Monthly Archives: novembre 2013

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29.11.2013 Support versus recognition of the Rroma

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Mappes-Niediek (2013) provides information about a restaurant project in the Slovenian town of Maribor. The restaurant will be operated by Rroma and to a certain extent reduce the high unemployment locally. Against this project co-initiated by the mayor, local resistance has been organised: the critics, among them local representatives, fear that the restaurant will become a Rroma meeting place where there will be only Rroma. The cook Ajša Mehmeti decidedly stated that she wants it to be a restaurant for all. For Slovenes, Serbs, Bosnians and Rroma. But for the project to work, it needs not only the support of the mayor, but also the support of the local population. So far, this is missing: “Meanwhile, the Roma have the key for the local. The contract is signed, an architect has looked at the rooms. But the Maribor Rroma do not look like winners. Friendliness or integration you can not just win by fighting.”

On the basis of the fate of the young Rrom Orhan Jasarovski, Gojdka (2013) discusses the injustices of the social structures and asylum procedures. Orhan has epilepsy and a lame leg. He came with his family as a youngster from Macedonia to Germany. Here he hopes for a better life outside of poverty and exclusion. He works hard and wants to study. But the German migration authority has other plans. Orhan and his family have to return to Macedonia. After numerous legal hurdles and thanks to the support of German helpers, he manages to make it back to Germany. But the recognition as Rrom remains difficult. As before, there is a clear discrepancy between verbally expressed sympathy and real recognition: “In a literature seminar at the university a lecturer speaks finally about Sinti and Roma: “An anti-social people on the margins of society”. Jasarovski boils. His pulse skyrockets. Every word is like a knife in his heart. Anger about the lecturer. Rage over his own cowardice not to have outed oneself. Then Jasarovski stands up. “I know best what Roma are,” he says, “I ‘m Gypsy.” Many friends renounce their friendship. Too deep are the literary and non-literary stereotypes of the thieving Gypsies, the travellers and the child abductors. In the literature, one must analyse these pictures scientifically, says Jasarovski. But he also knows that he can not meet the bitter reality scientifically.”

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29.11.2013 Slovakia: Extreme rightist is Regional President

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Die Welt (2013) informs about disturbing developments in Slovakia. In the town of Banská Bystrica, the right-wing extremist Marian Kotleba has been elected as Regional President. Kotleba won the election against the incumbent Social Democratic candidate. Kotleba is known because of his numerous racist actions and statements against Rroma. He is Chairman of the extreme rightist “People’s Party – Our Slovakia”: “Kotleba has been known for years for his campaign against the Roma minority – and for appearances in uniforms that are modelled on fascist originals. He has been repeatedly arrested by the police and charged with racial incitement and threat to democracy. Convicted he never was.” That a confessed right-wing extremists and Rroma hater is now influencing the policy of Banská Bystrica should give all supporters of democratic values something to think about. Apparently many people seem to have learnt nothing from history.

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29.11.2013 Segregation through an Integration Project?

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Klapheck (2013) reports on the integration project “Maro Temm” [Our country] in Kiel. The program financed 50 settlements for Sinti that were built in the district of Gaarden in the suburbs. The report, filled with a lot of empathy nevertheless gives a fairly questionable image of integration and Rroma: the journalist talks at the beginning of the settling the Sinti. Most Rroma are not travellers. In addition, settling Rroma in ethnically segregated quarters should really be questioned. How can an exchange take place with non-Rroma if they live in segregated settlements? Segregation is already there even without the help of such integration projects. The fact that the interviewed Sinti speak of widespread illiteracy among the Rroma is also one-sided. This is not true of many integrated Rroma living in Germany. They are simply hidden in this report. Klapheck evokes an emphatic but highly one-sided picture of Sinti and Germany. This also criticized by Romani Rose in his interview with the Süddeutsche Zeitung (2013).

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29.11.2013 Rroma Debate in the UK

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Pany (2013) reports on polemical statements against Rroma in the UK. Politicians and residents of Sheffield spoke of potential social unrest, should the Rroma not culturally assimilate. David Blunkett (BBC 2013) states that the majority of the Slovak Romany would thus have to adjust their social behaviour in order to prevent social tensions. The fact that large families, low education or littering have nothing to do with culture but rather with poverty, does not seem to be clear to Blunkett. In addition, one again needs to note the tendency to automatically assimilate all immigrants from Eastern Europe to Rroma, even though their ethnicity is everything but easy to determine. Conspicuous individuals and groups are simply flatly decreed to be Rroma: “The complaints reported by residents as in the Guardian [Pidd 2013], in the Telegraph [Shute 2013] or shriller even in the Boulevard [Reid 2013], range from night time disturbance because of loud gatherings of Roma on the streets, garbage in front of houses and extend to allegations of theft of metals, drug trafficking and prostitution.” This contrasts with reports such as in the Guardian (Townsend 2013), who expose the propaganda as part of the campaign against the free movement of people in Europe and who address issues such as exclusion and discrimination. The Austrian, right-wing populist online newspaper Unzensuriert.at (2013/II) meanwhile speaks uncritically of the Slovak Rroma clans that are swamping the UK and who disturb the social peace with their anti-social behaviour: “In British media in connection with Roma, there have been reports of vandalism, garbage dumps, theft, drug trafficking and prostitution.”

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29.11.2013 Rolf Bauerdick written defence of his book

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In an article in die Welt, Bauerdick (2013) responds to the many sometimes violent criticisms of his book, “Gypsies: Encounters with unloved people.” He still seems not to realise that his supposed revelations on culturally related grievances is after all racist. He notes: “If the police, as currently in Westphalia, warns against bands of con artists, then this is no need for the Central Countil [of Sinti and Roma to read the Levites to their own clientele. If Roma pimps send thousands of young women to bars and to brothels, not a single official stands up to protect the victims. And when in Paris, the Louvre closes because droves of abused children steal from the visitors, then that has nothing to do at all with that ethnic group for which Heuss speaks as non-Gypsy. For the Central Council, Roma crime is solely responsibility of individuals. Only the racism of the dominant society is collective.” With his statements Bauerdick follows the same line as the Weltwoche. His criticism is one that builds on a very one-sided picture of the Rroma, pervaded by prejudice. Bauerdick wants to have encountered all the things that he wrote and criticised about in his book. But how does he knows with certainty that the begging children are Rroma and the prostitutes are Rromnja? How does he know that the children are not begging for themselves or their parents, and the women prostitute themselves out of poverty? Where does he take the authority as Gadjo to gauge Rroma? The problems he sees among the Rroma are exactly those that outsiders over and over again simplistically use to explain the observed events: Begging children are part of hierarchically organized clan networks, the same applies to prostitutes or theiving Rroma. Behind them stands a mighty Rroma king who skims all of them. That despite numerous refutations of his vision, Bauerdick still decidedly insists on his position is incomprehensible. It hurts Rroma more than it helps them, although the latter is his officially his goal. The fact that he thereby interprets the freedom of expression in an ethically very questionable manner, does not seem to be clear to him (compare with the right-wing populist platform Unzensuriert.at 2013).

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29.11.2013 Manuel Valls and French Rroma Policies

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L’ express (2013) reports on the statements of the French Minister of the Interior Manuel Valls on the television station France Inter: Valls tried to downplay his polemical statements from mid-September, “Manuel Valls a affirmé qu’il n’avait “jamais dit” que les roms n’avaient pas vocation à s’intégrer. “Je pense que les Français ont parfaitement compris ce que je disais”, a-t-il ajouté. Le ministre de l’Intérieur a ensuite nuancé ses précédentes déclarations. “Dans ces campements, il y a bien sûr des familles roumaines ou bulgares qui ont de vrais projets d’intégration en France. Bien sûr”, a-t-il rectifié.” [Manuel Valls affirmed that he “never said” that Roma did not want to integrate. “I think that the French perfectly understood what I said:, he added. The Interior Minister then nuanced his preceding declarations. “in these settlements, there are of course families from Romania or Bulgaria who have real integration projects in France. Of course”, he did add.] These reassuring statements, however, should not obscure the fact that Valls in fact Rroma flatly stated that they lack integration will and have a “tendency to want return to Romania” something that brought him an accusation of defamation.

Meanwhile, the New York Times (Rubin 2013) reports in a almost absurd article about French mushroom dealers who accuse Eastern European Rroma of mushroom theft. The Rroma learnt about the locations of wild mushrooms by working for French mushroom dealers and are now harvesting the mushrooms in “illegal” Night and Fog actions. There are no laws that prohibit collecting mushrooms in state land. The absurd accusation of mushroom theft are reminiscent of earlier accusations such as the ones levelled against Jews whereby they would poison the wells or enriched themselves illegally on the back of the prosperity of others. The alleged mushroom theft shows that Rroma are generally accused of all ills without any real proof.  “Jean Louis Traversier of the French forest service estimates that more than 80 percent of this year’s harvest of 50 tons of mushrooms in just the southeastern Drôme and Ardèche regions were taken by Romanian and Bulgarian citizens to Spain. Locals tend to describe them all as Roma, but officials, including Mr. Traversier, say it is not possible to conclude that from their passports. […] They are wrongfully accusing the Roma community,» said Francine Jacob, vice president of the French Union of Gypsy Associations. «Delinquency exists — that we cannot deny — but it’s not systematic.» 

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29.11.2013 George Soros: How to integrate the Rroma better

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Soros (2013 I / II) explains in his article in Le Temps and Les Echos how to better integrate the Rroma in Europe. As a result of the new EU citizenship of many European countries, Rroma have become the target of a national planning policy and their situation has also deteriorated. To counteract the tendency of increasing marginalization and exclusion, an investment in the education of the young generation is essential. That’s why he has funded the Roma Education Fund (REF) which helps more than 100,000 pupils and students every year. However, the work of the Fund is not sufficient on its own when the respective States do not actively participate in better integration of the Rroma. In addition, the private sector needs to be reminded of its duty: “L’objectif éducatif n’est cependant pas suffisant. Les Roms doivent pouvoir être en mesure de trouver un emploi. La possibilité d’une solution durable exigerait de l’Europe qu’elle bâtisse une classe ouvrière rom. Le secteur privé a ici lui aussi un rôle à jouer.”  [The educational objective is not sufficient. The Roma need to be able to find work. A durable solution to the Roma problem requires Europe to build a Roma worker class.”] It cannot be that one waits passively for an improvement of the situation. Active and well-considered action is needed (see George Soros in 2013 III / IV).

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29.11.2013 France: The eviction of illegal Rroma settlements continues

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L’express (2013) reports on the eviction of a Rroma camp in Saint-Ouen. The settlement lodged around 250 people. Only about a dozen provisional shelters were provided to the evicted people. The French authorities are thus continuing a strict regulatory policy which may bring more short-term public order but goes against and hinder the long-term integration of Rroma.

Meanwhile, the plans of the mayor of Paris in the Paris agglomeration to set up a reception centre for homeless Rroma is raising displeasure of many parties and neighbours (Le Figaro, 2013).

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29.11.2013 Baden- Württemberg: New State Treaty strengthens rights of the Sinti and Romany

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Grunau (2013) reports on the newly signed treaty between the German state of Baden- Württemberg and the local Land Association of German Sinti and Roma. The agreement recognizes that the Rroma have been a part of German society for the last 600 years and as an ethnic minority have the right to protect and promote their interests. With the signing of the Treaty, the State of Baden-Württemberg also acknowledges its historic responsibility in the genocide of the Rroma and must attempt to fight against antiziganism: “The State Treaty in Baden-Württemberg is intended to inform. The State agrees to enshrine the past and present of the Sinti and Roma in the curricula for schools and teaching so as, “to counter possible prejudices.” A research centre for the history and culture of the minority as well as of antiziganism will be created.” The chairman of the National Association of German Sinti and Roma, Daniel Strauss, is hoping for a pioneering role of the State of Baden-Württemberg in the fight against racism and social exclusion. It is greatly hoped that the concessions made in this contract do not only remain statements of intent.

The Stuttgarter Zeitung (2013) adds that around 12,000 Sinti and Roma live in Baden- Württemberg. They form one of the four recognized minorities besides the Frisians, Sorbs and the Danes. That Jews are not mentioned is somewhat astonishing. The representatives of the Rroma also complained that, contrary to Schleswig-Holstein, it did not come to a change in the state constitution, in which the protection of the Rroma is enshrined. The Schwabian newspaper (2013) adds that the Baden-Württemberg State Association will receive 500,000 euro from 2014 and that a Council for the affairs of the German Sinti and Roma has been created.

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15.11.2013 Rroma in Northern Bohemia

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Schultheis (2013) reported on the successful efforts of Drahomíra Miklošová, the Mayor of Obrnice, to integrate the Rroma in the community. The approach is centred on a structural support which is not specifically tailored to Rroma, but to the needy in general. Miklošová strove for a political post and then fought decidedly against exorbitant rents and crime. For the Rroma, she sought to integrate rather than to drive them out, as is still common. The head of the Centre for Social Services considers the cause for the success of the local projects as being a focus on the needy in general and the strengthening of social cohesion: “The issue today is no longer about Roma or non-Roma. [… ] Some people here think: You are doing everything just for the Gypsies. But this is relevant to all socially disadvantaged. They all have the same problems: unemployment, usury, debt. A vicious cycle. Approximately one-third of the families who come to us in the consultation are not Roma.” This very positive article should not obscure the fact that discrimination against Rroma in the Czech Republic is still a huge problem.

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15.11.2013 Rroma and the Zurich Street Prostitution

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20 Minuten (2013) with its article on a lawsuit against two Rroma pimps presents a perspective of culturally determined relations of exploitation, reproducing the notion of clan-like dependencies, ratios, exactly as the Weltwoche does over and over again: “The District Court of Zurich convicted the clan chief in the summer of 2012, among others for human trafficking and sexual assault, the son for promotion of prostitution. [… ] The prosecutor told the Superior Court of the brutal and unscrupulous actions of the accused. These corporal punishments and threats made the exploited victims docile with corporal. The women who were purchases as goods had to give all the revenues of the clan chief.” What is questionable is of course not the charges of the violence done to these women, , but the finding that it is due to culturally determined structures and relations of exploitation. The article implies the fact that this pimping is a Roma-specific phenomenon.

Hasler’s (2013) article discrediting human trafficking also gives the impression that this case is the consequence of clan-like, strongly hierarchically organized Rroma groups: “Since 2008, The Zurich stree prostituion on the Sihlquai and the Langstrasse was dominated by Hungarian Roma. The area allocation among the pimps was not without tensions. [… ] The son did not hesitate to send his partner and mother of his children to prostitute herself and they harass her when she opposed it. He used such physical violence that the woman had to be driven to hospital by ambulance. At the conclusion of the criminal investigation, the wife of the public prosecutor announced that she wanted to marry the 25 year old.” Several authors explain convincingly that the notion of clan-like, hierarchical structures among the Rroma is wrong (Daniels, 2013, Mappes – Niediek 2013, Martens 2013, Tabin 2013). Representing pimping as a culturally driven phenomenon can only be described as absurd. That on needs to decidedly combat human trafficking is beyond question.

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15.11.2013 Incitement against Rroma in the “Daily Express”

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Jeeves (2013) defames Rroma in an article full of prejudice and generalizations up to the limit of open hatred: “Earlier this week, former Home Secretary and Sheffield MP David Blunkett highlighted the “serious problems” after the arrival of Romas from Slovakia. […] Teenage girls are said to offer sex for less than the price of a pint of beer. Others believe drug deals are taking place, with cars pulling up and packages being exchanged. Concerns that Roma gangs already in Britain are engaged in such appalling criminal acts will add weight to the Daily Express crusade to force the Government to keep controls in place on Romanians and Bulgarians, rather than opening the doors to both countries on January 1.” Jeeves’ article presents a highly one-sided, racist image of Rroma: they are portrayed as a criminal gang incompatible with English society. The Rroma are misused as a vessel for the vote on the free travel and establishment of persons from Romania and Bulgaria. The clearly conservative minded author projects his racist and distorted ideas about migrants unwilling to adapt who will be a cost on the British welfare system, and thus defames Rroma. A proper reporting is different.

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15.11.2013 European Rroma Policies from an American Perspective

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Bilefsky (2013) of the New York Times comments on the events surrounding the European integration, respectively, non-integration initiatives on Rroma. On the background of the trial against 27 Croatian Rroma who are accused of child trafficking and education towards delinquency, he raises the question of the role of the Rroma in European society. However, his questions are clumsy: he sees the Rroma as being inevitably forced to delinquency by widespread poverty and discrimination. But poverty does not automatically mean a drift into illegality. Such a concept corresponds to conservative views, seeing all poor Rroma as embedded in hierarchical, exploitative structures. The defence of the 27 accused Rroma have put forward a questionable traditions of otherness in their arguments. Therefore Bilefskys provocative question in the title of the article: „[the] members of the defense team offered an unusual legal defense: rather than focusing on the argument that the Roma are forced to resort to crime because of poverty and discrimination, it claimed that in some cases they were simply following age-old Roma traditions and generally operate outside the norms of society in «the style of the Middle Ages. »“  This view of a cultural otherness is precisely the one favoured by Manuel Valls and conservatives. The fact that the defence used this to rehabilitate the defendant Rroma is particularly questionable and raises the question of their integrity. The prosecution, however, favoured a perspective of organized crime: the Rroma children were deliberately educated to become thieves because of the widespread impunity they have as children and they are part of clan-like structures. This, however, according to Bilefsky confusing analysis, is not a cultural explanation. Then what? He takes a liberal attitude towards the cited opinion: The Rroma, as he suggests in a concluding quote have to try to emancipate themselves through their own efforts. That this also requires the readiness of the public should not be forgotten.

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15.11.2013 Cementing of Prejudices with the Case of Maria

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In the case of the blond bulgarian Rroma girl Maria, Scholz (2013) sees a renewed strengthening of racist prejudices against Rroma. Both the researcher on racism Wolfgang Benz, as well as the Chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Romani Rose, criticized the reporting of numerous media as well as the actions of the involved police agencies as being based on “racist patterns”. The un-reflected articles promoted the exclusion and general prejudice against Rroma living in Europe. Rose, according to  Scholz, loudly criticised the one-sidedness of the reporting that always relies only on problem cases and completely neglects the “invisible” integrated Rroma: “A few days ago in an interview with the “Südeutsche Zeitung” Rose had already warned  against “always focusing on only one part of the Roma.” One must distinguish between the ones “who live in anonymity and those who lead a perfectly normal life in Germany”.” Rose further calls for the establishment of a committee of experts to examine antiziganism in Germany and who would make public (also compare German Wave 2013).

Peters (2013) precises that according to a recent survey, 64 % of Germans would reject Rroma as neighbours. And this even though many already have Rroma as neighbours, but do not know it because they keep their identity secret. Peters also draws clear parallels to the discrimination against the Jews with reference to Wolfgang Benz. Such journalism would not be allowed in Germany about the Jewish minority due to the historical events. But for Rroma surprisingly, this is acceptable. Rose criticizes: “Worldwide, missing children are now suspected to be among Roma. Hundreds of parents now hope that their missing children are alive and were abducted by Roma. This makes all Sinti and Roma to potential child thieves.”

Gezer (2013) comes to a dismal conclusion about the current acceptance of Rroma in Europe. The public image is dominated by negative stereotypes, Rroma are used as scapegoats and as a projection for a wide range of social fears and debates that are taking place on their back: fears of immigration, of change, economic impoverishment, “Yes, Europe has a new villain, he is called Roma and is everywhere. The new villain has dark skin, sings and steals, gives his children no shoes on because it is their tradition to do so. In Europe it is acceptable again to stigmatize a group because of their ethnicity.” She especially criticizes the silence of many politicians and public figures who hush up the blazing racism against Rroma. It is the same type of behaviour that was observed when the migrants were the Turks.

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08.11.2013 Rroma and the Zurich Street Prostitution

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Bracher (2013) in her article presents a shocking picture of humiliated, exploited women to be reintegrated back into Hungarian society by the Hungarian Baptist Aid Charity after their exit from prostitution. Two-thirds of them were Rroma. The women were all victims of pimps – often their own brothers, uncles or friends – who threatened them with violence or already applied it and under whose influence they mostly still stood. The interviews were all done by Bracher in the presence of a member of the charity and favour a victim’s perspective with a “Loverboy” havin pushed the women into prostitution. It is says for example: “With 24 Valeria met a man who promised her an income opportunity in Budapest. Whether she then knew then that it was about prostitution? She denies it, perhaps out of shame. When she learns in Budapest what is expected of her, she wants to go home. But the man threatened her that he will kill her grandmother. […] Onlyl last February Katalin did return from Zurich. Her then boyfriend took her to Zurich and told her there that he had sold her to a pimp. He brought her in a hotel where she was coerced into prostitution.” Without any intention to playing down forced prostitution, a question arises due to the discrepancy between Bracher’s representations and the opinions of women and prostitutes organisations  These paint a different picture that does not correspond to the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma. The prostitutes organisations Dona Carmen (2013 ), Hyra (2013) and the Zurich Institute against the trafficking of women and women migration (2013) describe forced prostitution as a marginal phenomenon that constitutes the exception, not the rule. Rather, the economic misery is the cause for prostitution, usually voluntary. Poverty is therefore what needs to be addressed, not the prostitution itself. Moreover, one should not only always speak about, but one must also discuss with the prostitutes: “It is not a great job. It is a tough job. But it annoys us when sex workers are always portrayed as victims. They are not. Many of them are strong, wise women who make a living and that of their families and are small entrepreneurs. They are victims only because of the stigma of sex work” (Boos 2013). Here, however, great caution should be exercised before playing down forced prostitution. Dona Carmen (2013) refers in its presentation on police statistics on declining, even almost non-existent cases of human trafficking in Germany. The reliability of these statistics is to be doubted, as the identification of human trafficking is far from clear and simple. The same goes for the other side, the one claiming that each case of prostitution is the result of trafficking. To describe the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as standard case is to be decidedly questioned. It corresponds to the Weltwoche view that sees Rroma society as a hierarchically organised clan structure.

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08.11.2013 Generalisation on and defamation of Rroma in the Weltwoche

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The article about the alleged Rroma children in the world Week 44 /2013 is both factually and in its argumentation on a weak foundation:

It is based on a report of the Association of Towns published in 2011, the Bern Police spokesman Alexander Ott and various cantonal police forces. A bit thin an argumentation to generalise the given examples to an entire ethnic group and thus to actually defame it. The quoted anonymous sources from police sources make things even worse, as they suggest at best a form of conspiracy theory.

A true proof to the core message is not presented here.  The individual case described about a Rromni who rented a child for 250.- euro may be true. But to take the tragedy of this story for the thesis of existing organized gangs can only be regarded as journalistically and scientifically untenable.

Any counter-arguments to the thesis of the Weltwoche are completely ignored: For example, the study of professors Tabin and Knüsel showing that beggars earn less than 20.—CHF per day in Lausanne is not mentioned here. In addition, beggars organizations are actually a legend from the Middle Ages. No word about this either.

But the article dwells on the prostitution of underage Rroma boys. There is no mention that their customers are actually committing a criminal offence. Victims are made to be perpetrators, and the fate of innocent children is criminalised.

On cannot condone the generalizations about criminal Rroma, exploited by clans and tribes. The Weltwoche may have good reasons to write against the EU and the Schengen agreements, but we ask them not to build their argument on prejudice against an entire ethnic group. Maybe this paper should replace the term Rroma with the name of a different ethnic group and ask themselves if they could still publish it.

 

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01.11.2013 The Cliché of Rroma Stealing Children

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The “Bote der Urschweiz” paper (The Messenger of Central Switzerland) (2013) confirms in an article about the Rroma blonde girl Maria who was found in Greece, the biological relationship to a Rroma family in Bulgaria. Both the biological parents and the foster parents now raise claims to the care of the girl. The media attention about Maria encourages still strongly rooted prejudices about Rroma, both of biological and social nature: Rroma have to be dark-skinned and dark-haired. In addition, the case is hyped for all the wrong reasons: It reinforces the still widespread but absurd ideas about Rroma and children theft or sale. The foster mother is reported as having bought Maria for 500 leva (about 315 francs) from her biological mother, which the latter, however, denies. The Bulgarian Child Protection Authority claims that the biological parents are not able to adequately care for their children. Which is why they want to give Maria to a foster Bulgarian family (NZZ 2013).

Versek (2013) also criticised the concept of child-stealing Rroma which is reinforced by the overall reporting as absurd and non-credible. What give to thin is in fact the uninhibited association of Rroma with human trafficking. In the case of the Jews, the public would never allow such a link, for Rroma however yes. “In recent weeks, ​​the story of the little blond Maria who was discovered in a Greek Rroma family made Europe’s headlines. Even before the details of the case stood firm, the picture in the public mind was created as if it were a terrible case of kidnapping or at least of human trafficking.” As Verseck sees it, it is the vicious circle of poverty falsely is often described as the Rroma culture that needs to be broken.

Von Daniels (2013), states that the ideas of organised clans which are involved in begging and organised crime, are largely wrong. The police in Vienna recently tried to smash a so-called Rroma network. Only they could not find any. What they found, was “third world to touch”, therefore blatant poverty. The idea of Rroma who exploit other Rroma is found among  those who want to criminalise them and discipline them. This is done for both the alleged victim and the alleged perpetrator. Thus, the Rroma themselves are not readily integrable for Manual Valls, which manifests itself in a criminalising perspective on them. This apparent, lack of integration will is elevated to a cultural characteristic: “”These people have long been aware of impoverished and socially marginalized,” says the also representative Kawczynski from Hamburg. What is often referred to as ethnic tradition, is a sign of social neglect. Once this misery meets German conditions, it has a hard impact – for both sides. Residents are disgusted by the squalor of the homes in which Roma will live.” It is therefore the poverty that needs to be combated, not the culture of the Rroma.

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01.11.2013 Rroma In Slovakia

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Like many before him, Neshitov (2013) reports on the Rroma ghetto Lunik 9 in Kosice. The Rroma who live there correspond to the classical stereotypes about them: they have many children, are mostly illiterate and unemployed. Neshitov states: “Except for 19 people,  nobody actually works in Lunik. The 19 work in the steel mill. Father Peter says that in spite of their work, they have the highest debt because they do not know how to deal with money.” The quoted priest,  who takes cares of Rroma in Lunik 9, is reproducing in the article medieval views, views that Neshitov contextualises, but does not really question in his article. Rather, he sees the Rroma in Lunik 9 lapse into apathy, for which they are themselves responsible. He quotes from an interview: “ What keeps this family in Lunik 9? Father Dušan says: “The Roma there can do nothing for their life, they have no work, they are ostracised.” His daughter Tatyana interrupts him: “Come on Dad, honestly: These people do not want to live better. It’s their mentality.”” Neshitov’s article cannot be questioned in terms of the presentation of the facts, but the chosen  coverage and selection of informants and of the location, precisely aligns to the stereotypical image of the Rroma, which is very one-sided.

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01.11.2013 Rroma in Hungary

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Gorondi (2013) reports on a project in north-eastern Hungary, where many Rroma live. In the village of Bodvalenke, Rroma artists from all over Europe have contributed to the production of 33 murals on the outer walls of village houses.  The subjects of the paintings cover both Rroma folklore and religious representations. The aim of the campaign is to strengthen both the self-confidence Rroma  as well as to attract tourists to the small village characterised by high unemployment. The Rroma, according to Gorondi, were particularly affected by the economic crisis: “The Roma have been hit particularly hard by the economic and financial crisis starting in 2008 in Hungary. During the communist era, which ended in 1990, they had mostly guaranteed low-skilled jobs. But since then, many Roma, including those in a village close to the Slovakian border, have had a hard time finding their place in a more competitive society. Half of the residents in Bodvalenke are younger than 18 years, and most of the adults are unemployed and live more badly than well on government support.” The idea of the murals comes from the activist Eszter Pásztor. However, the project is not without controversy. The mayor of the village would much prefer proper jobs. That the murals really will attract tourists is to be hoped, but probably doubtful in view of the widespread prejudice against Rroma.

Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest

01.11.2013 Rroma in Germany

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In her article, Levy (2013) tries to present some individual stories that can create an antithesis to the widespread stereotypes about Rroma. For example, based on the Sinti family Braun: The family take an important role. This includes regular visits to the grandparents, often twice a week because respect for elders is very important. The 21-years old Daniel keeps his identity secret from his classmates. Too great is the fear of misunderstanding and rejection: ““In school, I have not outed myself as Sinto. Because I’m afraid that it brings disadvantages, that one talks bad about me“ Gypsy, that curse word,  he has heard that too many times. “One forgot to gas you”, his grandparents had to hear from their neighbours. “Then you dare no more,” says Daniel, and says nothing”” The integrated Sinti see themselves again confronted with prejudice following the immigration of Rroma from Southeast Europe. They have many children, are poor, begg, steal, and are a burden to the German social welfare system as is often read in the media. Nevertheless they solidarise with the immigrants.

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