of crime, is becoming prevalent. That these ideas persist in the minds of people can be seen in the statements of Nassima Kleit, an assistant of the general council of Seine-Saint-Denis. She admits racism against the minority, but simultaneously reproduces xenophobic prejudices and culturally motivated crime: “Of course, we can’t put a gloss on this and say there’s no criminals among the Roma, and of course we need to change cultural attitudes that see Roma parents sending their children out to beg or steal; but we can only do that by educating them and getting them out of these shanty towns into places where they can live with dignity […].” Kleit confirms with her statements the misconceptions of criminal, culturally determined Rroma gangs, as the Weltwoche repeatedly conveys them. However, there is no ethnic-based culture of crime. If anything, there are massive social inequalities that make criminal activities appear more attractive to certain social layers than to others. As already said, it is wrong to equate the Rroma with a social underclass. There are educated and well-off people among Rroma. Rroma are part of all social classes.  

Bouvet (2014) identifies the latest incident not only as the outcome of a failed policy towards Rroma, but primarily as a failed social policy in France. The lynching incident shows that the social policies of the last decades have not been able to create a social balance: “What the lynching of Pierrefitte tells us is the failure of social policy, which was conducted in France for decades in neighbourhoods such as that of the Cité des poètes […]. The failure of employment policy and integration, not least those concerning the young people, who did not prevent an unemployment rate of more than 35%.”

Piquemal (2014) points out that the incident with the young Rrom is symptomatic of the ongoing expulsion and oppression of immigrant Rroma in France. The violence against the minority has increased. Since one hinders the immigrated Rroma to install themselves in the long term, one also makes it impossible to them to build a longer-term existence, which includes regular schooling of the children, adequate housing and a job. This rigorous expulsion policy must finally come to an end. Nathalie Godard, from Doctors of the World, states: “One clearly notices it on the site: with this policy, groups get fragmented, they are scattered throughout the territory of the department. But still they do not leave Seine-Saint-Denis. It’s always the same persons living here, some for a very long time. We follow the family for years, even if it is increasingly difficult for us to work. This is really complicated. Today, we use our time to find them again. With each eviction, all relationships that you try to create, to treat them, for example, must be restarted again. Everything is falling into the trap doors. I do not want to talk about the school to you! How do you want to enrol children, when they sometimes only sleep one or two nights at the same place.” What is also continuously hidden in the French press is that there are 100,000 to 500,000 integrated Rroma living in France. Therefore, the people living in the slums Rroma make up only a small percentage of Rroma in the country. Nevertheless, only they are present in the media.

25.06.2014 Lawsuit concerning the Rroma camp of Bobigny

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Jabkhiro (2014) reports on a lawsuit concerning the Rroma camp of Bobigny. The settlement had gained nationwide attention after a young Rroma girl had fallen victim to a fire in February. The residents are trying to fight against the planned eviction of the camp with the help of organizations and a lawyer. The newly elected major of Bobigny, Stéphane De Paoli, requested an accelerated procedure for the implementation of the eviction from the prefecture of Seine-Saint-Denis. The city administration’s lawyer emphasised in his plea the illegal nature of the camp, as well as the lack of security provisions in the settlement, which required a closure. The lawyer of the residents referred to the good social integration of the Rroma: 90% of the children are enrolled in school and the sanitary facilities have improved. There is no sensible reason why families in which the parents work, the children go to school and who show a clear desire for integration, should be evicted, the lawyer stated. Why the eviction is discussed in court, since all previous evictions usually took place without the consultation of the settlement’s inhabitants, Jabkhiro does not explain. The elementary school Marie Curie of Bobigny had previously been selected by the government to be portrayed in a short film, to show the successful enrolment and integration of Rroma children (compare Territoiresgouv 2013). The residents’ lawyer complains that those responsible for social assessments, that are required following the inter-ministerial circular from August 26th, 2012, did not exchange any information with the persons in charge on site. In the case of Bobigny, the application of the social assesment did not take place. So far, analyses by officials have been carried out only on a single day and cannot be classified as professional. The verdict of the lawsuit will be announced on July 2.

25.06.2014 Gerhart-Hauptmann-school in Kreuzberg being evicted: 40 Rroma were resettled

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The former school building of the Gerhart-Hauptmann-school in Kreuzberg, which housed 200 refugees, homeless and Rroma since 2012, is being evicted. In a first phase, the inhabitants are offered an alternative accommodation: “After long debates and political quarrels, on Tuesday, the evacuation of the school in Berlin-Kreuzberg, occupied by refugees, has begun. The district authority and the police are trying to make the residents move voluntarily to other accommodations, said a district spokesman. Accommodations are available in Charlottenburg and Spandau, for each of the 211 refugees, according to district spokespersons. However, the refugees from the occupied school shall only obtain new lodgings from the state if they follow the call for evacuation on Tuesday voluntarily” (Treichel/Mösken/Zivanovic 2014). The evacuation takes place on a decision of the district office of Kreuzberg. Many people, especially regarding the future stay of the refugees, criticize the action. Local activists tried to prevent the police from shutting off the building. According to journalists, around 40 Rroma have accepted the offer of the department and were brought to the site of a new accommodation. In contrast to France, until, there had been no forced eviction in Germany, since most immigrant Rroma are housed in rented affordable housing, which, however, also led to disputes. What is astonishing about the coverage of the eviction is that “refugees, homeless and Rroma” are mentioned. Focus (2014), rbb (2014) and the Berliner Morgenpost (2014) even speak of “Roma families, homeless, and drug dealers.” It is therefore assumed without further comment that Rroma inevitably find themselves in a similar situation as refugees, homeless or drug dealers. Why the ethnic affiliations of the other residents are not named, is not explained. This happens only with the Rroma (compare Die Welt 2014, Lang-Lendorff 2014, Treichel 2014). 

20.06.2014 Norway criminalises begging

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Numerous French newspapers address a new Norwegian law, which will make begging punishable starting summer 2015 all over Norway. From then on, beggars can be punished by fines and up to three months in prison. The right-wing nationalist Progressive Party, FrP, initiated the new law. The party member and justice minister, Anders Anundsen, claimed a clear link between begging and theft. However, this association of begging and organised criminality is very controversial in scientific research (compare Tabin et al 2012). For the the new law critics, it is beyond question that the new regulation is directly aimed against Rroma and wants to criminalise them. Justice minister Anders Anundsen said in a public statement that the vast majority of beggars in Oslo are Romanian nationals and that many are logged in criminal records. Based on the described case, once can see once more that suspicions towards Rroma are made into alleged facts by non-critical analogies. Neither the membership of the beggars to the Rroma is truly clarified, nor is it clear that all or most of the beggars have actually committed criminal acts. Baard Vegar Solhjell, from the left Norwegian socialists criticised that 200 years ago, the Norwegian constitution adopted a travel ban on Jews. The ban on begging stands in a clear, ideological line with this prohibition, since it is targeting towards an exclusion of the Rroma. Since the proponents of a ban have a clear majority in parliament, the adoption of the bill will be only a formality. Norway had just legalised begging nationwide in 2005. This was shortly before the outbreak of the biggest economic crisis since hundred years (compare Frémont 2014, L’essentiel 2014, Le Matin 2014, Libération 2014).

20.06.2014 Nancy and Bastia: Several Rroma accused of child trafficking

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Le Point (2014) reports on the arrests of several suspects accused of being involved in the trade of infants. The ethnicity of the suspects is stated to be that of French travellers, the babies however are said to be Rroma. Whether the author of the article uses the terms interchangeably or whether he means a different ethnicity is not evident. The accused are supposed to have smuggled infants from Corsica to France and sold them in Marseille and Ajaccio. Only inaccurate information is available about the exact background and motives of the events. One of the biological mothers is said to have given birth to her child under a false identity to facilitate a resale. By making the ethnicity of the accused explicit, something anything but obvious, the article suggests that the offense is a Rroma cultural peculiarity. This is much more the matter of extreme behaviour by some individuals. Something that is not stressed at all. With this, all those Rroma who are living blameless lives are discredited. The phenomenon of child trafficking, as repeatedly portrayed in the media, has to be critically reviewed, as scientific social studies demonstrate. These refer to the prevalence of criminal explanations of human trafficking over the perspective of the people involved and their backgrounds (compare Ortoli 2014, Oude Breuil 2008, Oude Breuil et al 2011). 

20.06.2014 Miskolc: Rroma to be displaced with relocation-bonus

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Pusztaranger (2014) reports on the planned extension of the local football arena into a mega stadium by the right-wing nationalist Fidesz government in Miskolc. To this end, a Rroma settlement is supposed to be removed in order to make space for a large parking lot. To incite the residents to move voluntarily into the social housing in the agglomeration, the city government gives the residents of the settlement a relocation-bonus of 1.5 to 2 million forints, approximately 4,500 to 6,000 Euros. Both the Rroma themselves, as well as the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, which are to receive the Rroma, protest against the project, albeit for entirely different reasons. While the Rroma demand living space in the city itself and do not want to be displaced outside into the agglomeration, the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages protest for racist reasons. They do not want any Rroma in their housing estates: “In the villages of the surrounding area, protest initiatives against potential newcomers from Miskolc have already been started; in the community Sátoraljaújhely, by decree, they are denied any social benefits and public employment measures for up to five years (Nol); in Ónod, an arson attack on a house inhabited by Roma was recently carried out, after the Fidesz mayor had spoken out against newcomers in the media.” In so-called “site visits”, Jobbik representatives control the documents of the Rroma and agitate against the minority.

20.06.2014 Biggest Rroma camp in Marseille was evicted

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Various French newspapers report on the eviction of the largest Rroma camp in Marseilles. The illegal settlement was founded in response to the eviction of a camp in Capelette, in October 2013, and was home to around 400 people, including one hundred children. Most of them are now homeless, as the inter-ministerial circular which requires an early social diagnosis as well as the organisation of alternative accommodation, was very badly applied. Only eighteen families were accommodated in a different location. Once again, children, many of whom went to school, are particularly affected. Their further education is in doubt because of the eviction, and the long-term integration of the families is additionally complicated. Some of the residents have been moving from one camp to the next since ten years. During summer, the number of closures of Rroma settlements massively increases in France. In winter, many communities have a moratorium in evictions on humanitarian grounds. Most of the residents will move to other informal settlements, resulting merely in a shift of the problem from one place to the next. Papin (2014) comments: “Hundreds of people, consisting of members of organisations, members of the Front de Gauche and citizens, were present this morning. All request that long-term solutions have to be found. Otherwise, the problem is merely displaced. In a few days, one will discover that families have created another camp at a different location. Without a permanent solution to accommodation, the story of the evacuation of the Rroma camps will remain an eternal problem.” The next clearance of another camp is already announced. The fact that Rroma are repeatedly accused of voluntarily wanting to live in the camps is absurd and shows the lack of any understanding of social inequality (compare Civallero 2014, Fiorito 2014, Gruel 2014, L’express 2014, Libération 2014, Miguet 2014).

20.06.2014 After Lynch incident: Renewed debate about Rroma in France

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After the lynching of a sixteen-year-old Rroma in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, a new debate about the Rroma and the contact with them has started in France. However, as expected, one doesn’t only find expressions of compassion and condemnation of the barbaric lynching, but also expressions of sympathy for the bourgeois vigilantism. This worrying trend can for instance be identified in the article by Seelow (2014), in which residents of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine express their displeasure with Rroma and trivialize the act of revenge on the young Rroma as retributive justice: “The Roma, they are in same filth as we are […], but they take everything they see, they have no inhibitions. One day, I left my new fridge on the sidewalk and when I came out they were loading it. The Roma are poor that steal from the poor. The fact that they go for a walk, that’s all right, but you shouldn’t go to people like that, it’s like rape. He went crazy, this kiddo. Afterwards, the young went too far and it degenerated, because of the group effect.” More eyewitness accounts from local residents follow, that reduce the Rroma to a wild, uncivilized horde. This is not differentiated at all. Instead, the Rroma are accused of a collective predisposition to criminality. The author of the article, Soren Seelow, is content to reflect the opinions of local residents, who proclaim an increase in crime since the influx of the Rroma. However, it is surprising that the inhabitants of the Quartier des poètes in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine admit that rough manners prevail in the quarter. Many are said to be poor themselves and to have a criminal record. That is why almost no one calls the police if something happens, it is said. However, it is very dangerous to equate poverty with an automatic disposition for crime. Many poor people are living decent and blameless. Once again, these are statements from individuals.

Meanwhile, senior French politicians condemned the deed. This view of the events is at odds with the French Rroma policies that have consistently evicted immigrated Rroma and discouraged them of integrating. Politicians of the right-wing nationalist Front National, as Louis Alliot, justify the lynching as the response of the population to a non-functioning state of law. That such acts of violence are promoted by a xenophobic propaganda against Rroma is not mentioned here. The politicians and journalists who accuse Rroma of collective criminality and antisocial behaviour are accomplices of this drift towards violence. Their marginalisation and exclusion promotes violence, as it is now happening in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine. The press secretary of Romeurope, Laurent El-Ghozi also criticised this. One must not be surprised that the integration of immigrant Rroma fails, he suggest, if one consistently prevents them from integrating into society. Bastié (2014) denies this viewpoint. She accuses the sociologist Eric Fassin of producing ideological hot air. It is, she states, not the political discourse about the Rroma which is responsible for the recent violence, but the state, which does not comply with its obligations and has given rise to areas of legal freedom, where people take the law into their own hands. This, she argues, is complemented with the economic crisis and the new migration flows since the creation the Schengen area. Bastié is right that the marginalisation of the Rroma is not only due to the political discourse. However, she is wrong when she trivializes it with her criticism and declares it irrelevant. Words are often the first step, followed by deeds. Therefore, on the contrary: intellectual arson exists. Le Monde (2014/II) also accuses the silence of the French public in its latest editorial. The indifference of large parts of society implies that the denigration of the Rroma has become an accepted fact and has slowly but steadily established itself in French society. This indifference is very dangerous and prone to more vilence. It means a de facto toleration of massive injustices and grievances (compare De Gouyon Matignon 2014 I/II, Euzen 2014, Le Monde 2014, Molinié 2014).

18.06.2014 Rroma and blonde children: racial prejudices remain

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The Greek newspaper Greek Reporter reports on a new case of possible child abduction. Neither the authorities nor the journalists seem to have learned anything from the case of the blond Rroma girl Maria. Instead, they continue to set out from racial prejudice and criteria: a begging Rromni in Rhodes is accused to have kidnapped and abused a blonde, blue eyed, male infant that was with her. Prosecutors demand a DNA test as well as a clear proof confirming the woman’s motherhood (compare Zikakou 2014). The idea of Rroma as child traffickers exists since centuries, as critical literary studies have shown. They are the projection of distrust on the Rroma, who just arrived in Europe, and were accused of paganism and a criminal disposition. These prejudices are an expression of uncertainty in contact with a new group of people who through their mere presence question the rigid power structure of medieval society. However, Rroma converted shortly after or even before their arrival in Europe to Christianity and clearly demonstrated their willingness to integrate.

18.06.2014 Obrnice receives award for its integration policy

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The Czech town Obrnice was awarded the European integration award for its successful inclusion of the Rroma into social life of the city. Rosenzweig’s (2014) article focuses on the work of the two social workers Milan Grundza and Zdeněk Nistor. They check if everything is in order and at night, send young people back home or tell them to linger somewhere else. The peculiarity of the social work of the two officers: Milan and Zdeněk are Rroma. Their work is said to be representative for the successful integration of the minority in Obrnice. However, it is noticeable that Rosenzweig mentions only positive aspects and denies still existing problems. The mayor of Obrnice, Drahomira Miklošová, sees the reason for the success of her integration strategy in a policy of simultaneously promoting and demanding: “Receiving this award from Strasbourg was a wonderful moment and gave me energy to keep on going. This has convinced me not to give into the negative voices that say that the situation requires radical solutions. For me, it is vital that nothing is freely given – I always say that the rewards are only given in exchange for something else. I will help you, but only if you do something in return. If you take this approach, I think that all cities in the country could make the same progress […].” However, it remains unclear how the integration policy in Obrnice, in addition to the example given, proceeds in detail.

18.06.2014 Lynching of a Rroma in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine

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Many newspapers report a case of lynching in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine. Neighbours of a local Rroma settlement accused a sixteen-year-old Rrom to have broken into one of their apartments. The group penetrated into the camp and abducted the young man with violence. They locked him in a basement and beat him severely. He was found along the National Road One on June 13th, lying unconscious in a supermarket shopping cart. His condition is critical; he is in a coma: “According to the current status of the investigations, that have been entrusted to the criminal investigation department of Seine-Saint-Denis, the prosecution of Bobigny remains cautious about the facts and the motives of the perpetrators. What is known is that a group of individuals arrived at camp where Darius and his family lived, late afternoon on Friday. According to a witness, the group was in possession of long weapons and opened fire around 17:30 without hurting anyone, before abducting the adolescent into a Clio” (Seelow 2014). The mother of the adolescent notified the police after the abduction of the boy. The victim was detained several times by the police for theft offenses. Lynch-law against minors is severely punished by the French judiciary. A couple, who had imprisoned and abused a fourteen-year-old thief in Toulouse for hours, was sentenced to three years in prison. However, until now, none of the perpetrators of this abuse has been arrested. Representatives of various organizations see the act as symptomatic of the increased intolerance towards Rroma in France. At the last European elections, the right-wing nationalist and repeatedly xenophobic National Front achieved a new high in votes. This act was preceded by a series of car break-ins, which the resident blamed the Rroma for. According to Libération (2014), the inhabitants of the local Rroma settlement have left their home precipitately. Ironically, Manuel Valls, who was repeatedly blamed for racist remarks against Rroma, condemned the incident decidedly and asked for an immediate arrest of the perpetrators (compare BBC News 2014, 20 minutes 2014, Le Figaro 2014, Le Monde 2014 I/II, Le Parisien 2014, Rollot 2014, Seelow 2014, Vincent 2014).

18.06.2014 Lety: protest against pig farm at the site of the former concentration camp

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Several newspapers reported on the protest by activists in several European countries, who objected to the presence of a pig farm at the site of a former concentration camp in Lety, in the Czech Republic. In the Czech Republic itself, several representatives of the European Grassroots Antiracist Movement (EGAM) were present. They remembered the approximately 1,300 Rroma women and children who were interned between August 1942 and May 1943 in the concentration camp of Lety. Most of them were then deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau and gassed there. In Lety itself, around 330 Rroma died, most of them children. They perished of typhoid fever, hunger, or because of the catastrophic conditions in the camp. Under the communist government, an industrial pig farm was built on the site of the former concentration camp. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, members of the Rroma community and human rights activists have called for the demolition of the pig farm and the establishment of a memorial (compare 20 minutes 2014, L’essentiel 2014, The Times of Israël 2014).

18.06.2014 “Judicial ethics body: citing “Gypsy crime” unethical”

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Politics.hu (2014) reports on a verdict of the Hungarian national council of judicial ethics. The council passed judgment that the verdict of judge Erika Mucs from Gyula was unethical. The judge concluded in lawsuit on the prohibition of the right-wing extremist citizens militia Szebb Jövőért Polgárőr Egyesület (Civil Guard Association for a Better Future) that the term “Gypsy crime” is legitimate, as “criminals” and “gypsies” cicrles would not coincide but strongly overlap. Lajos Makai, president of the Hungarian judicial council, subsequently started proceedings against Mucs. The investigation came to the conclusion that Mucs’ behaviour is unethical and that she broke the judges’ moral code. The latter since she didn’t evaluate the case she was handling objectively. Tunde Hando from the national judicial council said in a statement that the objectivity of the judges must be comprehensible in speech and writing. In addition, a new code of ethics is being adopted, which will be published at the end of 2014 and to which all Hungarian judges must obey.

18.06.2014 “It is time for historians to write Romani history into the mainstream”

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Taylor (2014), an historian at the Birkbeck University in London, talked about her new book “Another Darkness, Another Dawn: A History of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers”. At the beginning, she addressed the intense politicization and instrumentalization of Rroma by politics and journalism. The Rroma are once again made to scapegoats for all social ills and abused in political debates about immigration, debates that are dominated by fear mongering.

From a historical perspective, Taylor states that until today, Rroma are not part of the official historiography. However, Rroma are not granted separate history either, rather, they are ascribed an existence in a timeless bubble untouched by modern life. Taylor wants to overcome this deficiency with her book, and wants to complement the official, popular history with the history of the Rroma. She does it by connecting important historical upheavals, such as the emergence and decline of empires, wars, political upheavals, the expansion of the state of law, enlightenment and social crises with the history of the Rroma and examining mutual influences: “If exploring the history of Romani peoples was a way of holding up a mirror on the societies in which they lived, it was also a salutatory lesson that it is naive to believe in a progressive view of history: things don’t always get better, especially if you belong to a stigmatized ethnic group. […] Carrying out the research for this book showed how the enslavement of Gypsies coexisted under the Ottomans with remarkable cultural diversity and autonomy; how branding, mutilations and ‘gypsy hunts’ occurred at the same time that Gypsies established themselves across Europe and the Americas; and how despite developments in education and attitudes toward minorities across modern Europe and the U.S. has failed to bring anything like active acceptance of the place of Romani peoples within its societies.” Taylor’s book seems to be an interesting, new contribution to the historiography of the Rroma, even though one cannot critically assess her book with her own review. Her book should be read with a critical attitude, as many scientists and Rroma experts, despite their good intentions, reproduce and maintain false information about the Rroma.

  • Taylor, Becky (2014) It’s Time Historians Get Past the Stereotype of Romani Peoples and Write Them into History. In: History News Network online vom 15.6.2014. http://hnn.us/article/155822

18.06.2014 “Günter Grass honors Hungarian Rrom Jenő Zsigó”

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The Hungarian Rrom Jenő Zsigó was awarded a prize by Günter Grass’ “Foundation for theRoma people”: “With the award, Zsigó’s lifetime work is rewarded, the secretariat of Nobel laureate said in Lübeck on Thursday. Zsigó was the founder and long-time director of the institution Romano Kher in Budapest, and chairman of the Hungarian Roma parliament. […]Since the 1980s, he was “an independent and dedicated spokesperson for political and cultural affairs of the Roma in Hungary” The foundation stated.” Zsigó was co-founder of the Hungarian Rroma parliament that championed both politically and culturally the interests of the Rroma and initiated the first scholarship program for Hungarian Rroma, who are still heavily discriminated against in the education system (compare Focus/DPA 2014, Hamburger Abendblatt/DPA 2014, Tiroler Tageszeitung/DPA 2014).

13.06.2014 Zoltán Balog differentiates between “worthy” and “unworthy” taxpayers

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Pusztaranger (2014) writes about a recent interview with Zoltán Balog (Fidesz), the Minister of Human Resources, on the Hungarian radio station Lánchídrádió. In the conversation, Balog says that the state must “make a difference between problem families and those who are capable, giving support to the government (through taxes).” To this end, the state secretariat for social affairs and inclusion will be responsible for beneficiaries in the future and the state secretariat for family and youth for providers. According to Pusztaranger, Balog differentiates the category of “beneficiaries” into additional subgroups: “self-inflicted fall into need or without fault”; thus “guilt” is introduced as a new rating category for poverty. This is the historic Christian discourse of “the worthy and unworthy poor. […] Since the Middle Ages, the “worthy poor” were the ones who could not sustain themselves for their livelihood, especially the sick, the elderly, widows and orphans. The “unworthy poor” were healthy and able-bodied people to whom idleness was ascribed.” Among the beneficiaries Balog identifies the disabled, vulnerable children and Rroma. The fact that he considers the Rroma as self-inflicted in distress, Pusztaranger deems as being obvious. This assessment is worrisome insofar, because Balog is also the person responsible for the Hungarian Rroma strategy. In his lecture at the University of Zurich, in the summer of 2013, he had pompously highlighted the massive efforts and successes of Hungary to integrate the Rroma. That these promises were not just empty words is greatly to be hoped, however, very doubtful given the latest news.

13.06.2014 Tribute to the victims of the Marzahn labour camp

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On June 15th, the state association Berlin-Brandenburg of German Sinti and Rroma commemorated the victims of the Marzahn labour camp. In the 1930s, Rroma living in Berlin were brought to Marzahn labour camp after the rise of the Nazis, in order to “clean” the city for the Olympic Games of 1936: “Thousands of Gypsies were here – between the cemetery and the former sewage farms – interned and forced to work in labour camps before they were transported to concentration camps. […] In the “Gypsy camp Marzahn”, from the summer 1936 onward, at least 1,200 people from infants to elderly were held under inhuman conditions. By the spring of 1943, almost all inmates had been deported to Auschwitz. From there, almost no one came back” (Tessman 2014). The chairman of the state association, Petra Rosenberg, will remind with a speech on June the 15th that the persecution and marginalization of the Rroma continued after the end of World War II and the German government recognized these injustices only after long efforts by political activists (Tessman 2014).

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