Category Archives: News Eastern Europe

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20.09.2013 Disputes Between Rroma and Residents in Salzburg

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Clashes between local residents and travelling Rroma in Anthering (Flachgau) and Bischofshofen (Pongau) generated resentment in Austria and encourage the uncritical reproduction of distorted perceptions about Rroma. In Bischofshofen, young people organised via Facebook and subsequently visited travelling Rroma and provoked and insulted them. Police prevented further escalations. A few days earlier in Anthering a farmer tried to chase illegally camping Rroma by splashing them with manure (The Press, 2013). Once more, specific cases become precedents that are applied to Rroma as a whole. Most Rroma are not travellers at all and never were involved in any many illegal activities. Reporting such incidents is part of a tradition of one-sided coverage of Rroma: These reports are in many cases related to crimes or other negative events, which has led to the entrenchment of a negative public image. The proposal by the Greens immigration responsible Martina Berthold to provide an available camping spot for travelling met with strong criticism. There is no real need for it. That the article promotes racist attitudes towards Rroma can be inferred from the comment column. It reads as: “That the R & S [Rroma and Sinti] settlements in Hungary are located several kilometres away from the urban areas has reasons – ask the Hungarians why this is so. And remarkably – this is not new, this is older than the Nazis, but it has apparently proven to work. And proven things you should not be given up!” (Salzburg_24 2013).

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20.09.2013 Rroma and Experts

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Lausberg (2013) raises an important question on the relation of knowledge produced by Rroma experts about Rroma and its appropriation by the public. Lausberg criticises Rolf Bauerdick “Gypsy: Encounters with unpopular people” for the reproduction of centuries-old stereotypes, because Bauerdick, in addition to the descriptive plane of his book, did not manage to address other levels of reality such as the dominant social discourses, the heterogeneity of the Rroma or the xenophobic instrumentalisation Rroma. Bauerdick’s critique of the common view of the Rroma as victims, deprived of their own power to act, is an important objection to public views of the Rroma. Also they are responsible for their own destiny, not only the structures of society. However, in this criticism, he commits the mistake to unilaterally describe Rroma representatives as elitist, overly moralistic and haughty, and himself as an empirical journalist, a revealer of objectivity: “The reference to his decades-long meetings with Roma displays his intention to make him appear as a reliable insider, to strengthen his credibility. His point of view as he approaches the target group under investigation (Roma) is highly questionable and dubious. Bauerdick is not able to distance himself from the normal ideas of his own Western culture and to understand Roma from their own cultural and social context. […] Bauerdick wants to refute the theory that the majority of society is always the perpetrator and the minority always the victims. On the questions of who ever set up this theory and why it supposedly has hegemonic character, he is going into. Bauerdick even claims that “the Gypsies are exploited far less than the Gadsche by members of their own people. ( Bauerdick, 2013, p 14).”

Lausberg so rightly criticized the ambivalent role of self-appointed Rroma experts. Expertise usually works according to the logic of stabilization, reduction, purification and synthesising of heterogeneous and often contradictory knowledge. Complex phenomena such as the highly complex issue of the Rroma identity appear in their statements as clearly analyzable and describable. In the Bauerdick case, he commits the serious mistake to reduce the reality to what he was able to observe during his research trips. That the Rroma identity also tocuhes topics such as self-and external attribution of identity, dominant societal views and different opinions and lifestyles among the Rroma themselves, he is not taking into account. Instead of a complex, sometimes even contradictory picture,  he creates a one-sided caricature of Rroma living in slums, who have fallen into apathy and who call themselves “Gypsies”. Towards “invisible Rroma”, to which one simply cannot even go fast by car, Bauerdick is not fair: they too form part of the social reality of the Rroma. They do not live in slums and do not conform to questionable statistics on illiteracy and to the exorbitant numbers of Rroma children. Bauerdick could exactly as well have written a book about well-integrated Rroma. He would then admittedly have disregarded a part of reality, but he would have stimulated critical thinking, that what must be all good journalism goal. Instead, one is now forced to read a lot of positive reviews about his book, praising uncritically Bauerdicjk’s supposedly objective empiricism” “The book convinces because the author is aware of the situation at all focal points of the gypsy life in Europe itself, he knows the people, he knows those who, in the northern city of Dortmund, experienced the onslaught of enslaved women, the portrait of Radka Inkova […], whom he meets in the northern city of Dortmund, we read with a great sad wave. Radka was born in Stolipinovo, into a family with twelve children. The parents did not send them to school, they married after Gypsy law as they were twelve years old. The man beat her every day and she left him, and since fell into the clutches of Arslan P. He enticed her to Dortmund” (Neudeck 2013). Individual stories are presented as tangible cultural traits and thereby convey a point of view that present the Rroma as responsible for their own social exclusion. Moralistic views need to be carefully questioned, as they often hide the complexity of reality behind one-dimensional opinions. His book, which without doubt was written with a lot of empathy towards Rroma, is now instead exploited by right-wing politicians to create propaganda against Eastern European immigrants. A critical analysis of knowledge generation and appropriation is therefore so important. Adorno and Horkheimer have referred to this problem in “Dialectic of Enlightenment” as early as 1947.

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20.09.2013 Rroma as a Projection of the Majority Society

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Tuomas Kyrö’s novel “beggars and Hare” explores the ambivalent relationship of the majority towards Rroma. The protagonist, a Romanian Rrom named Vatanescu, experiences a variety of adventures during his stay in Finland. He was – as Brüns (2013) – primarily a projection of the desires and fears of the people he encounters. He himself remains shapeless as a person: “Vatanescu was referred to as the Bulgarian concrete reinforcing bars Ivan, sometimes as the Polish Miroslaw, son of Bronislaw or as yhe Albanian Fox. On the sides, a lot happens, which leads him into a high office. You get to know the other characters of the novel in biographical breaks, one learns, however, until the end very little about the Roma: He is what the others make of him.”

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20.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The conservative weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit (2013) reports on “Gypsies […] they want the full right of German social benefits if they declare Germany as their new centre of life.” The paper evaluates the decision of Essen’s Higher Social Court in a precedent that allows now all “Gypsies” from Southeast Europe to also be entitled to all social benefits in addition to the child benefit and emergency medical care. The conservative weekly newspaper takes a clear judgmental  and order oriented perspective on the immigration debate: desirable are, if at all, only professionals and only if they do not compete with German workers. It also makes the economic opportunities of immigrants a question of ethnicity: Rroma, in the paper’s eyes, are all potential welfare cheats. Mockingly they note that it is sufficient, according to the Social Court, to declare Germany as one’s new centre of life and for being awarded benefits.

The town of Nordhausen ordered the prohibition of NPD election posters of the NPD in the vicinity of the former concentration camp Mittelbau-Dora and prescribed the minimum distance. With the slogan “Money for grandma instead of Sinti and Roma” the NPD generated a lot of resentment.  Legal proceedings were initiated by several people against the NPD for anti-Gypsy propaganda (MDR 2013). The anti Rroma propaganda has also triggered legitimate fears among many Rroma in Germany, especially in families with children who have to see posters on their routes to school. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma criticised that authorities had only acted in some cities, but not pronounced a national regulation to ban the posters (Evangelical Press, 2013). In the city of Giessen, the Administrative Court ruled in favour of the NPD’s posters: they must be hung back after the town had them removed. In a bipartisan action, critics of the NPD have now hung posters with the slogan “My grandma also like Sinti and Roma” (Hit Radio FFH 2013).

The TAZ (2013) reports the successful construction of a dormitory for Rroma in Neukölln that is funded by the Housing and Community Society of Aachen. Previously a house in the Harzerstrasse gained media attention mainly because of the waste and the noise. Through the intervention of Aachen Housing society, the house has been renovated and overcrowding has been reduced. The housing project has even won a social Architecture Prize. At the same time the displeasure of some of the neighbours has been awakened, who complained about the social advantage given to Rroma. However, Benjamin Marx, the project manager, sees the project as an important sign of social acceptance of Rroma.

The SPD excluded Martin Korol from the party because of his anti-Roma statements. Korol had made derogatory comments towards the Rroma immigrants from Southeast Europe Rroma on his website earlier this year, but then removed them due to considerable criticisms. Korol was elected in February 2013 into the Bremen state parliament, and his previously published statements had previously not raised any attention (Mirror 2013).

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20.09.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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In France, the polemical debate about Rroma, which arrived at its zenith this summer, does not abate. The UMP deputy Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet indicated in a television interview that in her opinion, in Paris, many are being harassed by Rroma (Le Point, 2013). The paper presents Kosciusko-Morizet’s comments in the context of polemical statements of Gilles Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi. The UMP mayor of Croix, Régis Cauche, assured party members he would provide them support in the event of in the event they would make critical statements about Rroma.

Le Monde (2013) points out that the Rroma are once more misused as an instrument in the French municipal election campaign to grab the votes of conservative voters.

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06.09.2013 Czech Rroma Form their Own Party

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The Prague Daily Monitor (2013) reports on the establishment of the “Democratic Party of the Rroma”, which was formed this August. The goal in the next elections in autumn is to win as many seats as possible in order to provide help on the Rroma concerns, particularly those who are specially vulnerable such as single mothers, the disabled, and the unemployed. The main concern of the party will be, however, to improve the educational opportunities of the Rroma and the integration into the labour market. This can be seen as a response to the still widespread practice of segregation of Rroma in the public schools. In 2011, the “party of equal rights” was officially recognized, another party which also represents the interests of Rroma.

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06.09.2013 Kosovar Rroma and the Swiss Asylum Policy

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On the basis of the fate of a Rroma family from Kosovo, Eggenberger (2013) highlights the problems of the Swiss asylum policy. Smajli, the father, tells of discrimination and marginalization by the government and by ethnic Albanians who constitute the majority population in Kosovo. His story of persecution by debt collectors was not believed by the Swiss immigration authorities. The problem: it can’t be proven. The Federal Office for Migration bases its assessments of asylum applications on political reviews of the situation of the applicants’ countries of origin. If these opinions state that minorities are not subjected to persecution, this conclusion is applied to each application. Since personal life stories often cannot be fully proven, it is the official country reports and not the personal history that prevails on the assessment of the application. The official estimates by the Kosovar government are one-sided, so Smajli: “There is still fighting in Kosovo and there are still deads. Only the government does not want this to filter out. Homes of minorities are destroyed or burned down. If you go to the police, one is not heard. Access to the labour market is restricted to ethnic Albanians.”

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06.09.2013 Oskar Freysinger’s “Gypsy Concept”

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Reichen (2013) reports on the SVP member of the State Council of the Valais canton, Oskar Freysinger to draft plans for a new approach in dealing with Travellers on behalf of the Valais Parliament. In the summer of 2012, a large wedding resulted in embarrassment when Rroma settled on a farm without a permit. Under the new plan, the police should seek dialogue with the Travellers and then escort them to the transit site in Martigny or to another vacant location. Through the imposition of an evacuation order, vehicles could also be seized in the future. It should be noted that most of the Rroma are not travellers and never were. This is one of most the common misconceptions about the Rroma. Among the Swiss Jenischen, seasonal travelling lifestyle is far more common, but they, in turn, distance themselves from foreign travellers who pass through the country during the summer.

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06.09.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The forced evictions of illegal Rroma settlements continues in France. Bergès (2013) reports on the upcoming evacuation of the largest Rroma camp in Lille. Bergès, using testimonies criticises the fact that the evacuation are actually more a hindrance on a long-term integration,  and that steps taken towards to building one’s own life are thereby made massively difficult or even utterly destroyed. Quite a few of the French politicians,  also some from the left, do not in fact want that immigrant Rroma become part of the French society: they propagate the view of the incompatibility of the Rroma culture of with French values and are disturbed by the slums in the suburbs of French cities. However, it is often the residents of the settlements close to the camps that are bothered by the sight of poverty and misery and ask for evictions to take place. Due to the many evictions in recent months, the social problems have not been solved, but simply shifted towards more and more homeless living in large cities such as Paris.

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06.09.2013 Rroma House in Duisburg

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The disputed house in Duisburg, informally called Rroma-House, continues to feed a heated debate. Unfortunately, journalists still reproduce little thought views that present a one-dimensional view of the migration to Germany and explain all the problems with culturalism rather than with poverty and lack of education. RTL online states: “Germany is a paradise for them. You no longer come as asylum seekers, but as EU citizens. As such, they have the right to live where they want and get twenty times as much money for children as in their home. From 2014, they can then work completely legally here – or get Hartz 4 [tn: social help]. It is a test for the society. But Roma want to change. they learn that there are rules and all are willing to abide by these” (RTL 2013). RTL uncritically reproduces the dominant discourse of right-wing parties on economic migration, which omits to show  that migration has diverse backgrounds. Also, as so often, too little distinction is made between poverty caused by life circumstances and cultural characteristics. Instead, living in a ghetto in South East Europe is presented as cultural identity of these people. This hurts all Rroma who do not meet these stereotypes and lead a normal, inconspicuous life. A differentiated coverage must represent the heterogeneity and complexity rather than generalizations and culturalism.

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06.09.2013 Segregation of Rroma Children in the Slovak and Hungarian Education Systems

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The Standard (2013) discusses the continuing segregation of Rroma children in Slovak schools. According to a recent report by Amnesty International, 43% of Rroma children are taught in ethnically segregated classes. The Slovak government is responsible for this situation by that tolerating or even promoting segregation practices. The government defends itself by pointing out at the usually very poor Slovak spoken by Rroma, making a separate teaching a necessity. Critics, however, see this as an excuse to comply with the wishes of ethnic Slovaks to teach their children separately from those of the Rroma. Individual judgments, as in Prešov in October 2012, are a sign of the will of a dedicated group within the country to abolish segregation. Currently though, this still seems to be the common practice.

Pester Lloyd (2013) points out in a recent article about similar practices in Hungary: The opening of a new public elementary school was only announced by personal invitation solely to parents of Magyar origin. Rroma parents were intentionally excluded from the welcome letter. The County Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok has, according to the Pester Lloyd, the highest segregation rate in the country. Numerous court decisions condemning ethnic segregation of children in primary schools have changed nothing on the prevalence of this practice. The authors also condemn the distorting representations of the Hungarian Rroma politic by Hungarian Members of the European Parliament: Livia Jaroka, the Fidesz Roma representative in the European Parliament, talks about the immense progress in the integration of the Rroma. But whether this has indeed improved, needs to be critically examined. The Pester Lloyd points out to an issue that is given too little attention: To what extent integration programs actually bear fruit is very little researched and documented. What counts is the public statement that something is being done.

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30.08.2013 Aftermath of the Rroma murders in Hungary

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Verseck (2013) discusses the political aftermath of the Rroma murders in the context of the trials in Hungary. He notes that with the demands of civil rights activists and lawyers, for the first time, there are good prospects for effective compensation of the members of the families of the murdered Rroma. The Hungarian Minister of Human Resources, Zoltan Balog, announced to want to compensate relatives, as the Hungarian State carries a responsibility for the crimes committed. Balog, alluding to the still controversial circumstances, indicates that the Hungarian secret service monitored several of the perpetrators until shortly before the deeds, but for unknown reasons then stopped their investigation. Also, it took a disproportionately long time until the Hungarian authorities recognised the murders as being racist acts and ordered an overall investigation. Rroma activists like Aladar Horvath welcome the efforts of the Hungarian government to finally work out the events of the years 2008 and 2009. After the events, no public official ever took position on the victims.

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30.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the alarming increase of extreme right-wing movements against Rroma in the Czech Republic. On the occasion of the “National day of struggle” proclaimed by Czech neo-Nazis on August 24, followers of right-wing extremist groups gathered in several Czech cities. This included about 800 members of the newly formed society of the “Czech Lion” who tried to enter a Rroma quarter in Ostrava. Odehnal notes soberly that the extreme right, after a weakening in recent years due to the arrest of a few leaders seems no to have reorganized. But they continue to argue as before with old slogans: They regularly march up in cities with high unemployment rates and say they “want to protect ethnic Czechs against the crimes of the Rroma”. In addition, there is a latent racism against Rroma in broad sections of the population, of which the far-right scene is just a particularly prominent part. In recent times, there also have been several anti-racist demonstrations in which participants have been advocating a multi-ethnic, open society.

The sociologist Barbara Tiefenbach sees the economic crisis as an additional catalyst for the racism of the Czech majority society towards Rroma. Moreover, derogatory statements against Rroma have recently become increasingly socially acceptable and are therefore repeated uncritically. Politicians such as the President Milos Zeman or the Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg, however, have tried to discredit the riots and call for the creation of more jobs, instead of organizing pogroms. Most bohemian Rroma, according to Tiefenbach are, were killer in the Holocaust under the Nazis. A fact that is often dirsregarded during the current events (Mappes – Niediek 2013).

Janzer (2013) provides detailed reports about what actually happenedg in Ostrava. The neo-Nazis would wanted to initiate a panic among people there and the police by throwing firecrackers. The Socialist Mayor of Ostrava, Petr Kajnar, denied in an interview that the right-wing radicals successfully recruited undecided or dissatisfied local citizens for their projects, which was their intended target. Also, the Social Affairs Minister Martin Šimáček sees no significant association between right-wing and socially disadvantaged citizens. Whether the latent racism of a broad part of the population could be channelled through radical action into an escalation of social tensions remains an open question and concern.

 

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30.08.2013 Begging and Rroma in Lausanne

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Prêtre (2013) reports on the increasing begging of Rroma in Neuchatel. The article explains in detail how Rroma beg or extort money through tricks, something perceived by the local shop owners and workers as a burden. Ironically, Neuchatel’s police chief is the one quoted at the end of the article as stating that one must effectively differentiate between begging and criminal activities. There are Rroma who live under blatant poverty and work hard. A common way of looking at begging or stealing among Rroma is to present these activities as being part of their culture, something which is completely absurd. Apart from some traditional activities such as knife sharpening (actually among Jenische), panhandling or delinquent behaviour has nothing to do with the Rroma culture or identity.

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30.08.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The Central Council of German Sinti and Romany is seeking a ban on discriminatory political advertising. This is a consequence of election posters of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), which states “money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma”. Romani Rose, Chairman of the Central Council, specifically requested the creation of a legal basis to prohibit racist political advertising and requires legal action by the federal government. In several states criminal proceedings against the NDP are also pending, but there are still no judgments as of now. The SWR has conclusively stated: “According to them, the Central Council has received hundreds of calls of concerned Sinti and Roma families from all over Germany in the last days. This because of the NPD’s posters which were very present, especially in smaller locations and on way to school or because they were “emotionally angry” and scared. The open NPD incitements gave rise to massive fears amongst the elderly who survived the Holocaust.” (SWR 2013)

Frigelj (2013) spoke to Duisburg’s mayor Reinhold Spaniel about the problem house “in den Peschen” that for months generated media attention and has become an instrument of political campaigns. Spaniel sees Duisburg as particularly affected by the migration from Bulgaria and Romania, because the city has a particularly large supply of cheap real estate and is therefore attractive for poverty immigrants from south eastern Europe. He also shows comprehension for the exasperated neighbours who are overwhelmed by noise, littering and disputes. In cooperation with the owner of the property “in the Peschen”, he said he wants to progressively empty the house and slowly seal the flats. He also differentiates in that there are families that are willing to pay rent and to integrate and must be supported in their efforts. With regards to massive intervention, his hands are tied because the Romanian and Bulgarian migrants are staying legally as EU citizens in Germany. He also advocates the somewhat controversial view that from January 2014 onwards, when the freedom of movement agreement with Romania and Bulgaria enters into force, will see large migration flows to Germany. With this representation, it becomes even more apparent that even liberal representatives distinguish between desirable and undesirable immigrants. A problem Max Frisch already pointed out. Spaniel takes a dichotomous view between skilled professionals and low-skilled poverty migrants, which create problems for the city of Duisburg: “Many well trained Bulgarian nurses and Romanian doctors come to Germany. That is beyond dispute, This is not the clientele that we’re talking about here, I’m talking about very poorly educated people, some illiterates who are in Duisburg and create problems for us.” The desire to want only well-trained professionals immigrants corresponds to the dubious distinction of economically useful and unhelpful people, and the consequent evaluation of the immigrants. The Polish-British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman pointed out several time the moral problems of such exclusionary social policies. However, Spaniel speaks not only of the necessary structures but also of the newcomers’ willingness at integration. To just simply distinguish between integration willing and unwilling immigrants when talking about integration, is to great a simplification. Integration is both a matter of personal commitment and also a result of the possibilities and structures of the host country. Depending on political orientation, the initiative of individuals is identified as the key critical or simply as one the factor among others. What is nice in this article is that he does not primarily speaks of a cultural problem, but also discusses possible solutions.

Wyputta also (2013) of the TAZ spoke with spaniel. In this interview, it is clear that newspapers like the TAZ left the city officials blame lack of action. This, however, legitimately defended by pointing out that his hands are tied by the applicable legislation. He could only negotiate with the homeowner and drive new legislations that define issues such as overcrowding, sanitation or electricity supply of housing law. Again, Spaniel emphasized once more that the city was overwhelmed massive.

The Romanian Rromni Flavia Constantin (2013), in the context of the ongoing debate about Rroma asks for a self-determined, more active presence of the Rroma and especially a change in the role of Rroma women. She speaks about the traditional gender roles of many Roma women, who, according to her is too little critical and self-determined is to her liking, “Rroma women have never learned to stand up for themselves. Their world revolves solely around the family, the house, and the community. This has to change. Because we have to start. With the women, not the men. Because women are the ones who plant ideas in the minds of their children. They are the backbone of the community.” Constantin also calls for the creation of a new visual culture, aiming at creating a counterweight to the stereotypical notions about Rroma. For a successful integration, efforts are needed on both sides: on the one hand, bureaucratic hurdles blocking access to the labour and housing market need to be lowered, and on the other hand, immigrant Rroma should strive towards better social integration. At the end of the article she gives a convincing explanation of why the predictions of the mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria, in her opinion, are wrong. They would already numerous informal work in Germany: “I do not think that the opening of the German labour market in January 2014 means that masses of Romanians and Bulgarians will flock to Germany. They are here anyway. Why should these people wait for them to be able to work officially, if they already do it unofficially?”

Kemna (2013) focuses on the future closure of an informal Rroma settlement in a Berlin allotment, which will make way for a highway. One of the sitters, a young Romanian Rrom, complains about the difficulties of working as a newspaper vendor. He fled from a failed marriage to Germany. The institution Amaro Foro is contact point for Rroma and European migrant workers in general. Mariela Nikolova of Amaro Foro laments the indifference of the authorities towards the inhabitants of the colony, which will soon produce new homeless people. In addition, nearly all applications for Hartz IV social benefits are being rejected, which makes it difficult to integrate, creating almost a vicious circle.

EurActiv (2013) provides information about a controversy in the context of EU funds, which are paid for the integration of Rroma in Bulgaria and Romania. The EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, is being criticised for her plans to transfer part of the funding to Germany, which, in the context of the forthcoming freedom of movement with Romania and Bulgaria from the beginning of 2014, is faced with potential migration flows. The spokesman for the European Commission Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, László Andor, denies the allegations as being false. The funding is granted every seven years and cannot easily be used elsewhere.

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30.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Dahman (2013) discusses the one sided presentation of history of Rroma in France. Important chapters on the social exclusion of Rroma are not worked out or only very poorly presented by the French society at large. One such example are the anthropometric passports they had to carry since 1912 which facilitated their identification and delivery to the Nazi regime by the Vichy government. Another one is the 1969 introduction of a passport and the fact they had to report every six months to a police station. This controversial legislation was only repealed in 2012. The dominant historical representation of Rroma in France is one of non-existence or of distorted or false representation. This should change now as well as into the future.

Midi Libre (2013) criticises the ongoing evictions of informal Rroma camps in France. The circular from the summer of 2012, which called for a more organised and humane approach to evictions, such as the timely information of those affected or the provision for alternative accommodation places, has been as good as not at all applied. In fact, the massive evictions of settlements resulted in a forced nomadism, which historically was also often mistaken for the real life of the Rroma. The frequent expulsions also hampers the integration of Rroma, an intended side effect or maybe not. Many politicians reproach the Rroma their lack of willingness to integrate. The irony of this debate lies the fact that there is an effective impediment to integration all the while, while inclusion preached.

De Montvalon and Vincent (2013) highlight a radicalisation of the coverage on Rroma. The newest zenith of this tendency is the presentation of the magazine “Valeurs actuelles” with the provocative title, bordering on defamation “Roma, l’overdose” [Rroma, the overdose]. The Socialist Party reacted to this latest provocation with the demand and constatation, that a decided action is required xenophobia in France. The chronology of this radicalization goes back to the EU accession of Romania in 2007, after which, Nicolas Sarkozy, massively strengthened the migration policy in France, in particular against the Rroma. Vincent and De Montvalon identify these policies as being ineffective. On the contrary, according to statistics on the contrary, these policies led to more criminality among Rroma in France. But even with the change of power of the conservative UMP, the Social Democratic Party under François Hollande, there was no real paradigm shift in the policies towards Rroma in France. Rather, Interior Minister Manuel Valls has continued the evictions policies and even intensified them. In the political discourse, there is still the wrong representation that Rroma do not want to integrate, that they do not want to settle down (although most are Rroma settled) and that these behaviours are part of their culture. These tales are propagated and kept alive both by the right and by the left.

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23.08.2013 Chronology of anti-gypsyism in Hungary

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Cseko (2013) gives a historical overview of the anti-gypsyism in Hungary. He notes that while it is certainly not a new phenomenon, the series of murders of Rroma between 2008 and 2009 was a new zenith in the hostility towards Rroma. Less well known are historical events such as the engagement of the Rroma for Hungary “during the revolution of 1848/49, against the Habsburgs and more than 100 years later in the uprising against Soviet rule.” Cseko also sees the Rroma like many others before him as the losers of the transition from socialist to capitalist system after 1989. Despite the many drawbacks of socialism, Rroma were then well integrated into the labour market. With the beginning of the post-socialist era, the racism against the Rroma increased once again: right-wing groups were formed, which abused the freedom of speech and press for their purposes. With the establishment of the right-wing Jobbik party in 2003 were terminologies such as “Gypsy crime” or “the Gypsy Question” (a reminder to the “Jewish Question” under the National Socialists) have become common expressions. Cseko also notes that there is a massive discrepancy between the official statements on the integration of the Rroma and its effective implementation. He notes: “The precarious social situation of Roma reflects the failure of the political elite of the country. All sides, left, right and liberals have failed to give the now 800,000-strong Roma population a perspective. Various programs were mostly just discussed, in reality, only a fraction of them were implemented.“

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23.08.2013 Rroma Debat in France

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El Mallass (2013) calls for a paradigm shift in the Rroma policy in France. As a reason for his plea, he takes a controversial headline of the newspaper “Valeurs actuelles” of the 22 August which titled an article with the words “Roms, l’overdose.” [Rroma, the overdosis]. El Mallass sees a glaring blindness amongst the public on the history of the Rroma: Their persecutions under the Vichy regime and the Nazis, as well as the government practices against Rroma in many European countries, which lasted for centuries. El Mallas urges French politicians and the French State to on to take a lead role on a new Rroma policy aimed at their speedy and successful integration: “En somme, c’est à l’État de favoriser l’intégration de la communauté Roms en créant des conditions humanitaires dignes ainsi que l’accès aux droits, leur permettant in fine de sortir de l’illégalité et des no man’s land que sont ces camps insalubres, où l’insécurité quotidienne vient s’ajouter à la violence intracommunautaire qu’aucune règle de droit ne peut régir sans présence de l’autorité publique.” [As summary, the State should further the Rroma  integration by creating worthy humanitarian conditions as well as guaranteeing access to rights, permitting them at long last to get out of illegality and of the no man’s land, what these unhealthy camps are, were daily insecurity adds itself to inter-community violence which no rule of law can deal with without the presence of the public authority.]

Jamet (2013) of Boulevard Voltaire writes a mocking criticism on the latest controversy in the French press. He asks the provocative question as to whether the Rroma should not be considered to be a chance for France. In an ironic language, he pokes fun at the clichés about Rroma and sees them as producers of jobs, the countries with Rroma populations should on the contrary be grateful that they have them: “Combien d’agents communaux du nettoyage, de gendarmes, de policiers, de vigiles, d’agents de sécurité, de serruriers, de plombiers, seraient voués au chômage si les Roms n’existaient pas ! Y a-t-on songé ? Une discrimination séculaire empêche depuis plus de mille ans la communauté rom de se sédentariser, de s’instruire, de s’intégrer aux différent pays qui ne connaissent et donc n’apprécient pas à sa juste valeur la chance qu’ils ont d’avoir été choisis par eux pour lieux de résidence ambulante.“[How many communal agents for cleaning, gendarmes, policemen, vigils, security agents, locksmiths, plumbers would be without work if Rroma did not exist! Did one think about that? A secular discrimination prevents the Rroma community since more than thousand years become sedentary, to educate itself, to integrate in the different countries which do not know and thus do not appreciate fully the chance that they were chosen by them as their mobile residency.]

Following the closure of an illegal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, Moga (2013) discusses the perspectives of Romanian Rroma in France and societal attitudes towards them. She spoke with several families living in the camp, and draws a picture that oscillates between hope and despair. So many of the young Rroma want to go to school and learn French but the registration of the children often fails due to the lack of language skills of the parents. To this, one needs to add the difficult access to the labour market and a vicious circle of social exclusion, a circle that only a few manage to break. Moga criticises the closure of the camp as a hindrance to a successful and above all long-term integration of Rroma.

Polloni (2013) reports a creative idea of ​​the organization Perou of Ris-Orangis: Perou designed forty CVs of prominent Rroma residents in Ris-Orangis who cannot find work. She wants to draw attention to the untapped pool of labour that lies fallow and could actually be a significant economic force for the French economy.

Bulgarie Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest Roumanie

23.08.2013 Rroma debate in Germany: culturalism remains the dominant narrative

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“In order to remain, they only have to prove that they can earn their own livelihood. With five or more children, this is not difficult. After all, they get child benefits. Opinions are divided as to whether they straightway pull away again as vagrants, as many locals want, or to settle permanently on the Rhine.” (Kolbe, 2013).

In his comprehensive 1400 words’ article, Kolbe (2013) achieves the feat to use every clichés images on Rroma: He speaks without comments about travellers (how often it must still be said that the majority of the Rroma are not travellers?), about families with five children or more that earn their living through the money Germany’s social care pays for children (how often has this issue been already discussed since January of this year, and how often did we already repeatedly point out that poverty immigration is a polemic theme that is being used in the context of the German election campaign and also that there are many Rroma with few children who well integrated). Ignorant of any cultural relativistic approach, Kolbe reproduces the ideas of cultures and alterity, topics, which have been controversial for decades in the social science. That the cultural characteristics described by him perhaps simply are a result of poverty and lack of education is something that Rroma experts such as Mappes-Niedieck (2012) have tired to explain for a long time, is not even discussed at all. Instead, an image of alienation is evoked, presenting what is described as a cultural incompatibility strikingly similar to Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis: “For both sides, it is a culture shock. The locals flee their old neighbourhoods. Immigrants come in a world whose customs are strange and incomprehensible to them. […] It is not just dirt and noise that upsets the old-timers. Police statistics show a growing criminality. Children do not go to school, but beg or operate as a “Robber Kids.” Only after lengthy discussions, did the city administration act to close the street prostitution in the northern city, where prostitutes from Southeast Europe were offering their services on the street.” (Kolbe, 2013). That notions of hygiene have nothing to do with cultural traits should be obvious to even hardboiled positivists or culturalists. Of real concern is that Mr. Kolbe simply presents without comment, statements about thieving and prostituting Rroma. He makes no reference to the fact that the supposedly so large cultural differences perhaps simply are a result of poverty, that there are also Rroma who do not steal and prostitute themselves. What is downright outrageous, however, is that Mr. Kolbe simply ignores any of the arguments that have been put forward in the discussion of mass immigration: He does not talk about the well-educated immigrants who are also part of this transnational migration exactly as the poverty immigrants; nor does he discusses the critical analysis of the supposedly iron proofed statistics on immigration, analysis showing that a significant proportion of the migrants are in fact seasonal workers and the mass exodus to Germany is not a fact but a political issue (Migazin 2013 Epoch Times Germany, 2013), Mr. Kolbe simply presents it all it presents as an apolitical fact. Neither does he make any references to the invisible, well-trained Rroma, which also form part of the reality (Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter, 2013, Jacob 2013). However, in an addendum, he speaks about well qualified Romanians and Bulgarians, but it remains unclear whether he thinks they are also Rroma. That the article promotes and encourages culturalism and not a critical debate, can be read from the comment column. For example, a Mr. Frank Richter from Germany stated: “This is not a state, the state has obviously failed in its reaction and the fact that the the whole does not work is for me at first the fault of the Roma. […] That Roma can develop into model citizens, well engaged in the civil society, I venture to doubt. Cultural barriers are sometimes just so high that they cannot be overcome, and you better not try it, but should accept the consequences. French and Italians have been already recognised this in relation to this group […].” Mr. Kolbe speaks also of actions of the general population such as in the case of Catholic priest or the case of the initiative “future-oriented support” to help integrate the Rroma. But all in all, a balanced critical perspective on the events is not presented here.

The West (2013) again reported on the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg. After various groups and individuals had called for active reprisals against Rroma are, residents, such as the teacher Annegret Keller-Stegmann, showed solidarity and committed themselves to the protection of the Rroma. She organised vigils to give the residents of the house some rest. The strong media attention on the house has led to a fixation and hardening of opinions that prevents and hinders constructive approaches, “the car drivers with Hitler salute, the people who appear allegedly armed with knives on the street. […] We really fear for our children, says one of the men. His sons and daughters are sleeping with their clothes on to escape quickly.”

Blazejewski (2013) further reports that the movement “pro Germany” wants to organise a demonstration in front of the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and has filed for a permit to the police. In March of this year, the subgroup “Pro North Rhine-Westphalia” had already demonstrated in front of the house against Rroma. The authorities are distancing themselves from a ban of the demonstration, which they consider to be counterproductive. Rather, a counter-demonstration is in planning and they would support it.

The TAZ (2013) adds to the coverage with a questionable statement of Duisburg’ police spokesman Ramon van der Maat, which confirms fears about institutional racism amongst German authorities: “Even socially engaged say that few Roma are willing to integrate […] The other ones cannot deal with our society. The need to go away.”

Daberkow (2013) adds an important facet to the debate, in that she gives a voice to moderate residents. These distance themselves decidedly against xenophobic actions or slogans, but at the same time complain about the failure of politics and the authorities, to establish order and normal relations. Many of them are moving away from the neighbourhood, because they cannot stand the continuous strain in the form of noise and littering, and have been annoyed long enough. A social segregation cannot be in anyone’s interests. This should make us think.

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16.08.2013 Anti-Rroma propaganda in Duisburg

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 Cnotka (2013) reports on racism on Facebook, as expressed in the group “In the Peschen 3-5”. Amongst others, it called for an arson attack on the so-called Rroma house in Duisburg. The prosecutor and the state protection are now clarifying to what extent the Facebook group incited to criminal action and racism.

Der Westen (2013) also provides information on anti-tziganist slogans that had uttered in recent days against the house in question. The author provides links to right-wing groups such as Pro Germany, Pro Cologne, and Pro North Rhine-Westphalia. Pro Rhine-Westphalia had called in March this year for a demonstration in front of the house in Duisburg.

Keywords: Anty Gypsy, Duisburg, Rightist Parties, Racism, Facebook, Duisburg, Arson, Daniel Cnotka, Der Westen

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