Category Archives: News Eastern Europe

04.07.2014 Reims: two squats were evicted

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Livoreil (2014) provides information about the eviction of two occupied houses in Reims, which were inhabited by immigrant Rroma. Following a court order, about twenty people were evacuated from the two buildings. The eviction was not primarily political, but legally motivated, as the assistant of the mayor states: “Apparently, the action executed yesterday followed a legal agenda and was not strictly political. The assistant to the mayor, responsible for the security, Xavier Alibertini, announced: “This eviction will not be followed by more.” In Reims, there are half a dozen occupied homes, of which most are located in the city centre. These are identified by social workers who are in daily contact with the most precarious of the precarious” (Livoreil 2014). A community organization, commissioned by the government of Reims in 2013, takes care of the integration of inhabitants of the occupied houses. Several people were already provided with jobs and for four family flats could be organised. It should be stressed here once again that the French press reports in a highly one-sided way about Rroma in France. About 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma living in an integrated way is never reported (Rroma Foundation 2014). The focus lies solely on the recently immigrated Rroma living in slums.

04.07.2014 Rroma and stereotypes: prison sentences against Rroma child traffickers

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Nicolas (2014) provides information about a trial against fifteen Croatian Rroma by the French prosecutor’s office. The prosecution requested for five of the fifteen defendants the maximum sentence of ten years of imprisonment. The Rroma are accused of deliberately having instigated minors to steal and to having traded them amongst each other. The children were literally educated to steal, the prosecution states. The charge is organised crime, human trafficking and group theft. The accused are charged with the involvement in over a hundred thefts, of which the vast majority was committed in France. The gangs were allegedly built on hierarchical families, that were lead by a clan chief: “For the judiciary, those offenders, who settled on sites in  Lorraine and Alsace, belong to family structures that are completely hierarchiszed, with up to seven clans operated in the mode of groups that are directed by family chiefs from afar. The operation mode was always the same: burglaries during a few days, aimed at homes in a given sector, virtually raids to find jewellery and money” (Nicolas 2014). With this charge, Nicolas conveys a common misconception about Rroma. The accusation of criminal, hierarchically organised family-gangs, who commit crimes on the command of a clan chief, has been transformed into an unquestioned fact. However, this supposed fact is based on massive prejudices, misinformation and culturalising racism. Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. A cultural explanation for crime is necessarily racist and ignores and discredits the majority of the blameless Rroma, living integrated. The idea of hierarchical family ties traces back to the projection of the medieval caste system onto the Rroma. However, this is incorrect. While it is true that the family has an important place among the Rroma, the organization is largely egalitarian. In addition, the stereotype of arranged marriages is communicated, which is only true for a minority of the Rroma. Furthermore, the phenomenon of child trafficking, as it is presented here, has to be critically questioned. Social science studies show that social realities behind begging or petty crime are largely hidden. Similarly, the structural differences of the societies involved and any related reasons for a migration from Romania to France. The research conveys a more complex, contradictory notion of the subject and points out that crimes such as incitement to begging or trafficking of children are pervaded by a wide variety of morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, which deny the perspective and motivations of the people concerned and force on them their own ideas of organised begging, child trafficking or criminal networks (compare Oude Breuil 2008, Pernin 2014).

02.07.2014 Évry: demonstration against imminent eviction

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Lemonnier (2014) reports a rally in Évry, in the south of Paris. On June 28th, Rroma and activists gathered at the place of the human rights in Évry, to demonstrate against the imminent evictions of the local Rroma settlements. The demonstrators marched with posters and banners through the streets of the city to the county seat of Essonne and demanded the compliance to basic human rights that are in conflict with the planned evictions. They also rallied against the unworthy treatment of Rroma in France. In Évry, two informal Rroma settlements exist, with about 150 inhabitants each. The closure of the camps is scheduled for the next two weeks. They were founded in response to the evacuation of a camp in Ris-Orangis. Considering the children enrolled in school, one waited until the end of the school year, the general counsellor of the district states: “From the very beginning, we have said that the camps cannot be created in the long term, says the general counsellor of the concerned canton, Claude Vazquez. However, we waited until the end of the school year to authorise the evacuation of this camp, considering that 27 Rroma children are enrolled in the institutions of our community and to enable them to finish the year.” From the perspective of those affected, this apparent benevolence towards the Rroma is a farce. They demand better treatment of Rroma in Évry. First of all, this has to begin with the reduction of the number of forced evictions. Manuel Valls, who is repeatedly criticised for his restrictive, uncompromising policy towards the immigrant Rroma, was mayor of Évry from 2001 to 2012. The demonstration against the planned evictions has therefore a more political character. Of the 100,000 to 500,000 integrated Rroma living in France, one never hears something in the French media. Thereby, one denies them existence and reproduces a one-sided picture of the ethnic group that is being exploited by many politicians for political purposes.

02.07.2014 Institutional racism in the British police

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Green (2014) reports on institutional racism against Rroma among the British police. Jim Davies, Rrom and himself policeman in the Thames Valley police force, had started a lawsuit against his employer because of racist treatment of members of the Rroma community. Both he himself and Rroma people being in contact with the police are affected, he states. Davies accuses the police force to have discriminated against him for years because of his origin. In response to the discriminations, Davies founded an association for police officers of Rroma or traveller origin, the Gypsy Roma Traveller Police Association (GRTPA). In reaction to the accusations, the Thames Valley Police has begun internal investigation into the incidents criticized: “In a statement, Thames Valley Police said it would “not tolerate any form of discrimination towards any minority group”. It added: “In light of the issues and observations raised by PC Davies, a review of how Thames Valley Police engages with Gypsy Roma Traveller communities will be commenced. “This review will be conducted independently and will involve a review of existing policies and procedures to ensure Thames Valley Police serves all of its communities and ensures that any racial stereotyping or outdated practices and procedures are amended or removed.” Davies also states that most policemen with a Rroma background keep their identity a secret, because they otherwise will also be faced with prejudices and discrimination. With the founding of his Rroma police organisation, Davies wants to strengthen both the role of Rroma policemen as well as the acceptance of the police among the general Rroma population.

02.07.2014 Ireland: investigation confirms ethnic profiling leading to child removal

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Several Irish and British newspapers report the results of an investigation by the Irish ombudswoman for Children – Emily Logan – regarding the child removal by Irish authorities. In the two studied cases, children were taken away from their Irish Rroma parents because they were blond, but the parents are dark-haired. After DNA tests confirmed the biological parenthood, the children were returned to their parents. The authorities took away the children last October, shortly after a blonde Rroma girl was removed from a Rroma camp in Greece. The case confirmed racial prejudice of Rroma being child traffickers, but also proved to be unfounded. The Irish prime minister, Enda Kenny, the justice minister Frances Fitzgerald, and the Irish police commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan apologised for the inappropriate behaviour of the Irish authorities. Such an incident should not happen again and one is striving to implement improvements in the training of police officers: “Ms Fitzgerald also met with the families privately and issued a personal apology. “We regret the pain that they went through,” she said. “It happened out of a determination to protect children, but that determination got skewed.” The Government has pledged to implement a range of recommendations – such as cultural training for gardaí and better information-sharing – aimed at ensuring such a mistake does not happen again” (O’Brien 2014). The incident has left a large uncertainty among those affected. A seven-year-old girl, fearing to be taken away from her parents again, has dyed her hair black. The parents of the two-year old albino boy were in a state of shock and despair for a long time. One of the two families has taken legal action against the authorities. The minister of justice meanwhile announced that it was open to a compensation of the families. In a personal statement, the ombudswoman Emily Logan explains the process of her investigation. She comes to the conclusion that the actions of the Irish police officers were prejudiced and clearly guided by ethnic criteria: “After interviewing 42 people and weighing up the information, I concluded that the readiness to believe that Child A, a two-year-old boy, might have been abducted exceeded the evidence available and was tied inextricably to the fact that his family was Roma. Whatever doubts gardaí had in relation to the boy should have been decisively put to rest when his father informed them the toddler had albinism” (Logan 2014). In the case of the seven-year-old, blond Rroma girl, a combination of misinformation by the hospital, where the girl was born, the past experiences of a police officer and again ethnic profiling led to the child’s removal. Logan complains that the officers were asserted in their prejudices by the case of the Greek Rroma girl (compare BBC News 2014, Logan 2014 II/III, Phelan/O’Connor 2014).

02.07.2014 Rroma and asylum in Canada: renewed controversy over minority policy in Hungary

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Katawazi (2014) covers the asylum case of a five-member Rroma family in Canada. The family fled from discrimination in Hungary to Canada and applied for political asylum. However, Canada has declared Hungary a safe country of origin, whereby asylum applications from that country are seldom accepted. The Buzas’ family applied for admission based on humanitarian grounds in December 2013. The request remains unanswered until today. Nevertheless, Canadian authorities have set the family’s expulsion for July 3rd this year. Through the support of the public, the parents hope to avert the deportation: “In a statement to the public, Renata Buzas said she hopes to stay in Canada in order to protect her children. “Each day, my children suffered from mental and physical abuse at school because of their Roma origins. No mother can tolerate that. Here in Canada they don’t have to be afraid; they can be themselves, they can evolve and flourish,” said Buzas” (Katawazi 2014). Regarding the assessment of asylum cases, the problem remains that the personal experiences of migrants are not relevant compared to the official country analyses. Since individual fates are often difficult to prove, the regulatory assessment of the security situation in the countries concerned outweighs. Regarding the case of discrimination against minorities, the security situation is difficult to assess, because the individual experiences do not necessarily correspond to official assessments.

02.07.2014 Rroma and stereotypes: Rroma arrested because of organised copper theft

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Certain (2014) and Labarre (2014) report on the arrest of seven Rroma in the Pays de la Loire. The detained persons are accused of having been involved in the theft and organised trafficking of copper. Most of the suspects live in an informal settlement Rroma in Saint-Herblain. The article suggests, as many before it, that hierarchical organised structures exist among Rroma and favour organised crime: “The network was ultra-hierarchised. With a boss, henchmen and assistants. In order to unravel the involvement of one or the other, and to investigate the black market, it took almost a year of investigation by the theft-brigade of Nantes. This was rewarded this week by eleven arrests, the majority in a Roma camp of Saint-Herblain, the hub of the commerce.” The stereotypes of organised, criminal Rroma clans persist. It has often been pointed out that this is not a Rroma-specific phenomenon and hierarchical structures are not part of Rroma culture. The reference to the ethnicity of the perpetrators is therefore completely unnecessary; it only encourages racial prejudice against members of the minority. Rroma are not more criminal than the representatives of other ethnic groups. Already in June, Le Matin (Grabet 2014) reported on the trial against three Serbian Rroma in Vevey, who are accused of being involved in the organised theft and black marketing of copper.

27.06.2014 Fassin: lynching racially motivated or not?

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In his newest article for Libération, the sociologist Eric Fassin (2014) poses the question, of why only a few newspapers speak of a racist lynching of the young Rroma, and instead portray the incident as a vigilante justice between robbed banlieue residents and a criminal youth, both of which are poor. He contrasts this to the case of a young Moroccan Jew, who was tortured to death in 2006 by a group of Muslim immigrants. At that time, no one had any doubt that the act was racially motivated. However, this time one does. Even the public prosecutor denies that the offence was committed with racist motives. The thefts committed by Darius, which are regarded as nearly proven, are cited as the actual motive for revenge. Fassin criticises that the victim’s presumption of innocence, valid until his actions are really proven, are completely disregarded. He sees the reduction of the incident to a vigilante justice between robbed and thief as a trivialisation of the intellectual arson against Rroma in France. Negating the defamation of Rroma by politics and the media, also negates some of the possible motives: “In reality, masking the racism of the lynching is abandoning finding the culprits among the responsible people. In other words, it is the denial of the responsibility of politics towards the increase in Roma-phobia: if this act has nothing to do with racism, it has no political relevance. Nevertheless, the “lapses” in public discourse are so numerous and deliberate that it is appropriate to speak of an actual landslide.”

Fassin is certainly right that in the investigation of the lynching case, all aspects need to be analysed and considered. The racist discourse against Rroma is an inherent part of this. However, one also has to be cautious to jump to conclusions and to insinuate motives of the  perpetrators that are not proven. The investigation has to show what motives stand behind the vigilantism. On this issue, Fassin engaged in a dispute with the deputy editor of Libération, Eric Decouty. Decouty (2014), in his commentary on Fassin’s article, criticises that the argument builds upon unsecured facts and is therefore not unproblematic. Rastello (2014) agrees in her analysis with the assessment that the evidence on the exact course of the event is still not verified: witnesses’ statements are contradictory, for example regarding the exact time of the abduction as well as the number of involved persons. Witnesses on  the Rroma side fear further reprisals and therefore hold back statements. On behalf of the residents, there is supposedly a “law of silence”, which is the result of the bad acceptance of the police in this impoverished neighbourhood. In addition, the offenders’ motives are still not clearly established.

Fassin (2014/III) replies that he goes from the position that the racist discourse is in part responsible for the committed crime. Pejorative words and opinions expressed about Rroma in recent years manifested themselves into a real act of violence in the case of the lynched Rroma. To trivialise the issue of intellectual arson against the Rroma is dangerous, as is the silence of the public on this incident, he states. However, what Fassin does not take into account prominently enough is the social dynamics of the suburbs themselves and the misguided social policy that allows this misery. The inhabitants of the suburbs are themselves victims of mechanisms of exclusion (compare Bilefsky/De la Baume 2014, Fassin 2014/II).

27.06.2014 Hungary: “living as in the Third World”

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The Budapester Zeitung (2014) discusses in one of its latest contributions the increasing impoverishment of a broad middle class in Hungary. The deepening of social inequality happens despite good employment rates, as wages are not sufficient to maintain a good standard of living. This depletion favours economic, competitive thinking, envy and also racist slogans against minority groups such as the Rroma. The right-wing nationalist Jobbik party was able to achieve a new record of expressed votes during the last elections: “According to the definition by Eurostat, every third Hungarian is threatened by poverty and social exclusion; compared to 2010, the number of poor increased by more than 100,000 people. Particularly frightening are the estimates in the report concerning how many children are affected by poverty. In today’s Hungary, 620,000 children grow up in poorly insulated homes, 200,000 children live without electricity and thus in the dark, 170,000 children and 140,000 children know no toilet, no bathroom with tub or shower.” This finding is very serious because the impoverishment of the youth reduces their future opportunities of social advancement, what exacerbates social inequality: “A recent research commissioned by the pro-government weekly Heti Válasz and the internet portal Origo.hu classified more than two million people as belonging to the lowest stratum of society, whose lives is virtually hopeless. At least, these people will never ascend into the middle class, the GfK market research institute and the Research Centre for Social Sciences at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences found out (MTATK). Because it is much easier to socially decline within society than to rise socially.” The article uses only statistical information and reproduces deadlocked categories of well-educated, networked rich people and isolated, poor people with deficient education. A little more complexity beyond these categories would have done no harm to the article.  

25.06.2014 Gerhart-Hauptmann-school in Kreuzberg being evicted: 40 Rroma were resettled

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The former school building of the Gerhart-Hauptmann-school in Kreuzberg, which housed 200 refugees, homeless and Rroma since 2012, is being evicted. In a first phase, the inhabitants are offered an alternative accommodation: “After long debates and political quarrels, on Tuesday, the evacuation of the school in Berlin-Kreuzberg, occupied by refugees, has begun. The district authority and the police are trying to make the residents move voluntarily to other accommodations, said a district spokesman. Accommodations are available in Charlottenburg and Spandau, for each of the 211 refugees, according to district spokespersons. However, the refugees from the occupied school shall only obtain new lodgings from the state if they follow the call for evacuation on Tuesday voluntarily” (Treichel/Mösken/Zivanovic 2014). The evacuation takes place on a decision of the district office of Kreuzberg. Many people, especially regarding the future stay of the refugees, criticize the action. Local activists tried to prevent the police from shutting off the building. According to journalists, around 40 Rroma have accepted the offer of the department and were brought to the site of a new accommodation. In contrast to France, until, there had been no forced eviction in Germany, since most immigrant Rroma are housed in rented affordable housing, which, however, also led to disputes. What is astonishing about the coverage of the eviction is that “refugees, homeless and Rroma” are mentioned. Focus (2014), rbb (2014) and the Berliner Morgenpost (2014) even speak of “Roma families, homeless, and drug dealers.” It is therefore assumed without further comment that Rroma inevitably find themselves in a similar situation as refugees, homeless or drug dealers. Why the ethnic affiliations of the other residents are not named, is not explained. This happens only with the Rroma (compare Die Welt 2014, Lang-Lendorff 2014, Treichel 2014). 

25.06.2014 Lawsuit concerning the Rroma camp of Bobigny

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Jabkhiro (2014) reports on a lawsuit concerning the Rroma camp of Bobigny. The settlement had gained nationwide attention after a young Rroma girl had fallen victim to a fire in February. The residents are trying to fight against the planned eviction of the camp with the help of organizations and a lawyer. The newly elected major of Bobigny, Stéphane De Paoli, requested an accelerated procedure for the implementation of the eviction from the prefecture of Seine-Saint-Denis. The city administration’s lawyer emphasised in his plea the illegal nature of the camp, as well as the lack of security provisions in the settlement, which required a closure. The lawyer of the residents referred to the good social integration of the Rroma: 90% of the children are enrolled in school and the sanitary facilities have improved. There is no sensible reason why families in which the parents work, the children go to school and who show a clear desire for integration, should be evicted, the lawyer stated. Why the eviction is discussed in court, since all previous evictions usually took place without the consultation of the settlement’s inhabitants, Jabkhiro does not explain. The elementary school Marie Curie of Bobigny had previously been selected by the government to be portrayed in a short film, to show the successful enrolment and integration of Rroma children (compare Territoiresgouv 2013). The residents’ lawyer complains that those responsible for social assessments, that are required following the inter-ministerial circular from August 26th, 2012, did not exchange any information with the persons in charge on site. In the case of Bobigny, the application of the social assesment did not take place. So far, analyses by officials have been carried out only on a single day and cannot be classified as professional. The verdict of the lawsuit will be announced on July 2.

25.06.2014 Lynching and Rroma as social scapegoats

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Willsher (2014) discusses the role of the Rroma in France in the context of the lynching of a young Rrom in the Paris suburbs. In addition to a political instrumentalisation of the minority for political campaign purposes and as scapegoats for social ills, Willsher also notes that Rroma are equated with petty crime, leading to a prejudiced association of thieves and Rroma: “It is illegal to compile data on the basis of ethnicity in France, so there is no evidence that the gangs of children who swarm around tourists to filch money, valuables and wallets, or pick pockets in the Métro, are in fact Roma. Because the word “Roma” has become synonymous with petty criminal and delinquent, the public perception is that they are.” Willsher as well as the people she interviewed have, besides the awareness of social inequalities, no understanding of the majority of Rroma who are living integrated lives in France. In the French media, they are continually ignored. The fact that these integrated Rroma do not call themselves Rroma is a consequence of their fear of discrimination and disadvantages if they do so, something journalists and politicians do not seem to be aware of. Thereby, the wrong conception that equates Rroma with an underclass that is uneducated and lives on the edge of crime, is becoming prevalent. That these ideas persist in the minds of people can be seen in the statements of Nassima Kleit, an assistant of the general council of Seine-Saint-Denis. She admits racism against the minority, but simultaneously reproduces xenophobic prejudices and culturally motivated crime: “Of course, we can’t put a gloss on this and say there’s no criminals among the Roma, and of course we need to change cultural attitudes that see Roma parents sending their children out to beg or steal; but we can only do that by educating them and getting them out of these shanty towns into places where they can live with dignity […].” Kleit confirms with her statements the misconceptions of criminal, culturally determined Rroma gangs, as the Weltwoche repeatedly conveys them. However, there is no ethnic-based culture of crime. If anything, there are massive social inequalities that make criminal activities appear more attractive to certain social layers than to others. As already said, it is wrong to equate the Rroma with a social underclass. There are educated and well-off people among Rroma. Rroma are part of all social classes.  

Bouvet (2014) identifies the latest incident not only as the outcome of a failed policy towards Rroma, but primarily as a failed social policy in France. The lynching incident shows that the social policies of the last decades have not been able to create a social balance: “What the lynching of Pierrefitte tells us is the failure of social policy, which was conducted in France for decades in neighbourhoods such as that of the Cité des poètes […]. The failure of employment policy and integration, not least those concerning the young people, who did not prevent an unemployment rate of more than 35%.”

Piquemal (2014) points out that the incident with the young Rrom is symptomatic of the ongoing expulsion and oppression of immigrant Rroma in France. The violence against the minority has increased. Since one hinders the immigrated Rroma to install themselves in the long term, one also makes it impossible to them to build a longer-term existence, which includes regular schooling of the children, adequate housing and a job. This rigorous expulsion policy must finally come to an end. Nathalie Godard, from Doctors of the World, states: “One clearly notices it on the site: with this policy, groups get fragmented, they are scattered throughout the territory of the department. But still they do not leave Seine-Saint-Denis. It’s always the same persons living here, some for a very long time. We follow the family for years, even if it is increasingly difficult for us to work. This is really complicated. Today, we use our time to find them again. With each eviction, all relationships that you try to create, to treat them, for example, must be restarted again. Everything is falling into the trap doors. I do not want to talk about the school to you! How do you want to enrol children, when they sometimes only sleep one or two nights at the same place.” What is also continuously hidden in the French press is that there are 100,000 to 500,000 integrated Rroma living in France. Therefore, the people living in the slums Rroma make up only a small percentage of Rroma in the country. Nevertheless, only they are present in the media.

20.06.2014 Biggest Rroma camp in Marseille was evicted

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Various French newspapers report on the eviction of the largest Rroma camp in Marseilles. The illegal settlement was founded in response to the eviction of a camp in Capelette, in October 2013, and was home to around 400 people, including one hundred children. Most of them are now homeless, as the inter-ministerial circular which requires an early social diagnosis as well as the organisation of alternative accommodation, was very badly applied. Only eighteen families were accommodated in a different location. Once again, children, many of whom went to school, are particularly affected. Their further education is in doubt because of the eviction, and the long-term integration of the families is additionally complicated. Some of the residents have been moving from one camp to the next since ten years. During summer, the number of closures of Rroma settlements massively increases in France. In winter, many communities have a moratorium in evictions on humanitarian grounds. Most of the residents will move to other informal settlements, resulting merely in a shift of the problem from one place to the next. Papin (2014) comments: “Hundreds of people, consisting of members of organisations, members of the Front de Gauche and citizens, were present this morning. All request that long-term solutions have to be found. Otherwise, the problem is merely displaced. In a few days, one will discover that families have created another camp at a different location. Without a permanent solution to accommodation, the story of the evacuation of the Rroma camps will remain an eternal problem.” The next clearance of another camp is already announced. The fact that Rroma are repeatedly accused of voluntarily wanting to live in the camps is absurd and shows the lack of any understanding of social inequality (compare Civallero 2014, Fiorito 2014, Gruel 2014, L’express 2014, Libération 2014, Miguet 2014).

20.06.2014 Miskolc: Rroma to be displaced with relocation-bonus

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Pusztaranger (2014) reports on the planned extension of the local football arena into a mega stadium by the right-wing nationalist Fidesz government in Miskolc. To this end, a Rroma settlement is supposed to be removed in order to make space for a large parking lot. To incite the residents to move voluntarily into the social housing in the agglomeration, the city government gives the residents of the settlement a relocation-bonus of 1.5 to 2 million forints, approximately 4,500 to 6,000 Euros. Both the Rroma themselves, as well as the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, which are to receive the Rroma, protest against the project, albeit for entirely different reasons. While the Rroma demand living space in the city itself and do not want to be displaced outside into the agglomeration, the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages protest for racist reasons. They do not want any Rroma in their housing estates: “In the villages of the surrounding area, protest initiatives against potential newcomers from Miskolc have already been started; in the community Sátoraljaújhely, by decree, they are denied any social benefits and public employment measures for up to five years (Nol); in Ónod, an arson attack on a house inhabited by Roma was recently carried out, after the Fidesz mayor had spoken out against newcomers in the media.” In so-called “site visits”, Jobbik representatives control the documents of the Rroma and agitate against the minority.

20.06.2014 Nancy and Bastia: Several Rroma accused of child trafficking

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Le Point (2014) reports on the arrests of several suspects accused of being involved in the trade of infants. The ethnicity of the suspects is stated to be that of French travellers, the babies however are said to be Rroma. Whether the author of the article uses the terms interchangeably or whether he means a different ethnicity is not evident. The accused are supposed to have smuggled infants from Corsica to France and sold them in Marseille and Ajaccio. Only inaccurate information is available about the exact background and motives of the events. One of the biological mothers is said to have given birth to her child under a false identity to facilitate a resale. By making the ethnicity of the accused explicit, something anything but obvious, the article suggests that the offense is a Rroma cultural peculiarity. This is much more the matter of extreme behaviour by some individuals. Something that is not stressed at all. With this, all those Rroma who are living blameless lives are discredited. The phenomenon of child trafficking, as repeatedly portrayed in the media, has to be critically reviewed, as scientific social studies demonstrate. These refer to the prevalence of criminal explanations of human trafficking over the perspective of the people involved and their backgrounds (compare Ortoli 2014, Oude Breuil 2008, Oude Breuil et al 2011). 

20.06.2014 Norway criminalises begging

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Numerous French newspapers address a new Norwegian law, which will make begging punishable starting summer 2015 all over Norway. From then on, beggars can be punished by fines and up to three months in prison. The right-wing nationalist Progressive Party, FrP, initiated the new law. The party member and justice minister, Anders Anundsen, claimed a clear link between begging and theft. However, this association of begging and organised criminality is very controversial in scientific research (compare Tabin et al 2012). For the the new law critics, it is beyond question that the new regulation is directly aimed against Rroma and wants to criminalise them. Justice minister Anders Anundsen said in a public statement that the vast majority of beggars in Oslo are Romanian nationals and that many are logged in criminal records. Based on the described case, once can see once more that suspicions towards Rroma are made into alleged facts by non-critical analogies. Neither the membership of the beggars to the Rroma is truly clarified, nor is it clear that all or most of the beggars have actually committed criminal acts. Baard Vegar Solhjell, from the left Norwegian socialists criticised that 200 years ago, the Norwegian constitution adopted a travel ban on Jews. The ban on begging stands in a clear, ideological line with this prohibition, since it is targeting towards an exclusion of the Rroma. Since the proponents of a ban have a clear majority in parliament, the adoption of the bill will be only a formality. Norway had just legalised begging nationwide in 2005. This was shortly before the outbreak of the biggest economic crisis since hundred years (compare Frémont 2014, L’essentiel 2014, Le Matin 2014, Libération 2014).

18.06.2014 “Günter Grass honors Hungarian Rrom Jenő Zsigó”

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The Hungarian Rrom Jenő Zsigó was awarded a prize by Günter Grass’ “Foundation for theRoma people”: “With the award, Zsigó’s lifetime work is rewarded, the secretariat of Nobel laureate said in Lübeck on Thursday. Zsigó was the founder and long-time director of the institution Romano Kher in Budapest, and chairman of the Hungarian Roma parliament. […]Since the 1980s, he was “an independent and dedicated spokesperson for political and cultural affairs of the Roma in Hungary” The foundation stated.” Zsigó was co-founder of the Hungarian Rroma parliament that championed both politically and culturally the interests of the Rroma and initiated the first scholarship program for Hungarian Rroma, who are still heavily discriminated against in the education system (compare Focus/DPA 2014, Hamburger Abendblatt/DPA 2014, Tiroler Tageszeitung/DPA 2014).

18.06.2014 “It is time for historians to write Romani history into the mainstream”

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Taylor (2014), an historian at the Birkbeck University in London, talked about her new book “Another Darkness, Another Dawn: A History of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers”. At the beginning, she addressed the intense politicization and instrumentalization of Rroma by politics and journalism. The Rroma are once again made to scapegoats for all social ills and abused in political debates about immigration, debates that are dominated by fear mongering.

From a historical perspective, Taylor states that until today, Rroma are not part of the official historiography. However, Rroma are not granted separate history either, rather, they are ascribed an existence in a timeless bubble untouched by modern life. Taylor wants to overcome this deficiency with her book, and wants to complement the official, popular history with the history of the Rroma. She does it by connecting important historical upheavals, such as the emergence and decline of empires, wars, political upheavals, the expansion of the state of law, enlightenment and social crises with the history of the Rroma and examining mutual influences: “If exploring the history of Romani peoples was a way of holding up a mirror on the societies in which they lived, it was also a salutatory lesson that it is naive to believe in a progressive view of history: things don’t always get better, especially if you belong to a stigmatized ethnic group. […] Carrying out the research for this book showed how the enslavement of Gypsies coexisted under the Ottomans with remarkable cultural diversity and autonomy; how branding, mutilations and ‘gypsy hunts’ occurred at the same time that Gypsies established themselves across Europe and the Americas; and how despite developments in education and attitudes toward minorities across modern Europe and the U.S. has failed to bring anything like active acceptance of the place of Romani peoples within its societies.” Taylor’s book seems to be an interesting, new contribution to the historiography of the Rroma, even though one cannot critically assess her book with her own review. Her book should be read with a critical attitude, as many scientists and Rroma experts, despite their good intentions, reproduce and maintain false information about the Rroma.

  • Taylor, Becky (2014) It’s Time Historians Get Past the Stereotype of Romani Peoples and Write Them into History. In: History News Network online vom 15.6.2014. http://hnn.us/article/155822

18.06.2014 “Judicial ethics body: citing “Gypsy crime” unethical”

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Politics.hu (2014) reports on a verdict of the Hungarian national council of judicial ethics. The council passed judgment that the verdict of judge Erika Mucs from Gyula was unethical. The judge concluded in lawsuit on the prohibition of the right-wing extremist citizens militia Szebb Jövőért Polgárőr Egyesület (Civil Guard Association for a Better Future) that the term “Gypsy crime” is legitimate, as “criminals” and “gypsies” cicrles would not coincide but strongly overlap. Lajos Makai, president of the Hungarian judicial council, subsequently started proceedings against Mucs. The investigation came to the conclusion that Mucs’ behaviour is unethical and that she broke the judges’ moral code. The latter since she didn’t evaluate the case she was handling objectively. Tunde Hando from the national judicial council said in a statement that the objectivity of the judges must be comprehensible in speech and writing. In addition, a new code of ethics is being adopted, which will be published at the end of 2014 and to which all Hungarian judges must obey.

18.06.2014 Lety: protest against pig farm at the site of the former concentration camp

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Several newspapers reported on the protest by activists in several European countries, who objected to the presence of a pig farm at the site of a former concentration camp in Lety, in the Czech Republic. In the Czech Republic itself, several representatives of the European Grassroots Antiracist Movement (EGAM) were present. They remembered the approximately 1,300 Rroma women and children who were interned between August 1942 and May 1943 in the concentration camp of Lety. Most of them were then deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau and gassed there. In Lety itself, around 330 Rroma died, most of them children. They perished of typhoid fever, hunger, or because of the catastrophic conditions in the camp. Under the communist government, an industrial pig farm was built on the site of the former concentration camp. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, members of the Rroma community and human rights activists have called for the demolition of the pig farm and the establishment of a memorial (compare 20 minutes 2014, L’essentiel 2014, The Times of Israël 2014).

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