Daily Archives: octobre 17, 2014

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17.10.2014 Visible Rroma in Berlin

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Flatau (2014/I) reports on illegal camping Rroma immigrants in the Görlitzer Park of Berlin. The homeless Rroma families are supposed to receive integration support at the initiative of the leaders from the district Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg: “The district of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg wants to develop a new plan of action to deal with the homeless Eastern Europeans. For this purpose, the “workgroup immigration” was founded. This interdepartmental workgroup was “absolutely necessary”, said mayor Monika Herrmann (Green). The panel will ensure that the Roma families get a minimum health care in the future, and children and young people are enrolled in day care centres and schools. With the senate authorities, a first Berlin contact point for Roma shall be initiated. In addition, the district office has applied for 1.2 million Euro subsidies from the EU, to fund language courses and further support. However, the office cannot provide accommodations, said city counciler Beckers. But he knew of intensive efforts of the commissioners for integration of the Senate in providing housing for Roma families. This was preceded by protests against the illegal camping Roma families. This season, more people than in past years had stayed in the Görlitzer Park and in vehicles at the Görlitzer Strasse […].” However, the media focus on homeless Rroma immigrants casts a bad light on the situation of Rroma in Germany. While the media and politicians are concerned almost exclusively with the recently immigrated Rroma, they neglect the majority of the 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma, which have been living integrated in Germany for generations and speak perfectly German. They are the proof that integration is possible without problems (compare Flatau 2014/II).

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17.10.2014 Sulukule: forced relocation of Rroma in Istanbul

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Keet (2014) reports on the forced resettlement of about 3,500 Rroma in Istanbul. The members of the minority, who have lived in the neighbourhood Sulukule for centuries, were relocated between 2005 and 2010 into apartment buildings on the outskirts of the city because of a building project. Sulukule was one of the oldest documented Rroma settlements in the world. Their presence was documented since the time of the Byzantine Empire. The forced resettlement of Rroma led to massive protests by various groups. The inhabitants protested for four years, all the while when excavators destroyed their buildings. Despite several legal objections to the destruction of the settlement, which was ordered by the government, the demolition continued. With the settlement’s destruction, a way of life was laid to rest. It consisted of a close cooperation between the local families, who arranged their daily works with one another, which allowed a good existence  in spite of small incomes. In the new apartment buildings the Rroma pay a lot more rent and are cut off from their former sources of revenue, such as metal work, flower trade, or raw material recycling, because of the location on the urban periphery. Critics complain that the Rroma were not consulted in the resettlement project, and that a responsible policy would have involved them in the decision-making. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 300,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in Turkey. Many of them are affected by severe poverty. However, numerous are also well integrated, have educations, own apartments and belong to the middle or even the upper class.

Keet, Verenia (2014) Roma people victims of modernization in Turkey. In: Press TV online vom 10.10.2014. http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2014/10/10/381719/roma-victims-of-modernization-in-turkey/

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17.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as burglars

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Happel (2014) informs about the arrest of two twelve year old girls at the Basel train station. The two perpetrators are accused of having broken into a rental apartment the day before. The two girls are presumed to be Rroma, the information office of the police stated. Furthermore, it is supposed to be organised crime: „The girls were controlled before. “They appeared to be suspicious”, criminal inspector Peter Gill stated. The girls were not only wearing tools for burglary, but also stolen goods – among it jewellery, money and watches. […] The identity of the adolescents is being investigated at the moment – the girls couldn’t identify themselves. The police supposes that the burglars are from Eastern Europe and have entered Switzerland through France. It cannot be excluded that the girls are Rroma. However, it is established that they were sent, Gill stated. Therefore, it is supposed that the young thieves either belong to an organised gang or were sent by their parents.” The mentioning of the ethnicity of the perpetrators is not necessary, as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a culture of crime among the Rroma. However, Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, rather, this is suggested by the media through the explicit thematisation of the Rroma in connection with offenses. Whether the criminals were in fact Rroma is not assured. It is rather an expression of suspicion, based on prejudices. Rroma are not organized in hierarchical clans, as it is often claimed, but are structured largely egalitarian. More caution when using ethnic criteria and fomenting prejudice and resentment would be appropriate.

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17.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and the prostitutes’ patch in Zurich – “Victoria – A Tale of Grace and Greed“

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Holtz (2014) discusses the feature film “Victoria – A Tale of Greed and Grace” by Swiss director Men Lareida. It discusses the fate of a Hungarian Rromni prostitute on the former prostitutes’ patch on the Sihlquai in Zurich. Lareida and his wife, who regularly commute between Switzerland and Hungary, became aware of the topic during their train trips between Zurich and Budapest, when they started conversations with the prostitutes. The film is not a moral discussion of prostitution, but tries to show the fate and the motives of the protagonist: “Emphatically and subjective but nonetheless soberly and realistically, „Viktoriá – A Tale of Grace and Greed“ tells the story of the young Hungarian Roma girl Viktoria, who leaves her hometown of Budapest in the hope of earning a lot of money as soon as possible, to work in Zurich as a prostitute. Here, night after night, she stands at the side of the road, under pale lamplight, waiting for the next punter, whom she satisfies in his car on some dark parking lot. What keeps Viktoria alive, are the thoughts of home and the opportunities that the money will bring to her. Thus, among the world of the fast sex, characterized by violence, disgust and humiliation, she also finds love and friendship – and herself. […] Actually, Lareida does not want to accuse. “Viktoria – A tale of Grace and Greed” does not want to caution the viewers or be an instructive parable about the dangers of the sex trade, but shows the things as they are. The director is not in favour of criminalising the sex industry, because: “You have at least to consider that prostitution is a possibility for these women.” However, he asks to increase the security for the sex workers and to offer alternatives to prostitution to the women, also in the countries of origin.”  

It seems that the film is not critically addressing the Rroma origin of the protagonist. Is the protagonist just Rroma by change, or is this discussed as a specific feature? Are the stereotypes associated with Rroma, as notions of strong-hierarchical clans, patriarchal family structures etc., discussed? Are they critically commented on? This does not become evident in Holtz’s article. Therefore, it is important to point out that not only Hungarian Rromnja are affected by poverty, and thus find their way into prostitution, but that this also affects ethnic Hungarians. Furthermore, Rroma should not be equated to an underclass, as they belong to all social strata. Moreover, only a few Rromnja are effectively working as prostitutes, a fact distorted by the strong media attention. Therefore, the film indirectly reproduces stereotypes about Rroma, even if it wants to give a voice to those affected and address social misery.

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17.10.2014 People in Need Slovakia: segregated Rroma particularly affected by human trafficking

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The Slovak Spectator (2014) reports on a new study by the Slovak organization “People in Need Slovakia”. According to the research of the organisation, segregated Rroma in Slovakia, aged between 16 and 25 as well as 25 and 35 years are particularly affected by human trafficking for forced labour, organised begging and forced prostitution: “According to Timea Stránska, head of the organisation, Roma are abused, especially for forced labour, mostly in countries like Great Britain, the Czech Republic and Germany. “In Great Britain this concerns especially cities like Peterborough, Sheffield, Leicester, Derby and Birmingham,” Stránska said, as quoted by the TASR newswire. Another revelation shows that victims of human trafficking are lured while in the settlements after meeting with traffickers. “Often it also happens that the victim is recruited by their distance relatives or someone from their surroundings,” Stránska added. Except for forced labour, the human trafficking victims are also abused for prostitution and begging. In cases of children, there are mostly cases when young Roma girls are forced to be prostitutes.” The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are being questionned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied but their manifestation, their numbers, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies are brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma in this context. Regarding the de facto human trafficking, social science studies convey a more complex notion of the subject. These studies point out the analysis of crimes such as incitement to beg and steal and forced migration for indentured labour is often permeated by various definitions and morals in and assessment by authorities and aid organizations, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating persons, and instead force on them their own ideas about organised begging, criminal networks or human trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration, as well as the agency of migrants themselves (compare Augustin 2007, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).

  • Augustin, Laura Maria (2007) Sex at the Margins: Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry. London/New York: Zed Books.
  • Oude Breuil, B.C., Siegel, D., Reenen, P. van, Beijer, A. & Roos, Y.B. (2011) Human trafficking revisited: Legal,  enforcement and ethnographic narratives on sex trafficking to Western Europe. In: Trends in organized crime, 14, 30-46.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
  • The Slowak Spectator (2014) Segregated Roma the most frequent victims of human trafficking. In: The Slowak Spectator online vom 14.10.2014. http://spectator.sme.sk/articles/view/55563/10/segregated_roma_the_most_frequent_victims_of_human_trafficking.html
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17.10.2014 Information event: correct and incorrect knowledge much about Rroma in France

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Ouest-France (2014) reports on an information event for residents of the Nantes agglomeration. The towns of Saint-Sébastien et Saint-Jacques Saint organized the event to inform the residents of the municipalities on local Rroma. However, the focus was only on recently immigrated Rroma families, who enjoy strong public visibility. Already integrated Rroma were not discussed. In the municipalities, around 60 families live in rented housing units and are supported by measures aimed at integrating them into the professional and social life. A further 38 persons live in illegal settlements. While the conveyed information is correct, it nevertheless distorts the view on Rroma. For example, it was incorrectly said that Rroma, Manouche and Gitans are three different Rroma groups: “The Roma are one of three European gypsy groups arriving from Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia… They differ from the Manouches and the Gypsies, who are called “travellers” by the administration. Originally from India, the Roma arrived in Europe in the 14th century. Protected by the kings of Bohemia in the 17th century, they are sometimes called Bohemians. […] After 1989, they were attracted by the mirage of the West. 1,500 of the 20,000 in France live in the agglomeration of Nantes, all coming from the south-east of Romania.” However, the differentiation between Rroma and Sinti, called Manouche in France, is a political one. The Rroma all have the same migration history and linguistic background. The term “Gitans” in turn is among some familiar as the name of the Rroma from the Iberian Peninsula. However, they also build part of the Rroma, and are historically and linguistically no separate category. Also the finding that only 20,000 Rroma live in France, and that they come exclusively from Romania, is wrong. Moreover, Rroma arrived in Eastern Europe in the 9th century, not only in the 14th century, which is true for Western Europe. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, i 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. The majority of them are integrated, work, are fluent in French and send their children to school. Many have lived in France for generations, and not just since 1989, and come from all over Europe, not only from Romania. The recently immigrated Rroma, who enjoy strong public visibility, therefore constitute only a minority of the minority.

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17.10.2014 France: Thirty civil rights organizations calling for a respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements

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Amnesty International France (2014) reports on a new collective charter of thirty French civil rights organisations, which is currently being elaborated. In it, the initiators demand a more respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements by the French authorities, especially Rroma: “It [the charter] has the goal to change the mentalities and opinions with which one meets the residents of the sites, by communicating the recognition and respect of their fundamental rights and dignity. The illicit nature of an occupation does not allow use illegal means to end the situation; numerous rules shall limit the scope of the public authorities and the owners [of the occupied land]. Once made ​​public, one will be able to distribute it on the sites and slums in different languages, depending on the people present (French, English, Romanian or Bulgarian). To know ones’ rights is essential in order to assert them and to be protected, or to protect ones family.” It is in fact essential that a fair balance between the right to property, which in France has constitutional status, and the fundamental rights of the residents is ensured, not least their right to accommodation.” The charter on the fundamental rights of the residents of informal settlements will, in addition to the residents themselves, also be distributed to political deputies, bailiffs, police authorities, and other public authorities, in order to enforce its compliance, if somehow possible. One should add to Amnesty International’s remarks that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. The evictions don’t solve the existing problems and the question of integration, but simply push them from one location to the next. Particularly affected are the children, who often visit local schools and are hindered by the evictions at a successful education. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums only constitute a minority of the minority in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle class or even the upper class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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17.10.2014 Antiziganism study: statistics versus historical research on prejudices

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Zern (2014) discusses the debate initiated by Der Spiegel, questioning the reliability of the antiziganism study published by the German anti-discrimination agency. Fleischhauer/Petrovich (2014) criticised that the anti-discrimination agency added one field of the middle scale values in its statistical analysis, which the researchers had not assigned to the “negative” category. Zern, in her article for the MiGAZIN, points out that the criticism of Fleischhauer and Witsch is besides the point: it is not the statistical evaluation that is decisive, but rather, the emergence and adherence of prejudices against Rroma. This topic was not addressed satisfactorily by the study: “What problems does the finding that not more than 30 percent, but 20.4 percent of the German majority society don’t want to have Sinti and Roma as their neighbours solve? Should we not rather ask what such a survey says us about our society that rather relies on numbers rathere than ask about the origin of antiziganism? […] It would be important to put the attitudes of the majority society towards the Sinti and Roma into the proper context – and vice versa, because a majority of society cannot be conceived without its minorities. What circumstances have contributed to the mentioned attitudes of the majority society? For what reasons people began to think in stereotypical ways about Sinti and Roma? And how do Sinti and Roma perceive the majority society?” Zern thus addresses an important topic of research on prejudices: how do prejudices emerge and how are they maintained? In the case of Rroma, the negative stereotypes find their origin in the confrontation of the first immigrant Rroma with the rigid feudal order of medieval Europe. The Rroma with their ambiguous status raised this clear order to question, and with it existing power relations. Soon “gypsies” were equated with all those population groups, which were regarded as maladjusted, antisocial or seditious. However, these mechanisms of demarcation are not only a historical process, but also play an important role in the synchronous social sciences.  

At the intercultural weeks of Offenburg, stereotypes against Rroma also played a crucial role. In the opening ceremony, politicians and Rroma discussed about the perception problems of the minority: “Daniel Strauss, from Mannheim and chairman of the state association of German Sinti and Roma, said in the panel discussion that the “construction of the gypsy” is the problem, Sinti and Roma should be protected against this construction. “Gypsy depictions have nothing to do with Sinti and Roma.” However, with the money this cannot be resolved. “This is not a financial problem”, said Strauss” (Rudolf 2014).

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