Daily Archives: octobre 22, 2014

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22.10.2014 Stereotypes: escalated violence in a Rroma settlement in Toulouse

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Numerous French newspapers report an escalated conflict between two Rroma families, in an illegal settlement of Toulouse. The members of the two families, originally from the Romanian village Blaj and of Timisoara, quarrelled about the theft of electricity. At the beginning, the conflict let to a brawl that then escalated further: a 35-year-old Rrom of the Blaj family fell, victim of the dispute. Six members of Timisoara family were arrested on suspicion of premeditated murder: “A man of 35 years died in the hospital of Rangueil. Despite an urgently undertaken intervention, the doctors could not save him. His autopsy could not yet be performed, but the man had been hit by several projectiles, bullets or, and (?) lead. Another 24 years old casualty remains hospitalised, but is outside danger. Five other injured people who were taken to hospital to receive treatment could go home. During the hearing of the ten people arrested on Friday (two minors were released yesterday), the suspects were not very precise. Although some admitted having used weapons, these were “only” used to shoot in the air. The investigative judge, Mrs Larrieu, will have to narrow down the responsibilities of both parties involved” (Cohadon 2014). In this case, the coverage of the violence in the informal settlement of Toulouse concerns only Rroma themselves. Nevertheless, caution should be exercised in the contextualization of the events: the notion of ​​Rroma-gangs, who exploit primarily other Rroma, is wrong. There is no culture of crime and violence among the minority, as repeatedly suggested by the media. Expressions such as “family businesses of crime” therefore build on massive prejudices. Rroma are not more criminal or more violent than other ethnic groups. The mayor of Toulose, Jean-Luc Moudenc, has announced that the camp, which accommodates 200 to 250 persons, will be evicted as soon as possible (compare 20 Minutes France 2014, Allen 2014, Boffet 2014, Le Parisien 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014, Libération 2014).

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22.10.2014 Rroma settlement of Bobigny being evicted

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Numerous French newspapers report about the announced eviction of the Rroma settlement of Bobigny. The settlement, which houses several hundred Rroma, is one of the oldest of its kind in the department of Seine-Saint-Denis. It is and was also the scene of ongoing debates between the public authorities and organisations working for the rights of the Rroma. Bobigny was firmly in the hands of communist politicians since 1944. Stéphane de Paoli, the first UDI mayor of the city, promised during the election campaign to immediately close down informal settlements if hygiene or safety deficiencies could be determined and to officially recognise the illegal character of the informal settlements: “The regional court of Bobigny, competent in the matter since the occupied premises were not used publicly, communicated its judgment on July the 2nd. Relief in the camp of the Roma: the tribunal rejected the request of the mayor. “But five days later, Stéphane de Paoli sent a new bailiff to the camp … And in mid-August he issued a decree for eviction, with which he set at defiance the court’s verdict. He reckoned, I think, that everyone was on holidays, tells the lawyer Tamara Lowy”” (Mouillard/Piquemal 2014). The prefect responsible for social equality, Didier Leschi, says he applied the compulsory social diagnosis according to the regulations. The state will continue to support about a dozen families, who have stable incomes, among others with social housing. However, Véronique Decker, director of the primary school in Bobigny, criticised the fact that the majority of families, some sixty of them, will be on the street after the eviction. The social diagnosis is therefore far from being applied satisfactorily. It is important to emphasise that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. Due to the forced evictions, the existing problems and the integration question are simply moved from one location to the next, but not solved. Particularly affected by the evacuations are the children, who often visit local schools, and are greatly disturbed in their education. The rigorous expulsion of Rroma immigrants reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active, long-term integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums – an estimated 15,000 people – only represent a minority of the minority in France. According to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live unobtrusively and integrated in French society. They belong to all social strata and are not perceived by the French media and politics. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

Amnesty International (2014) points out that the evictions also violate human rights, when the displaced persons are without accommodation after the evacuation. Only a part of the residents were offered alternative accommodation. Amnesty International speaks of a third of the current residents. There are primarily those families who have children in school age. However, many of the accommodations offered are not suitable to accommodate families, or are very far away from Bobigny (compare 20 Minutes France 2014, Mediapart 2014).

In the early afternoon of October the 21st, the inhabitants of the settlement were prompted by a large contingent of riot police to leave the camp. The eviction proceeded quietly, as the journalists present state. Towards the evening, a group of around fifty Rroma, among them many children, gathered on the Place de la Republique in Paris, and demonstrated for temporary accommodation. Later that evening, they took refuge in the hospital Saint-Louis, from where they were also evicted by the riot police a little later (Mouillard / Hullot-Guiot 2014, Le Monde 2014). Le Parisien (2014) complements that several dozen families were able to move into a Paris gym, as temporary shelter, after 23 o’clock. The gym was provided the city government of Paris (compare Fikri 2014, Metronews 2014).

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22.10.2014 Rroma from Miskolc ask for asylum in Switzerland

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Le Temps (2014) reports on a group of 63 Rroma from Miskolc, who applied for asylum in Switzerland. The Rroma fled the forced eviction by the city government of Miskolc, which expelled an entire residential district for racist reasons. The most controversial action of the Hungarian authorities received international media attention, but this did not alter anything about the forced displacement of hundreds of Rroma families. Because Hungary has the status of a safe country, the chances of the families to be granted asylum are very low: “The procedure is unusual. Yesterday, towards three o’clock in the afternoon, 63 Hungarian Roma arrived in front of the camp for asylum seekers in Vallorbe (VD), to apply for political asylum in Switzerland, as Le Matin states in its daily edition. They came with a bus that was rented in Miskolc, a city in eastern Hungary. The driver unloaded them in front of the railway station of the town. […] The reception centre of Vaud was almost full, that’s why the group was divided into three parts: only fifteen applicants will be accommodated in Vallorbe. Fifteen others are driven by bus to Pfäffikon (ZH), and thirteen to Basel. The chances of the Roma to be given asylum are low. As Le Matin reports, the spokesperson of the Federal Office for Migration (FOM), Léa Wertheimer, emphasises that the confederation “treats each case individually”. But, admittedly, “if an applicant can return to a third country designated as safe by the Federal Council, and he has resided there before his application in Switzerland, the FOM usually cannot grant the application.”” The case described here shows once more, how difficult the assessment of the security situation in a country is. The country analyses generally focus in their reports on the protection from political persecution. Discrimination in everyday life, which in this case is even committed by politics itself, is negated in this assessment. Rroma are not politically persecuted in Hungary. However, this does not mean that they are not affected by severe discrimination in everyday life, especially since the rise of the right-wing nationalist parties, who consciously exaggerate ethnic differences: “Sandor Lakatos never felt like in a ghetto. […] Nevertheless, he and his wife got into the bus. […] On the question of what he hopes for in Switzerland, he answers as vaguely as his fellow travellers: security. Not be insulted and spat upon as “dirty gypsy”, to no longer have to fear the police and the neo-Nazis. […] It is not difficult to meet aversion and pure hatred against Roma in Miskolc. As the emigrants pass through the numbered streets to the bus park, an older woman stands at the roadside, looks at the procession in amazement and says to the journalist: “Thank God that they leave. They don’t want to work, but multiply like rats”” (Odehnal 2014). The Swiss asylum authorities do not recognize this situation. None of the 46 Hungarian Asylum applicants of the last two years was granted the right to stay (compare Neue Zürcher Zeitung 2014, Pester Lloyd 2014, Sassoon 2014, Wacker 2014).  

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22.10.2014 Le Monde: will the new anti-terrorism law be interpreted to the disadvantage of the Rroma immigrants?

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Johannès (2014) reports on the adoption of a new anti-terrorism law in France, which, according to proponents of minority rights, could be interpreted to the disadvantage of Rroma immigrants. The critics worry about the vagueness of the statutory amendment, which could be interpreted very widely. Under certain circumstances they could prevent Rroma immigrants from entering the country: “The wording is so broad that the organizations ask if the text is not particularly aimed at Roma. Just deported, they come back again. From now on, one could ban them from re-entering. The ministry is shocked about the suspicion. The anti-terrorism law is reviewed under time pressure, that is, with a single session per chamber: the National Assembly, which adopted the law on September 18th, did not even hear about the statutory amendment in question. It is set right behind the first article, which wants to prohibit all French citizens to leave the territory, if there are reasons to believe that the person goes “to a field of operation of a terrorist groups, and leads to sensitive conditions, which could adversely affect the public safety upon the persons return.” It is difficult to estimate, whether this statutory amendment could actually be used to declare Rroma immigrants a threat to public safety, and therefore prohibit them re-entry in the future. It is to hope that French politics as well as the justice insists on a precise implementation of the new law. Since the “Grenoble-discourse” of Nicolas Sarkozy, there have indeed been repeated attempts by French domestic politics to make immigrated Rroma return to their home countries as fast as possible. At the same time, it is often forgotten that already now an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated in France. The assumed 15,000 Rroma, who indeed live in informal settlements, and which receive all the medial attention, only account for a minority of the minority.

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22.10.2014 Integration assistance for Rroma in Berlin

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Lange (2014) reports on a successful integration project of immigrant Rroma in Berlin. The tenement house in the Scharnweberstraße in Reinickendorf was previously regularly the scene of conflicts, according to Lange: many homes were overcrowded, hygiene standards were not met, there were repeatedly conflicts between the new tenants and long-time residents. Thanks to an integration project, which took into account both parties, these difficulties could be overcome: “Just a year ago, the house on the Scharnweberstraße 111 in Reinickendorf was as an example of failed integration. Overcrowding of flats, conflicts between long-time residents and the Roma families, daily complaints to the police, daily visits of the health office. […] The first step in improving the “oppressive conditions”, as Kerstin Kirsch of the Gewobag tenant advisory calls it, was the purchase of the house by the local housing association. All apartments were renovated and the Roma families, who were previously known only as lodgers, became the main tenants. For the long-time residents it was time to reduce prejudices, for the new tenants from Romania, to take responsibility in the neighbourhood. Both sides became help from the Phinove association that accompanies Roma families during their start in Berlin, and is supported by the commissioner for integration and migration, Monika Lüke.” The integration project described here is indeed positive. However, the context is discussed too little: in the past few months, in the media and in politics there have been fierce debates about so-called “poverty immigrants” that were often collectively referred to as poor, uneducated Rroma from Romania or Bulgaria. Therewith, a one-sided notion of the minority was established among a broad public: Rroma are supposedly poorly educated, have many children, and come from the slums of Eastern Europe to benefit from the German welfare state, which they then become dependent of. Of course, there are marginalised Rroma corresponding to these ideas. But they only represent a minority of the minority. There are also well-educated Rroma, who belong to the middle- or even the upper class. In addition, already now 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. Many of them have been in Germany for generations, speak fluently German and are integrated. They are the living proof that integration is possible without problems (compare Biermann 2014, Briest 2014, Klüber 2014).

Memarina (2014) reports on the opening of two emergency apartments for immigrant Rroma families in Berlin. The apartments are intended as interim solutions until the families can find permanent accommodation. They are allowed to stay for a maximum of one month. Monika Lüke, commissioner for integration in Berlin, stated that one wants to create up to ten such flats: “In July 2013, the Senate had adopted a Roma action plan. It was planned to set up an entire house for homeless families. But nothing came of it, it was obviously the resistance in the districts. That’s why Lüke is now focussing on decentralized solutions – together with the Aachen estate and housing company, that owns the first two emergency apartments” (compare rbb 2014).

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22.10.2014 Demonstration for the rights of the Rroma in Budapest

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Several German-language newspapers reported on a human-rights demonstration in Budapest, where representatives of the Rroma and their sympathisers called attention on the discrimination of the Rroma minority and demanded more commitment towards compliance of minority rights. There were also members of other discriminated minorities among the protesters: “Several hundred Hungarians participated on Sunday, in the capital Budapest, in a “Roma Pride”- march in honour of the discriminated Sinti and Roma. During their demonstration downtown, they sang the song “Opre Roma” (Stand up, Roma!), that calls for the struggle for social equality. The main organiser of the march, Jeno Setet of the Roma organisation Ide tartozunk (We belong here), said: “This day is for everyone, whether Roma or non-Roma. With it, we want to show the pride of our community and our positive contribution to Hungary.” Among the demonstrators were also representatives of the Jewish community, of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT), as well as the homeless people and refugees. Benjamin Abtan of the co-organizing European anti-racist grassroots movement (Egam) in Paris, said: “Roma Pride is our response to the current rise of nationalism, racism and anti-Semitism in Europe, particularly in Hungary” (Blick 2014). The extreme right-wing Jobbik-party (English: the better ones) emerged as the second strongest power from the municipal elections of October the 12th. Supporters of the party have repeatedly gained attention with demagogic statements against Rroma

Pester Lloyd (2014) explains in details the concerns of the organisers: they criticise, among others, the one-sided press coverage of the minority, leading to the strengthening of negative stereotypes about Rroma. In addition, the access to the education system, to the labour market, and to health care is still insufficient: “The organisers complain that in general and especially in Hungary, “one almost never hears or reads anything positive about the Rroma”, these media exclusion or bias reinforces the separation of majority and minority. However, through pride, one also gets self-confidence to take ones destiny into ones own hands – even if the government does not want this. In a petition, among others, it was demanded that the existence of a Holocaust against Roma and their persecution in Nazi Hungary be made a subject in classrooms. The background: Minister Balog, responsible for the Roma integration, called the Hungarian Roma recently  a “people without a history”, who were caught in an imaginary victimhood. Furthermore, he stated that there were  “no deportations of Roma into concentration camps”, which is historically just wrong.” In addition, Pester Lloyd deplores the very low participation in the demonstration (compare Thurgauer Zeitung 2014, Tiroler Tageszeitung 2014, Die Welt 2014, Wiener Zeitung 2014, Zeit 2014).

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