Category Archives: Bulgaria

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22.02.15 A documentary on Rroma in Toulouse

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22.02.15 A documentary on Rroma in Toulouse

A young filmmaker Sahra Denard is currently making a documentary on Rroma migrants in the city of Toulouse. She is working with three Romanian sisters who live in an camp and will go with them in Romania, in their village of origin.

While the filmmaker wants to reduce stereotypes, the choice of subject contributes to re-enforce the general views on Rroma; Migrants from Romania or Bulgaria, poor, uneducated etc. On such a topic, the line between helping and damaging Rroma is a thin one to walk.

– Sarah Denard, un documentaire sur les Roms. In: La Dépèche. 19.02.2015. http://www.ladepeche.fr/…/2052220-sarah-denard-un-documenta…

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01.02.2015 Bulgaria: Medics claim attack at hands of Rroma

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A doctor in the Bulgarian town of Vrachesh clains having been attacked by Rroma for being late attending a pregnant Rromni. According to the government, there have been 175 such attacks blamed on Rroma in the last year. The Bulgarian Health Minister,  Peter Moscov, went as far as stating that emergency medical help should be restricted in some Rroma areas. He also stated “he who has chosen to behave like a brute will be treated as one”. Many organisations called for Moscov to resign, and he eventually apologised for his statements.

This problem is a social one, with many Rroma not even having basic health insurance, and not one of Rroma vs. Bulgarians. It is a sheer poverty and ghetto issue. Nothing more, nothing less.

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05.12.2014 “Roma does not equal poverty migration”

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Selke (2014) spoke with Prof. Max Matter, a Swiss folklorist, about his new publication “Nowhere Desired: Poverty migration from Central and Eastern Europe into the countries of the EU-15, with particular reference to members of the Roma minority”. In his book, Matter addresses the mixing of prejudices with ethnic ascriptions and political viewpoints. Many politicians and journalists used the term “poverty migration” as a synonym for the migration of poor Rroma to Western Europe. With the expansion of the free movement of persons to Romania and Bulgaria, one increasingly spoke about well educated Romanians and Bulgarians, who also migrate to Western Europe. However, opponents saw this argument as trivialising the real situation. In his publication, Matter tries to deconstruct reductionist ascriptions that portray Rroma as poor travelling beggars: Rroma are not a homogeneous mass, are mostly sedentary since centuries and have no kings. In addition, many other ethnic groups also migrate to Western Europe. The assertion of a “mass immigration into the German welfare system” is not supported by the facts: “According to the Institute for Employment Research, there are just over 500,000 people from Bulgaria and Romania in Germany. As I said, some have very good school and vocational qualifications. Many of them work. All of them counted together, they just constitute six per mil of the German population. Therefore, one can hardly speak of a mass immigration into the welfare system.” Matter also refers to the majority of well-integrated Rroma that have been living integrated in Western Europe since generation and speak the local languages. At a meeting of scientists and politicians on December the fist in Berlin, the majority of those present demanded a de-dramatization and objectification the debate on “poverty migration”: There is no widespread welfare fraud. The existing social problems are not the result of immigration, but problems already existing before. In addition, one should be cautious with the use of ethnic attributions (compare Bade 2014 MiGAZIN 2014).

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26.11.2014 Huffington Post: economic and social integration of Rroma must be encouraged

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Cyrulnik (2014), a psychiatrist and member of the UNICEF, talks about his work in Romania and Bulgaria. By working for the children’s charity UNICEF, Cyrulniks perspective is largely restricted to the excluded Rroma of Romania and Bulgaria. Despite his emphatic perspective on the minority, he reproduces several stereotypes about Rroma, such as the misconception that Rroma were all originally travellers: “At the time of communism, the sedentarisation of Roma was enforced, and the results seemed rather promising. The kids could run around everywhere, were laughing and were supervised by the “big” between 10 and 12 years and all adults of the village [Siria]. […] The Roma population is important. One estimates 2 million of them for Rumania, of which 650,000 are nomads. They are therefore already largely sedentary.” However, Rroma have always been largely sedentary. The travelling lifestyle ascribed to them is rather the result of their continued exclusion and dissemination. – Another focus of Cyrulnik’s article is on the limited access of the Rroma to health care institutions, the low enrolment rates and the continuing segregation. However, Cyrulnik forgets that, concerning this topic, he addresses only the visible, marginalised part of the minority and negates the integrated Rroma. In addition, it is dangerous to ascribe the marginalised Rroma a collective apathy toward the inevitability of their situation: “The segregation plays an important role in the difficult socialisation of Roma. The distance at the countryside reinforces the clan spirit and creates a culture that is difficult to participate in and in which one group ignores the other. The Roma families set themselves limits and internalise the discrimination. They subject themselves to a faith that makes them say that they cannot do better, that this is their fate. They easily become school dropouts, which threatens to make their integration in Europe difficult.” Nonetheless, Cyrulnik’s plea to economically and socially foster the integration of the Rroma and to make better use of their work force for the economies of Europe is commendable and indeed of great significance. 

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26.11.2014 Illegal black lists of immigrant groups in Denmark

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The Local Denmark (2014) reports on the existence of illegal black lists in various cities in Denmark. The local government of these cities have set different immigrant groups, such as the Chechens or the Rroma, on a list of undesirable immigrant groups. The illegal practice was revealed by the Danish newspaper Berlingske: “Some municipalities tell the Danish Immigration Service (Udlændingestyrelsen) not to send them refugees from certain countries, Berlingske newspaper revealed. […] Another unwanted group is the Roma. Sønderborg Council told Immigration Service that it “wants to put an end to the visits of Roma people from former Yugoslavia who come on humanitarian grounds”. Danish municipalities provide requests and recommendations to Immigration Service each year as a way to build upon previous successes with certain groups, but many of the municipalities also use the annual exercise as an opportunity to tell the national authorities which refugees they do not want. This would appear to be in violation of the nation’s immigration laws which state that no distinctions can be made based on nationality when helping those in need.” However, Rroma are not a national group, but a transnational, ethnic minority, with a centuries-old history of exclusion and persecution. The deliberate exclusion of a specific group of persons violates the anti-discrimination legislation. Rroma are not a homogeneous mass, but are composed of a variety of individuals, with diverse experiences. With the expansion of the European free movement of persons to Romania and Bulgaria, various western European countries warned of a mass immigration of poor Rroma. However, these forecasts build not on critical analysis, but on politicized, polemical estimates of migration: Rroma are not mass of uneducated poor, but belong to all strata of society and professional groups.

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21.11.2014 Tagesspiegel: emphatic, but one-sided depiction of Rroma in Romania and Bulgaria

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Appenzeller (2014) reports on the visit of Neukölln’s education councillor, Franziska Giffey, in Romania and Bulgaria. The Berlin politician, who, among others, is in charge of the integration of immigrant families from Southeast Europe, wanted to get an idea of the Rroma situation in their countries of origin. However, Appenzeller’s Rroma representation remains one-sided, despite an emphatic perspective and the reference to well-educated immigrants: “The often heated debate revolves around Bulgarian and Romanian Roma families who are accused of migrating into the welfare system. Since they do not get regular jobs here, they sign up as contractors. The men then find underpaid work in the construction business, the women work as cleaners, gladly also in luxury hotels. […] And these people have children, many children. They go to German schools without speaking a word of German. […] A focal point of the Roma immigration in Berlin is the district of Neukölln. The official figures estimate 5,500 people, councillor Franziska Geffey, responsible for education and schooling, estimates twice as many.” However, critical studies could not detect any mass immigration of Rroma, as is repeatedly claimed. In addition, the claim that Rroma are needy, poorly educated, and have many children, is a massive generalisation. Rroma build part of all social strata and professions.

Appenzeller then discusses the educational journey of Giffey to Romania and Bulgaria. There, the education councillor was able to see the misery of the Rroma with her own eyes, the journalist emphasises. Unfortunately, Appenzeller reduces the Rroma situation in Romania and Bulgaria to marginalised Rroma in the slums, and the present, but not omnipresent racism, as he represents it: “Politics begins when looking at reality. Franziska Giffey wanted to know from what environment Roma families come from. This reality has opened her eyes. She has seen that Roma children have no way to be admitted to normal schools in their homeland. She saw that their parents have fewer opportunities for jobs, because they are discriminated against because of their origin and darker skin colour. She has experienced how these families are stigmatised by the prejudice that Roma are lazy and not willing to work. […] German politics may well ask the question of how the EU intends to sanction two member states, who brutally discriminate against an ethnic group that lives on their territories for centuries.” Rroma are discriminated against in Romania and Bulgaria, but they are not faced with an all-embracing state racism, as Appenzeller claims. The plight of marginalised Rroma in the two countries is the result of weak economies and the historical discrimination and exclusion of Rroma – in the case of Romania their enslavement that lasted until the mid 19th century. – The marginalized Rroma in the ghettos, who get all the media attention, are juxtaposed by an big part of integrated Rroma, which belong to the middle class, and some even to the upper class (compare Mappes-Niediek 2014).

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19.11.2014 Stereotypes: criminal Rroma clans

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Guggisberg (2014) reports on criminal Rroma clans that allegedly force children into crime. Parents surrender their children to an omnipotent clan chief – to whom they are indebted – for begging and theft and some even end up in prostitution. Guggisberg uncritically reproduces the perspective of the “Wiener Drehscheibe”, a social service for begging and stealing children who have been arrested by the police. Guggisberg does not question that the social educator Norbert Ceipek – the head of the institution – who identifies each begging or stealing child as a victim of human trafficking, could himself be subject to prejudices and be providing misinformation on Rroma: “Ceipek opens another photo file. It shows a Roma village in Romania, which he recently visited. He tells of houses, cobbled together from planks and plastic sheeting, and dirt roads full of garbage. In the middle is a magnificent villa. “It belongs to the clan chief. He rules the villages as a state within a state”, says Ceipek […]. Many of the children dealt with in Vienna belong to the Roma. […] “The phenomenon of Eastern European gangs of beggars is not new. But since a couple of months, it taken new proportions”, says Ceipek. Very active are the Bosnian gangs, he states. Every few weeks, they would bring the children to different European cities, according to a rotating system. The social worker explains that his aim was to provide a perspective to the children, a little education. They might get on better path.”” Alexander Ott, head of the Foreign Police Bern, who has already been quoted repeatedly in articles about criminal Rroma gangs and trafficking of children, has his say. He reproduces the usual prejudices about hierarchical Rroma clans with a clan chief who leads children into crime: “The network of child traffickers reaches from Eastern Europe to Switzerland. “The victims are recruited in Romania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Czech Republic and Slovakia. Often they come from large Roma families, are purchased or borrowed”, says Ott. One sends the boys to steal, urges them into prostitution, or forces them to beg. The instigators know well that the Swiss justice system cannot prosecute the perpetrators because of their young age. Adolescent burglars are booming in the autumn and winter months. Ott emphasises that they have to deal with highly professional, specialised and hierarchically-run clans, who practice their craft since generations.” Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. They are not hierarchically organised, as is often claimed, but structured largely egalitarian. So-called “Rroma kings” are self-elected and have purely representative character. Guggisberg and experts’ claim that behind begging children there is inevitably trafficking and organized crime, is wrong.

The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied, something that cannot be in the interest of combating injustice. But their manifestation, their number, their omnipotence and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. These are often tainted by ideological fallacies, brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as Rroma. Furthermore, the equation of child migration and trafficking has to be set into context. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma did actively recruit children for criminal gangs. Regarding the topic of child migration, social science studies convey a more complex notion on the subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating children and their relatives, and instead force on them their own ideas and definitions on organised begging, criminal networks or child trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are often simply impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. De facto child trafficking is rare according to the sociological studies. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes them unattractive for organised crime.  Guggisberg, who states that 200’000 children are recruited annually by the trafficking mafia, contradicts this. 

At the end of the article, Guggisberg quotes another expert opinion by Norbert Ceipek, the director of the “Wiener Drehschreibe”: At 15, many of them would get married and have children themselves, so that the cycle of crime continues. Likewise, Guggisberg reproduces this racist prejudice uncritically. The majority of Rroma, who live integrated, go to work and send their children to school, remain unmentioned (compare Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).

  • Cree, Viviene E./Clapton, Gary/Smith, Mark (2012) The Presentation of Child Trafficking in the UK: An Old and New Moral Panic? In: Br J Soc Work 44(2): 418-433.
  • Guggisberg, Rahel (2014) Das Schicksal der Roma-Kinder von Wien. In: Tages-Anzeiger online vom 14.11.2014. http://www.tagesanzeiger.ch/leben/gesellschaft/Das-Schicksal-der-RomaKinder-von-Wien/story/14626308
  • O’Connell Davidson, Julia (2011) Moving children? Child trafficking, child migration, and child rights. In: Critical Social Policy 31(3):454-477.
  • Oude Breuil, Brenda Carina (2008) Precious children in a heartless world? The complexities of child trafficking in Marseille. In: Child Soc 22(3):223-234.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
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12.11.2014 Judgment of the European Court of Justice: Social abuse remains an exception nonetheless

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Various newspapers report on a recent judgment of the European Court of Justice. The object of the lawsuit was the complaint of an unemployed Romanian woman, who sued the German government, because it didn’t want to allow her to obtain any social funds. Since the woman was not actively seeking work, the European Court of Justice dismissed the complaint. However, the judgment, which is seen by some officials as a precedent against social tourism to Germany, should be seen in a critical context: social abuse is the exception, not the norm. The ethnicity of the applicant was considered by most of the media as “Romanian”. Nevertheless, in the context of the debate about the so-called “poverty immigration”, it was repeatedly claimed that primarily poor, uneducated Rroma would migrate to Germany. This polemical misrepresentation was far too little critically questioned and criticised. Therefore, it is important to rectify that most migrants are looking for work and are no social tourists: “Not social benefits in the host countries are the reasons that pull Romanians and Bulgarians abroad, but the better job and income opportunities. When in June, in Hamburg, a personnel secondment firm went broke and 230 workers from Romania and Bulgaria were left penniless, one wondered at the local job centre: only four of the persons concerned remained in the country, all the others went back home. […] Poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania constitute, according to figures from German or Belgian cities, only for ten percent of the immigrants – which is about the proportion of the poor population in both countries” (Mappes-Niediek 2014). Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma are living in Germany, many of them for generations. They have a job, speak German and are integrated. These invisible Rroma are constantly hidden in the often one-sided debate about the immigration of low skilled “poverty migrants”. In addition, not only Rroma migrate to Western Europe, but also ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and members of other ethnic groups (compare Hacker-Walton 2014, Linke 2014, Preuss 2014).

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07.11.2014 German Bundestag adopts measures against “poverty immigration”

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Scholz (2014) reports on the adoption of measures by the German parliament, which shall limit the so-called “poverty immigration”. The ambivalent term was mistakenly repeatedly equated with a Rroma mass immigration in the political and media debate. However, the critical analyses did not detect any mass exodus from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany. In addition, there also immigrated ethnic Bulgarians and Romanians, as well as well-qualified workers. Despite this context, the Bundestag has decided on a set of measures that shall make immigration unattractive to low-skilled migrants. The movement of persons is not affected by the decision: “The right of residence for job search is limited to six months. In case of abuse, one has to face three years imprisonment or a fine. Municipalities receive onetime 25 million Euros by the federal government as a relief. Re-entry bans are now generally limited ex officio, and not only following request. Child benefit is paid only upon presentation of a tax number, to avoid double payments. Vaccinations for children and young people are paid by the statutory health insurgence. Undeclared work shall be combated by better data exchange between authorities. However, there will be no immigration quotas for citizens of EU states in Germany.” Along with the debate on the so-called “poverty immigrants”, there also was an in depth discussion on the situation of the Rroma in South-eastern Europe. There was no agreement among the various parties about the situation of the Rroma minority. While some pointed to the strong ghettoisation of the Rroma, disregarding integrated Rroma, others emphasised the discrimination against the minority. Also in this point, there was no agreement on whether Rroma are politically persecuted – therefore are systematically discriminated against – or are “only” exposed to everyday discrimination. In conjunction with the discussion on the status of safe countries of origin, the viewpoint prevailed that Rroma are affected by severe poverty, but are not affected by political persecution in South-eastern Europe. However, very one-sided and distorted ideas about the culture of the Rroma, based more on prejudice than on critically questioned knowledge continue to circulate. The debate barley every addressed the 110’000 to 130’000 Rroma that have been living integrated in Germany for generations.

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07.11.2014 Rroma as losers of the 1989 turnaround

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Mappes-Niediek (2014) reports on marginalised Rroma in Romania, Bulgaria and Macedonia. He emphasises that it is not primarily the repeatedly criticised discrimination, but primarily the economic exclusion, the sometimes poor qualifications or the lack of relationships in the world of employment that keep Rroma marginalised. However, he disregards that there are Rroma who are well educated, but are not perceived as members of the minority. Also, not all Rroma have many children, as the Rromni he portrays: “As the world suddenly began to spin faster, Elena Costache was 34 years old. She lived with her husband and nine children in a house with four rooms in the Bucharest district Ferentari. She had a steady job in a bindery, where she packed the shipping goods. Then everything went quickly. The bindery was forced to close. Her husband also lost his job […]. That they are Roma or, as they say here, Țigani – Gypsies – for Elena, Cristina and Gheorghe is not worth a thought, besides their many problems. Nevertheless, their fate has to do with their ethnicity – though not as the simplifiers try to make believe. […] After the turnaround, the number of jobs fell to less than a half. Million industrial workers were attracted from the cities to the countryside, where the state refunded them the house with a hectare of arable land, which had once belonged to their grandparents. Many remained there and still live almost without money, only living from their plots. About ten percent of the population got nothing from the land distribution. Not because they wanted to discriminate against them, but because even their grandparents didn’t have any. The Roma were slaves in Romania since the Middle Ages, and were not allowed to own land.” Mappes-Niediek show that it is no general racism, which keeps the excluded Rroma at the margins of society, but that it is a combination of sometimes historically low professional qualifications with an economic marginalisation, which makes it difficult to break out of the spiral of poverty. However, it must be emphasized that Mappes-Niediek only portrays the marginalised Rroma, and therefore mistakenly equates the minority with an underclass. However, Rroma in South-eastern Europe – with the exception of Romania –have been integrated for centuries and are found in all professions.

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29.10.2014 Rroma mediators against prejudices

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Werkhäuser (2014) reports on a current project of the council of Europe, which, with specifically trained mediators, aims at reducing prejudices between the Rroma minority and majority populations of the European nation states. In addition to the prevention of racial prejudice, the ROMED-2 project aims to improve the access of Rroma to the labour market and to education: “He often gets asked the following, tells the Sinto Romeo Franz at the launch of new mediators program: “Mr. Franz, why are you discriminated against? Then he answers: “You don’t need to ask me, ask those who discriminate against me”, Franz tells with a wink, but the message is clear: Sinti and Roma in Germany have to deal with a variety of prejudices. This applies to the recently immigrated Rroma from South Eastern Europe as well as to those families, who have lived in Germany for centuries, like the one of Romeo Franz. […] With a million Euros per year for all 12 participating countries, including Bulgaria and Romania, the funding for the program is not exactly abundant. Therefore, in Germany, one resorts to mediators whose positions are already funded. But money is not the main problem, says Bunjes [coordinator for Rroma issues in the council of Europe. “The EU provides many resources for Roma projects that are not used.” In many places, the willingness to deal at all with the problems of the Roma is prevailing, he states.” It has been repeatedly pointed out by critics that Rroma themselves do too little for a successful integration. This statement negates persistent discrimination and structures of inequality that make it individual people very difficult to change their situation on their own (compare Lambeck 2014).  

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22.10.2014 Integration assistance for Rroma in Berlin

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Lange (2014) reports on a successful integration project of immigrant Rroma in Berlin. The tenement house in the Scharnweberstraße in Reinickendorf was previously regularly the scene of conflicts, according to Lange: many homes were overcrowded, hygiene standards were not met, there were repeatedly conflicts between the new tenants and long-time residents. Thanks to an integration project, which took into account both parties, these difficulties could be overcome: “Just a year ago, the house on the Scharnweberstraße 111 in Reinickendorf was as an example of failed integration. Overcrowding of flats, conflicts between long-time residents and the Roma families, daily complaints to the police, daily visits of the health office. […] The first step in improving the “oppressive conditions”, as Kerstin Kirsch of the Gewobag tenant advisory calls it, was the purchase of the house by the local housing association. All apartments were renovated and the Roma families, who were previously known only as lodgers, became the main tenants. For the long-time residents it was time to reduce prejudices, for the new tenants from Romania, to take responsibility in the neighbourhood. Both sides became help from the Phinove association that accompanies Roma families during their start in Berlin, and is supported by the commissioner for integration and migration, Monika Lüke.” The integration project described here is indeed positive. However, the context is discussed too little: in the past few months, in the media and in politics there have been fierce debates about so-called “poverty immigrants” that were often collectively referred to as poor, uneducated Rroma from Romania or Bulgaria. Therewith, a one-sided notion of the minority was established among a broad public: Rroma are supposedly poorly educated, have many children, and come from the slums of Eastern Europe to benefit from the German welfare state, which they then become dependent of. Of course, there are marginalised Rroma corresponding to these ideas. But they only represent a minority of the minority. There are also well-educated Rroma, who belong to the middle- or even the upper class. In addition, already now 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. Many of them have been in Germany for generations, speak fluently German and are integrated. They are the living proof that integration is possible without problems (compare Biermann 2014, Briest 2014, Klüber 2014).

Memarina (2014) reports on the opening of two emergency apartments for immigrant Rroma families in Berlin. The apartments are intended as interim solutions until the families can find permanent accommodation. They are allowed to stay for a maximum of one month. Monika Lüke, commissioner for integration in Berlin, stated that one wants to create up to ten such flats: “In July 2013, the Senate had adopted a Roma action plan. It was planned to set up an entire house for homeless families. But nothing came of it, it was obviously the resistance in the districts. That’s why Lüke is now focussing on decentralized solutions – together with the Aachen estate and housing company, that owns the first two emergency apartments” (compare rbb 2014).

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17.10.2014 France: Thirty civil rights organizations calling for a respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements

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Amnesty International France (2014) reports on a new collective charter of thirty French civil rights organisations, which is currently being elaborated. In it, the initiators demand a more respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements by the French authorities, especially Rroma: “It [the charter] has the goal to change the mentalities and opinions with which one meets the residents of the sites, by communicating the recognition and respect of their fundamental rights and dignity. The illicit nature of an occupation does not allow use illegal means to end the situation; numerous rules shall limit the scope of the public authorities and the owners [of the occupied land]. Once made ​​public, one will be able to distribute it on the sites and slums in different languages, depending on the people present (French, English, Romanian or Bulgarian). To know ones’ rights is essential in order to assert them and to be protected, or to protect ones family.” It is in fact essential that a fair balance between the right to property, which in France has constitutional status, and the fundamental rights of the residents is ensured, not least their right to accommodation.” The charter on the fundamental rights of the residents of informal settlements will, in addition to the residents themselves, also be distributed to political deputies, bailiffs, police authorities, and other public authorities, in order to enforce its compliance, if somehow possible. One should add to Amnesty International’s remarks that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. The evictions don’t solve the existing problems and the question of integration, but simply push them from one location to the next. Particularly affected are the children, who often visit local schools and are hindered by the evictions at a successful education. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums only constitute a minority of the minority in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle class or even the upper class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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17.10.2014 Information event: correct and incorrect knowledge much about Rroma in France

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Ouest-France (2014) reports on an information event for residents of the Nantes agglomeration. The towns of Saint-Sébastien et Saint-Jacques Saint organized the event to inform the residents of the municipalities on local Rroma. However, the focus was only on recently immigrated Rroma families, who enjoy strong public visibility. Already integrated Rroma were not discussed. In the municipalities, around 60 families live in rented housing units and are supported by measures aimed at integrating them into the professional and social life. A further 38 persons live in illegal settlements. While the conveyed information is correct, it nevertheless distorts the view on Rroma. For example, it was incorrectly said that Rroma, Manouche and Gitans are three different Rroma groups: “The Roma are one of three European gypsy groups arriving from Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia… They differ from the Manouches and the Gypsies, who are called “travellers” by the administration. Originally from India, the Roma arrived in Europe in the 14th century. Protected by the kings of Bohemia in the 17th century, they are sometimes called Bohemians. […] After 1989, they were attracted by the mirage of the West. 1,500 of the 20,000 in France live in the agglomeration of Nantes, all coming from the south-east of Romania.” However, the differentiation between Rroma and Sinti, called Manouche in France, is a political one. The Rroma all have the same migration history and linguistic background. The term “Gitans” in turn is among some familiar as the name of the Rroma from the Iberian Peninsula. However, they also build part of the Rroma, and are historically and linguistically no separate category. Also the finding that only 20,000 Rroma live in France, and that they come exclusively from Romania, is wrong. Moreover, Rroma arrived in Eastern Europe in the 9th century, not only in the 14th century, which is true for Western Europe. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, i 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. The majority of them are integrated, work, are fluent in French and send their children to school. Many have lived in France for generations, and not just since 1989, and come from all over Europe, not only from Romania. The recently immigrated Rroma, who enjoy strong public visibility, therefore constitute only a minority of the minority.

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10.10.2014 European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) wants to foster the civil society integration of the Rroma

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EurActic (2014) reports on the plan of the European Economic and Social Committee to better foster the civil society integration of Rroma. It recommends that the governments and aid organisations of the European member states should provide more social housing for marginalised families and should improve the cooperation with the minority representatives. The evaluation of the integration efforts of the different countries varies considerably. While the committee gives very good grades to for example Finland, the assessment of the Romanian Rroma-policy is very mediocre. Valeria Atzori, the EESC Representative for Rroma issues, states: ““Roma are not travellers by choice. They are obliged to leave because they are thrown out of their settlements,” she said. “When they have houses, they stay.” This is one of the first EESC conclusions following visits to countries with Roma minorities over the last few months. EESC experts met with the Roma community, NGOs and national authorities in Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, and Spain. Through these meetings, the EESC aims at exploring civil society initiatives in the Roma integration process, and provide recommendations to EU institutions in November. According to Atzori, the situations vary considerably between countries. […] In Romania, the government still lacks political will to help the Roma, despite the creation of a National Agency for Roma Integration. NGOs and the Roma were defensive in their meetings with the EESC, and blamed both the government and the EU for not doing enough. Romania is also confronting deeply rooted stereotypes about Roma. Atzori said that due to a few Roma that are exploiting the system, a lot of Romanians believe that the minority deserves the deplorable situation they are in now.” What is not mentioned in the analysis is that the different EU-countries are dealing with very different conditions. The economic situation and political stability in the states are not equal, and difficult economic situations facilitate mechanisms of social exclusion. On the other hand, the will of political and civil society to integrate the minority is without doubt a critical factor to a better integration of the Rroma. In Mid-October, the European Economic and Social Committee will be rewarding eight organisations that have been particularly committed to a better social integration of the Rroma.

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08.10.2014 Wolfgang Benz: „The return of enemy stereotypes“

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The German historian and researcher on prejudices Wolfgang Benz has published a new book in which he thoroughly investigates the mechanisms of prejudices towards Rroma. Benz tries to comprehend the reasons for the emergence and adherence of the negative stereotypes, which are consciously instrumentalised politically by various protagonists. In his article for the Tagesspiegel, he conveys the most important theses of his book. Part of these are self-appointed experts, who blame Rroma living in misery for their own fate, by playing off liberal self-reliance against societal injustices: „Sinti and Roma are rejected and despised, because they are poor, are regarded as placeless and without culture. Cherished through fears of foreign domination, enemy stereotypes are being reactivated. Self-appointed experts argue that they have to blame themselves for their misery in Slovakia, in Hungary, in the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Rumania or Serbia and the Kosovo. The situation of the Roma in Southeast Europe has become a tourist attraction, topic of hypocritical sensitive reports, which are being created with the point of view of master men – and confirm the majority in their rejection of the minority. Roma-foes call the object of their interest unashamed once more “Zigeuner”, even though (or because) it is hurtful. By the use of generalisations, fears are fuelled, and dubious knowledge about Sinti and Roma is spread, fears are evoked, which allegedly threaten us. The unpleasant characteristics, which are projected sweepingly on all Roma from Southeast Europe, are welcomed reasons for discrimination. Immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania are seen as the incarnation of a threat, which is usually equated with Sinti and Roma. The traditional stereotypes of the “gypsy” have sowed the seeds for generations, the new images of the slums from which they come, and the poverty in which they live, are seamlessly compatible. […] Xenophobia, racism, petty-bourgeois fears for their property and identity weaknesses condense into an enemy image of poverty migrants, whose feared attack on social funds, bourgeois order and the German way of life must be resisted. Right-wing populists and -extremists benefit from it, and operate their enemy image with success – in the middle of society.” The perpetuation of prejudices has become a vicious circle which is difficult to break. A possible way out is a public, media-catchy discussion of the integrated Rroma, the “invisible Rroma”. However, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret, for fear of discrimination among friends and colleagues, at work or in the housing market. Here again, there exists a vicious circle of legitimate fears that cannot be so easily overcome (compare Benz 2014).

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01.10.2014 Rroma and Migration in Germany: discussion instead of polemics

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Dribbusch (2014), on the occasion of the nomination of Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia as safe countries of origin, argues for more discussion culture rather than reductionist polemics. Unfortunately, she mixes economic migration and political asylum and does not questions enough, how these categories intermingle, blend, and are dealt with: “The economic integration of people who have come to stay, must be openly debated because a solely humanitarian appeal is not enough to create acceptance. The question is: should taxpayers in Germany be responsible for offering a Roma woman from Bulgaria and their children, or a young African from Chad, better life opportunities? The answer could be yes. But only if there is also integration assistance, that means, not only should asylum seekers been freed of [current] work interdictions, but should also been paid language courses and qualification measures. […] If one wants to open up new possibilities for a poverty policy, it is also appropriate to set limits. It is acceptable that Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia are now defined as “safe countries of origin”, to speed up the asylum process. The asylum applications from Serbia recently skyrocketed.” Dribbusch is right when she calls for more integration help that consist of concrete offers and not just acceptance. However, she conveys a very one-sided notion of the minority, if she portrays Rroma as “economic refugees”. She negates the well-educated migrants, as well as individual experiences of discrimination that exist spite the safety from political persecution. Moreover, Rroma only constitute a part of the migrants from the Southeast Europe. There are also a lot of ethnic Serbians, Macedonians, Bosnians and others, who migrate to Western Europe (compare Die Presse 2014, Kılıç 2014).  

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01.10.2014 Bulgaria: vote-buying and the Rroma

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Sergueva (2014) reports on the illegal vote buying in Bulgaria. In the last elections for the European Parliament, the problem did become particularly manifest: on the one hand, we have found that some employees were forced under threat of dismissal by their employers to select certain parties or candidates. On the other hand, votes of people with low incomes were bought with financial incentives. This was also the case with Rroma with low income: “Forced to survive with a minimum income of 340 leva (174 Euros) per month, Maya Ivanova did not hesitate for a second to sell her vote for the legislative elections taking place this Sunday in Bulgaria. “Who would reject 50 Leva, today, in such a misery?”, this 51-year-old woman from a Roma household states, that was met by AFP in Bobovdol. Only to “us, the Roma, one gives merely one meat dumpling and two sandwiches”, she adds: “The 50 leva are taken by the organizers.”” According to Transparency International, about 6% of the surveyed voters already have sold their vote once. Just as many are ready to do the same. Antony Galabov by Transparency International explains this with the very high rate of poverty in Bulgaria. According to estimates, 20% of the population in Bulgaria now lives below the poverty line. In many Romany ghettos, according to Vania Noucheva from the IMRI institute in Paris, there are usurers whom many slum-dwellers are in debt of and therefore can be extorted votes. Under the pressure of the European Union, several countermeasures have been decided now: at the next elections, a thousand persons suspected of vote-buying will be monitored. The notice on the ballot saying “Vote-buying is prohibited” exists since 2007, but was not of much use so far, Sergueva states.

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26.09.2014 Louis de Matignon Gouyon: half of the Rroma children from informal settlements do not attend school

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Louis de Gouyon Matignon (2014) reports on the lack of education of Rroma children who live in the informal settlements of France. The lack of training of the children is partly due to the lack of appreciation of education by some parents, as well as the result of the fear of deportation by the French authorities. But above all, it results from discriminatory practices by French schools. Thus, some schools keep fictitious waiting lists to prevent Rroma from enrolling their children: “It is now assumed that 53% of Roma children do not attend school. The missing schooling of our young fellow Europeans (usually Romanians or Bulgarians) may result from the will of the parents to handle basic needs such as food, shelter or clothing with priority; or missing schooling may also result from a bad attitude or from a lack of funds on the part of schools: some schools apply fictitious waiting lists to discourage parents from enrolling their children. Some individual initiatives, based on private funds, such as the creation of small libraries or the establishment of courses by volunteers, are laudable, but they are not sufficient in order to prevent illiteracy among the Roma.” It must be stressed here that Gouyon Matignon assumes that 50% of Rroma children from the informal settlements do not go to school. This does not mean that half of the integrated Rroma children do not attend school. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are living in France. The vast majority of them is integrated, goes to work and sends their children to school. Gouyon Matignon therefore falsely equates the Rroma from the slums with all Rroma in France, which is not true. Many Rroma can read and write. Gouyon Matignon therefore unintentionally reproduces a stereotypical notion of ​​the Rroma. But he is not alone with that: many other authors and institutions equate the Rroma with the visible Rroma from the slums (compare Pozycki 2014).

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17.09.2014 Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: safe countries of origin for Rroma?

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The daily news of the ARD (2014) reports on the ongoing discussions and protests because of the declaration of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as being “safe countries of origin”. Accordingly, the federal government will soon enact a law that puts these three countries on the list of countries safe of persecution. Thereafter, minorities like the Rroma will have very poor chances of obtaining asylum in Germany. This is being criticised especially by social democratic politicians and non-governmental organisations. Recently, the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma has spoken out. Its chairman, Romani Rose, criticised in his statement that the three countries are anything but safe for Rroma: “In the three countries, the argument goes, there is no persecution, torture, violence or degrading treatment. […] Life for Rroma in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina is anything but safe, Rose declared. “Large parts of the minority in these countries have no chance in the labour market, they are excluded from any participation in social life.” For Roma, which are merely tolerated in Germany, the implementation of the plans could mean deportation.” While it is true that the Rroma in the Balkans were exposed to little discrimination until 1989, and many of the common stereotypes about the minority originated in Western Europe, this does not mean that the exaggeration of ethnic differences and the marginalisation of the Rroma have not become a real issue since then that affect many members of the minority. The adoption of the new law is due to an increase of asylum applications from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, which are turned down in the majority of the cases as being unfounded. However, these decisions are also criticised, since individual fates of exclusion and persecution get too little attention and are not considered appropriately due to lack of evidence. The status of safe countries puts administrative estimates about the protection of the civilian population, especially minorities, over the individual experiences of those affected. Whether this is a smart procedure that meets the real-life experiences of victims of discrimination, should be critically assessed. What matters in the end is the individual fate and not the official status (compare Amtsberg 2014, Attenberger/Filon 2014, Die Welt 2014, Ulbig 2014).  

Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek (2014) contradicts this opinion: He claims that the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are often affected by poverty, but are not persecuted. In Macedonia and Serbia, the Rroma rather build part of local communities and are found in all social classes and positions. Even the Rromanes is widely accepted in Macedonia: “Traditionally, in Macedonia and Serbia, it is far less disparagingly spoken about Roma than in the neighbouring countries of Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. The major, wearing his chain of office and shaking hands, attend Roma celebrations. In the newspapers one respectfully speaks of “citizens of Roma nationality”, and ethnic Macedonians also attend Roma pilgrimages. The European cliché that Roma steal is unknown in both countries. […] If Roma are exposed to persecution somewhere in the region, then it is the EU-country Hungary, where right-wing extremist groups inflame the atmosphere, literally hunt for Roma and the police looks the other way. However, from EU-countries no asylum applications are accepted in principle. Even discrimination based on ethnicity is likely to be far less in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia than what Roma have to endure in Hungary, the Czech Republic or France.” Thereby Mappes-Niediek addresses an important point: the difficulty of assessing the discrimination or acceptance of a minority that is already perceived very one-sided in the public in its entirety and complexity. For Mappes-Niediek, the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are particularly affected by poverty. This is certainly true for a part of the minority. But he also hides a part of reality: in particular the integrated Rroma, which can be found in all the countries of Europe and are not perceived as Rroma by the public. Rroma should not be equated with an underclass. They build part of all strata of society. Regarding the aspect of discrimination, the individual fate should still favoured to a reductionist, generalising assessment: because mechanisms of exclusion in a society cannot be read on a measuring instrument. They are subtly distributed in all spheres of a nation and not necessarily occur in the open.    

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