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08.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The heated discussion about the immigration from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany continues. Opinions are still divided and range between of gloomy forecasts of overburdened social security system and increasing shadow economy to call for moderation and a rationalisation of the debate and arguments. That the forecasted consequences of such an immigration are political constructs is only emphasised by some of the German media, others simply see them as given and as an inevitable fact.

Duisburg’s Mayor Sören Link speaks of 15 million additional costs to social welfare. He calls on the EU to improve the situation in Romania and Bulgaria quickly so that the people affected – from the perspective of many politicians and journalists primarily Rroma – do not even come to Germany. Link’s concern is based on the upcoming enactment of the freedom of establishment between Germany, Romania and Bulgaria from early 2014 onward. By then, the citizens of the countries concerned will be allowed to stay longer than the current 90 days without work permit in Germany. Link is in line with the gloomy predictions of the German Cities Association and does not really critically questions the issue (Schmidt 2013).

According to a survey by the weekly newspaper Focus, a majority of German citizens is in favour of a restriction of immigration from all EU countries. The Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich is quoted as saying that the cities should strive for their own good is a strict compliance with existing legislation. He is alluding specifically to the unfair abuse of social aid funds and calls for tougher controls and fines. Migration researcher Klaus J. Bade is presented as the antipode to Friedrich. Bade criticizes the hysterical reactions to migration from South Eastern Europe and identifies the dire predictions on the consequences of mass immigration as a political construct. Statistics on the massive increase in welfare costs due to immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are presented at the end of the article. How accurate these statistics from the Federal Labour Office are or how they were constructed is not presented nor discussed (Focus 2013, Berliner Zeitung 2013).

Frigelj (2013) reports on what he calls a “clash of two worlds”. The article focuses on visible Rroma with a negative image living in social housing in Duisburg. As a starting point the journalist chooses a well-established couple living in that estatge since a long time who, since the influx of Southeastern Europeans, “including many Rroma”, no longer feels safe. The majority of the article focuses on the negative issues resulting from the arrival of migrants from Eastern Europe and propagates the image of a drastic disruption of social peace. That there are indeed negative consequences and issues will not be denied, but the one-sided focus on negative stereotypes on Rroma and South-eastern Europeans needs to be decidedly criticized. Sections as the one that follows bring no contribution to the rationalisation of the debate: “The couple Halle and neighbours tell about catastrophes  on other side of the street: loud music, shouting, and barbecue feast till late in the night, garbage thrown out of the windows, human excrement on the premises, no manners, no decency.” As a counterpoint in this debate, the article portrays a resident priest, who is campaigning for a more differentiated and objective debate. According to Frigelj very few of the involved parties want to achieve this.

Joachim Brenner (Voigts 2013) from the association Förderverein Roma e.v. in Frankfurt criticizes what in his view constitutes the exaggerated figures of the immigration from Eastern Europe. He notes: “The excitement is constructed. With the slogan “The boat is full” votes can be gotten. That more people are coming than ten years ago may be true, but still: We are moving into an area where, for a society like ours, what is socially feasible is not significant. It’s a shame if this is so hyped.”

Thorpe (2013) enriches the debate by post from a Rroma village in Bulgaria. The local situation is portrayed as most German politicians and journalists present it: a life of misery, poverty, without future. The food is often bought on credit. A university degree often doesn’t even help Rroma to find work because of the discrimination. Migration seems the only way towards a better future in more dignity. Prostitution of Rroma girls in Western Europe is presented as a voluntary decision that had nothing to do with human trafficking, but is made out of economic considerations. The social reality displayed in this article cannot be denied, but once again the focus is solely on  marginalized Rroma living in misery. At more thorough research would have unearthed better-off Rroma can that do not conform to these stereotypes. These Rroma who are not written about in the newspapers, are an integral part of the Rroma reality, and even though they represent the majority, they are almost unknown to the general public. The article finally touches that topic when the Rroma representative Rumyan Russinow is quoted. It states that those Rroma who work abroad and do not take any social state benefits are invisible because they operate outside the public stereotype of Rroma, stereotypes which are constructed also by the media: “Stereotype are created by the media, who blow the behaviour of a tiny minority out of proportion.”

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma calls for a more concrete intervention of the federal government in cities affected by the immigration and for a solution to the problem of poverty and exclusion in the countries concerned (Frasch 2013). Efforts to improve the situation of Rroma often bear no fruits because of lack of political will to improve the Rroma situation. One often would prefer if they did not exist. He also sees a problematic blanket criminalization of immigrants especially for those who left their countries of origin because of poverty and a lack of perspectives. Such presentation of the facts plays right in the hand of right-wing parties, which so successfully politicized this theme.

In an interview with the Schwabian newspaper (Kling 2013), he also provides fixed point: “The dispute on the free movement within the EU will be held in Germany on the back of a minority. We are confronted here with immigrant fleeing poverty, which are then criminalized solely as Roma: they exploit social care systems, they throw dirt and grime in front of the door, and so on and so forth.“

Michael Martens (2013) of the FAZ writes about the status quo in the Bulgarian society. The resignation of Prime Minister Simeon Djankov, and the protests were symptomatic of the poverty and underdevelopment of the Bulgarian state. For this reason, the Bulgarians are leaving their country in droves. According to statistics of the European Statistical Office, the number of Bulgarians shrank from 2001 to 2011 from 8.15 to 7.33 million. Martens criticized the position paper of the German Association of Cities for an ambiguous naming of the problem.“ While the integration of ethnic Bulgarian (and Romanian) immigrants usually proceeds without significant difficulties, the migration of Roma creates significant problems.” This statement is not acceptable from an RCP’s perspective. Although it may not have been intentionally aiming at a blanket condemnation of all Rroma, as a principle an ethnic representation of an issue is always decidedly to be questioned. Representing the problematic immigrants as Rroma may, in Martens’ view help finding a solution, but ethnic representation and categorisation is always dangerous. This is why, on the other hand, the careful wording of the German Association of Cities is clearly welcomed.

On needs to criticise the Articles of Staat (2013), which reproduces the stereotype of rich Rroma kings who live on the exploitation of Rroma children. As a source, a social worker Norbert Ceipeck is named. He tells of his experiences in Romania, an expertise which is not in doubt. In particular, he details the estate of a Rroma King whose wealth solely stems from the exploitation of Rroma under him. Children were taken away from their parents and taught to steal or even forced into prostitution. The existence of such Rroma chiefs is actually not that clear, as noted by Martens (2013). There are indeed hierarchical relationships and dependencies, but professionally organized exploitation systems, organised by Rroma exploiting other Rroma highly doubtful. These are more an exception to the rule rather than the norm. Speaking of Rroma kings facilitiates the cliché of exploited underlings at the mercy of a chief, exploiting each others, and as such also partly responsible for their own misery:

The children take the long-distance bus to Western Europe und groups of three to five. Each group is accompanied by a woman. Ceipek calls these women “wardens”. Before the groups depart, middlemen organize the accommodations at the destination. The middlemen are also Roma and as the couriers and wardens belong to the inner circle of clan chiefs. […] The clan chief finds ways to entrap the parents of children in ever more debt. When the girls are older, 15 or 16, they are sold to another clan. The new clan pays a large sum, but he expects the girls that they give birth to many children. “The girls literally have to produce children” says Ceipek. Just so does the business model keep  running (Staat 2013).

Such statements are, even if they want to denounce poverty, are simply as racist towards the Rroma as the repetition of the standard stereotypes.

The report by Weuster (2013) is satisfied with the context-free playback of crimes that were committed by Slovak Rroma on a house in Mülheim. She notes: “Within days, seven Roma refugees ravaged an empty house in Mülheim. burnt wooden banister, ripped conduits from the walls, used rooms as a toilets and garbage dump.” That she might raise ethnic hatred and xenophobia appears unbeknownst to the author.

The same can be said of the article by Brücher / Xanthopoulos (2013). Titles such as “In 7 out of 10 thefts and burglaries, Roma are the perpetrators” can only be described as racist and amateurish. Every journalist should be aware that that making a connection between ethnicity and delinquent behaviour is inherently racist. This should be obvious, even without studying sociology or anthropology.

Kiewels (2013) article, “I am Rom – and did it” gives the impression that most of the Rroma are hostile to education and illiterate. The success story of Jane Simon, who managed to make he baccalaureate (A-levels) by studying in evening classes is to be welcomed especially since currently there are many negative messages on Rroma in the press, but the contextualization of the article is unfortunate. Ex negativo, the article reinforces the negative stereotypes against Rroma.

The Bild newpaters continued its series with an article called “The Truth about the Roma,” (Bild 2013). In this recent article it identifies six so-called truths about the Rroma in Germany: 1. There was no mass immigration. This finding must be greeted, as statistics did not consider seasonal workers and leavers. Moreover, the term “mass immigration” is a question of definition. From what number onwards does one o speak of mass immigration? 2. Many cities are overwhelmed and have to prevent extortion and excesses. This should not be denied, but it must be stressed that these events have nothing to do with Rroma per se. 3. Crime is increasing: 2011 crime statistics listed 26,348 Romanians and 10,960 Bulgarians criminals. How many of them are Rroma is not recorded. The importance of the last statement should be emphasized. Wilfully making connection between ethnicity and criminal activities is unnecessary and racist. 4. The countries of origin are the problem, because Romanians and Bulgarians are disproportionately at risk of poverty and Rroma are often marginalized. 5. Europe is failing in helping Rroma in South Eastern and Eastern Europe, with many unsuccessful programs. We clearly agree on points 4. and 5. 6. About half of the Rroma cannot read or write. This number, coming out of an EU statistics, stating that only 42% of Rroma are likely to finish the elementary school, may be true, but begs the question on how the overall number of Rroma (i.e. the total was determined, as this number in itself is subject to discussion). It is nevertheless very questionable to reaffirm in this way the stereotype that Rroma are illiterate. We cannot agree with this statement.

The Rroma debate in Germany is also misused by far-right parties in Germany to fuel hatred, as the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger reports. The faction Pro NRW (North Rhine Westphalia) is planning to march in front of several refugee camps to protest what they deem to be an abuse of asylum. This rightist party uses the heated debate to stir up their racist views (Schmalenberg 2013).

The TAZ (Jacob 2013) reports on the problem of invisible Rroma in Germany. The article describes the life of the Rroma interpreter Diana S., who, in spite of professional success conceals her origins. She talks about the open rejection she experienced in Romania, where she was ostracized at school, despite excellent performance and where she was discriminated against. Also in Hamburg, where she now lives, she keeps her Rroma origin for herself. Too negative was the experience when she revealed her Rroma identity to some friends.

The newspaper “Die Zeit” reported on the work of the Hungarian Rroma activist István Forgács (Bota 2013). Forgács grew up in a Hungarian town near the border with Austria. His family benefited from the financial skill of his father during the collapse of the socialist system. He went to the university and worked for renowned organizations. Today he runs his own counselling centre for Rroma issues. Forgács calls for greater commitment on both sides: both the Gadje (non-Rroma) and the Rroma have to do more for a successful coexistence. Exactly as in the current debate in Germany. Contrary to may other experts, he sees the problem not as poverty issue but renames clearly as a Rroma one: on “Stop to call it poverty. We do not need more money for social inclusion, but for Roma projects. Roma Fund. Best a Roma Bank, which lends money to the states for 20 years for their local Roma projects.” He sees the necessity for Rroma to change their image, so that the rooted hatred they suffer from finally abates. This is why Roma projects are so important.

According to the report of Soldt (2013) of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the immigrants in Mannheim they examined, contrary to what many German media and politicians state are not just Rroma, but are members of the Turkish minority from Bulgaria. The Rroma, which in Neckarstadt-West represented from seven to nine per cent rather came from France, from where they left due to Sarkozy’s policies against Rroma. Mannheim wants to use language courses and “low-key integration proposals” for the integration of migrants. 20% of immigrants hold a university degree, 40% have a vocational qualification, and most Bulgarian immigrants are highly motivated to work. It is very important to keep them away from the shadow economy.

Sternberg (2013) from the Märkischen Allgemeine paper writes about the so-called “Rroma houses” in Neukölln. In most of these, Rroma are exploited by corrupt landlords, and only in a few did charities provide decent conditions. Sternberg’s article is in line with the general hysteria over mass immigration: Mafia-like structures are the rule, Rroma are systematically exploited and still come in droves to Germany because they here for take advantage of social care. The article provides no real new views to the debate, but confirms the conservative fears about the negative impact of immigration.

Jürgs (2013) provides a summary discussion of the talk show Maischberger on poverty immigration. He reports a strong clash between the CDU politician Wilfried Scharnagl and Rroma activists Hamze Bytyci. Scharnagl demands a visa regime and laments at the lack of EU intervention. The Integration Minister Guntram Schneider criticizes the in his view incompetent federal action regarding immigration. The activist Michael Will Hard criticized politicians for rejecting responsibility and for putting the blame on EU and on the Federal government. Concrete concepts are in demand. This is also request by the author Özlem Gezer of the Spiegel, who proposed intensive years in education and language for immigrants. The show was more of a political slugfest rather than a forum for concrete and fruitful proposals. 

Sources:

  • Berliner Zeitung (2013) Migrationsforscher warnt vor Abschottung gegen Roma. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 2.3.2013.
  • Bild (2013) Die 6 Wahrheiten über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Bota, Alice (2013) „Das sage ich euch als Zigeuner“. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Brücher, J. / Xanthopoulos G. (2013) Bei 7 von 10 Diebstählen und Einbrüchen sind Roma die Täter. In: Bild Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Frigelj, Kristian (2013) „Mit Zugug der Roma prallen Welten aufeinander“. In: Die Welt vom 25.2.2013.
  • Focus (2013) Zwei Drittel der Deutschen wollen Zuwanderung begränzen. In: Focus vom 2.3.2013.
  • Frasch, Timo (2013) „Deutschland muss viel mehr Druck ausüben“. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013. 
  • Jakob, Christian (2013) Keiner weiss, dass wir Roma sind“. In: TAZ vom 7.3.2013.
  • Jürgs, Alexander (2013) Ex-“Bayernkurier”-Chef rechnet mit der EU ab. In: Die Welt vom 27.2.2013.  
  • Kiewels, Maximilian (2013) Ich bin Roma – und habe es geschafft. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013.
  • Kling, Claudia (2013) Die Roma werden zum Sündenbock gemacht. In: Schwäbische Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Exodus aus Bulgarien. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 18.2.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Schmalenberg, Detlef (2013) Auf der Jagd nach Feinbildern. In: Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger vom 8.3.2013.
  • Schmidt, Ingo (2013) Immer mehr Roma kommen nach Duisburg – Stadt fordert Hilfe. In: Der Westen (WAZ) vom 1.3.2013.
  • Soldt, Rüdiger (2013) Auf dem Arbeiterstrich. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Staat, Yvonee (2013) Elend als Geschäftsmodell. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013.
  • Sternberg, Jan (2013) Wohnprojekte in Berlin für Roma vom Balkan. Märkische Allgemeine vom 8.3.2013.
  • Thorpe, Nick (2013) „Wir dreckigen Zigeuner“ – Das Elend der Roma. In: Die Welt vom 23.2.2013.
  • Voigts, Hanning (2013) „Die Aufregung ist konstruiert“. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 25.2.2013.
  • Weuster, Katrin (2013) Roma haben mein Haus verwüstet. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013. 
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04.03.2013 Persistent Rroma Debate in Germany

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After a flood of articles last week, the debate over the feared mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania to Germany has somewhat abated. News is now dominated by some more articles, which try to bring rationality and reflexion to the debate.

For example, Bild newspaper published an editorial entitled “The truth about the Rroma in Germany.” It shows that after the establishment of residency rights for citizen from Poland, no mass exodus to Germany took place. In addition to the usual portrayal of a Rroma family living in poverty, the article actually gives a voice to the invisible Rroma noting that: “An estimated 120,000 Gypsies live in Germany, 70,000 of them with German citizenship. Many have studied and are successful.” In contrast, they postulate the existence of a large mass of very poor Rroma living  on the edge of criminality (Kiewel, Solms-Laumbach, Winterstein 2013).

The TAZ denied once again the inflated figures that have been mentioned in the course of this debate. On the one hand, it was hardly mentioned that a significant number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are actually seasonal workers. The number of migrants in Germany is smaller by that large amount. TAZ states a number of 58,000 seasonal workers out of the to 147,000 migrants claimed by the German Federal Statistical Office. In addition, far from all immigrants have an automatic right to Hartz IV funds.[1] He who in his business cannot provide official payment information, has no right to social benefits (Dribbusch 2013).

Also Preffer (2013) of the FAZ criticizes the culture of one-sided discussion in this debate and takes Maybrit Illner talk show as an example. In the hysteria surrounding the predicted mass immigration the fact that the number of “unqualified poverty migrants” is a minority was never stated. Preffer therefore calls the statistics of the Rhine-Westphalia Institute for Economic Research the “Non-statistic of the month”. Preffer qualifies the Maybrit Illner talk show as not fruitful, as far as the reduction of stereotypes and fears goes. As catchy picture of Rroma in conjunction with human trafficking, prostitution, crime and garbage dumps was presented instead. The only non-politician present was the Rroma Representative Dotschy Reinhard but she could do little in this political tug of war.

What is amazing is the dedicated and constant belief in almost all articles and television shows that the problems of extreme poverty, rising crime in German municipalities and increasing prostitution and illegal employment are explicitly a Rroma issue. That these problems exist is not to be denied. It is important to take them seriously. However, it is highly problematic to present them as problems of a Rroma way of life or of a Rroma identity. With this ethnicization, no problems are solved, only new ones created. Numerous articles assign a victim role to Rroma and establish a clear link between victimization and identity. In spite of good intentions, this results in one more inappropriate preconception on Rroma. They are effectively deemed to be immature and to lack of free will.

The next surprise is the high level of expertise that most authors claim to have about the situation of Rroma in South-Eastern Europe. Again, discrimination and the poverty of the Rroma are the key factors presented, but few of the authors seem to have reliable sources on Rroma in the countries concerned and to rely instead on the common views of the general population.

Martens (2013) mocks the Rroma debate with reference to the comedian Gerhard Polt. In the last few days and weeks, many of the concepts on and representations of Rroma were first immediate impressions, which would then be generalised to all Rroma. Polt makes fun of this tendency in his article “All about the Russians’”. Martens deconstructs and denies the cliché of Rroma King, the hidden force pulling all the strings and forcing Rroma them to beg and who imposes his will in all areas of life. This has nothing to do with reality, definitively not in its cliché form. Martens concluding reference to the invisible Rroma is of particular interest and has been pointed out by the RCP many times. He notes this:

These are extreme cases of “visible Roma.” They need contrasted by the “invisible Roma” over who have found their livelihood as nurses, cleaning ladies or construction workers and are well integrated. That is why they are no longer perceived as Roma. These “invisible Roma” have no interest in identifying themselves to the begging or criminal “visible Roma”, which are perceived by the majority of the general population as the only representatives of their people. Roma are always the others (Martens, 2013).

Carsten (2013) refers to the situation of the Rroma in Europe as a misery circle and sees their situation, and this is to be strongly endorsed, primarily as an acceptance problem. Europe must finally stop to consider the Rroma as the continent’s last wild horde and accept them as human beings and citizens. This includes overcoming a tradition of prejudices on Rroma handed down from generation to generation. Breaking this negative preconceptions cycle is in the interest of all involved.

Mappes-Niediek (2013) also contributes to the deconstruction and negation of false prejudices. He focuses on the idea that there is an extensive network of Rroma gangs organising prostitution, begging and theft. In this cliché, Rroma are victims, but also “agents of a threatening power”. Mappes-Niediek points out that is in the viewer’s mind who transforms a woman with a girl into a supervisor who collects the money. Particularly problematic is the view “that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the norm among the poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania”. This is an extreme form of cultural attribution with which one wants to explain the poverty itself away. Ultimately, however, it is simply poverty, as Mappes-Niediek aptly states:

To understand the behaviour of Roma poverty migrants one need not be a criminologist and also do not need to study ethnological works. It is sufficient, in essence, to imagine how you would live even if you had no money, no job, no apartment. This is not a pretty picture, and who does not have to confront itself with it, tries to avoid it (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Sources:

  • Carsten (2013) Die Kellerbewohner. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Deutscher Städtetag (2013) Positionspapier des Deutschen Städtetages zu den Fragen der Zuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.staedtetag.de/imperia/md/content/dst/positionspapier_dst_zuwanderung.pdf (4.3.2013).
  • Dribbusch, Barbara (2013) Noch ärmer als Hart VI. In: Die TAZ vom 3.3.2013.
  • Kiewel M., Solms-Laumbach F., Winterstein T. (2013) Die Wahrheit über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Mappes-Niediek, Norbert (2013) Falsche Könige. In: TAZ vom 4.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Pfeffer, Sebastian (2013) Buschkowsky warnt vor Sinti-und-Roma-Slums. In: Die Welt vom 1.3.2013.
  • ZDF (2013) Elend dort, Angst hier – kommen jetzt die Armen aus Osteuropa?. Maybrit Illner vom 28.2.2013.

[1] Social benefits in Germany

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22.02.2013 Politicization of the Westward Migration of Rroma from Southeast Europe

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A hysteria on the mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania has broken up in Germany in expectation of the impeding 2014 relaxation on the freedom of movement with those two countries and the EU. A wealth of articles have been published in recent days about the predicted or already happening mass immigration, a selection of which is discussed below. The immigration of people from southeast Europe has become a political issue, as you can see from contradictory statistics and emotionally charged statements. The fear is the potential increase in social spending and benefits for these poorly educated migrants. In an interview with the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the integration minister of North Rhine Westphalia, Guntram Schneider, warned about this issue (Burger 2013). German politicians are now calling Southeast European governments for dedicated steps to better integrate the Rroma.

Reinhard Veser (2013) General of the Frankfurter Zeitung writes about what he sees as a fact that all Roma in Southeast Europe – mainly Romania and Bulgaria – are marginalized and poor, which results in a large migration of Roma to Western Europe. He uses this insight, to call for a clear naming and representation of the “problem.” He states: “It is wrong when, on the debate on poverty immigration from Bulgaria and Romania, those who come are not named. Most of these people are Roma”

In addition to social programs in South East Europe on should help the German cities, which are affected by the poverty driven influx of Rroma, since the efforts to better integrate the Rroma in their countries of origin is not a big success.

Also “die Welt” reported in several articles about the seemingly increasing poverty driven migration of Rroma to Germany. Between 2007 and 2011 the number of migrants from Romania and Bulgaria had increased from 64,000 to 147,000. Most of them are Rroma and were often smuggled by organized traffickers to Germany, from where they would be exploited. As a result they are often forced to earn illegal income working for dumped wages, or in prostitution or begging. Many big cities are overwhelmed by this migration and are crying for help them up as petty crime has increased dramatically and residents start to feel alienated (Von Borstel 2013, Crolly/Frigelj 2013).

The Zurich Rroma Contact Point is amazed at the ability of journalists of recognized newspapers to regurgitate politically generated knowledge uncritically and without any hesitation, presenting it as scientific fact. Recognizing that many Rroma in Southeast Europe are living in poverty and exclusion is certainly to be agreed. But from a massive immigration – even a migration – of Rroma to Western Europe, and to call for dedicated countermeasures is highly problematic. The journalists are simply reproducing once more the common stereotypes about Rroma. They establish a clear link between ethnicity and socio-economic circumstances and thus discriminate against those Rroma who are well integrated and live in total integrity in their home countries. These invisible Rroma, who are not part of the media coverage, are thus made part of one-dimensional representation that portrays Rroma as discriminated economical refugees. That transnational migration requires great courage – leaving family and friends behind – is not addressed any more than the ethnicization a poverty problem.

This problem should be identified as a socio-economic paradigm and not as an ethnic and even less presented as one. Using the latter must inevitably leave one open for accusations of racism. In this regard, Verica Spasovska calls for a committed action of the EU in all Member States (Spasovska 2013).

Even the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung agrees to this chorus of laments on the apparent mass immigration of Southeast Europeans Rroma, resulting in astronomical increases of costs for the Social Department and in the aggravation of social conflicts. The numbers from the statistical office are not questioned at all (Hauser 2013).

It needs to be noted that people, regardless of their origins, are not entitled to social assistance, “if they have not been paid in the social system by having a regular job” (Reichmuth 2013). This fact is not considered at all in the emotional debate.

The Migazin (2013) criticized the numbers of Federal Statistical Office on the immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria as inaccurate. While it is true that 147,000 people had migrated in 2011 from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany, but out of that number, a large amount of people leaving Germany needs to be excluded. If those leavers are taken into account, only 58’350 people from the countries concerned immigrated to Germany, a massively smaller number. In addition, the statistics of the Federal Department included many temporary workers would should not be counted as permanent residents.

Torsten Krauel (2013) is outraged at the apparently special treatment of Roma families in major German cities and calls for the equal treatment of all EU citizens, regardless of ethnicity. Else the “resilience of the state towards the behaviour of some Roma families could be a starting point for anti-European sentiments.” He further postulates a mass immigration of Rroma families to German social services offices, which is “not a God given state of affairs” and always talks of the so-called “Roma issue”. The article emphasizes the diversity of life among Rroma, but pours in his portrayal a collage of stereotypes, tells of Roma kings and draconian force in extended families. He notes:

The Roma families […] live in their own universe. At the same time, they are the freest and least free people of Europe. They consider themselves not bound to any State to law and have no loyalties except to their own […] The world of the Roma is as varied as ours, their values ​​are glamorous or as harsh as before in the Middle Ages – and in some of their extended families [these values] are not compatible with the ideas embodied by the Civil Code. Yes, there are child gangs. Yes, there are criminal clans. And yes, there are also large families that are not noticed by such offences. The latter are potential allies against the excesses [of others].

Although Mr Krauel, in his descriptions of the “Rroma world,” tries to give a differentiated representation of the facts, it is surprising how decisively he represents the “otherness” of the values ​​of the Rroma. The statement “They do not consider themselves bound by any state, law and have no loyalties except their own” is a crass defamation and pretentious ascription of identity to an ethnic group that can only be described as racist. It constructs the Rroma intentionally as the opposite and negation of the so-called loyal and compliant values​​. The addition of  “freedom in its positive aspect” to these statements doesn’t change much to them. He thus assignes Rroma a blanket identity of self-imposed exclusion, whereas in fact, this is  a history of foreign exclusion. Mr. Krauel writes that the Rroma value measures are “glamorous and harsh as before in the Middle Ages.” This evolutionary portrayal of the values ​​of the Rroma as an anachronism is deeply patronizing. It defames all those Rroma who are well integrated and live an integer life in European societies. Those invisible Rroma he mentions only marginally. The idea that the majority of Rroma live under the influence of regional Roma kings, can only be deemed totally absurd. At the beginning of the article, Mr. Krauel says that what was happening in German cities is not xenophobia. What he writes in this article, however, is.

The SPD politician Martin Korol (2013) recently published a paper on the “Roma in Bremen” on his webpage. In it he refers to what he deems as a striking increase  of the West migration of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma to Bremen. They are coming by families, by whole clans, not for political reasons but “because of the poverty in their country and the opportunity here to live in a warm and dry enough place, to eat to satiation and in case of emergency, to have medical treatment.” Like the majority of German media, he sees the Romanian and Bulgarian Roma as economical refugees. That in itself is not to be condemned. However, there are preposterous statements, now deleted in the newest version, in which he states that Rroma “take their daughters out of school […] to force-wed them,” and that young Rroma men “melt their brains away with adhesive fumes brain away […]. The prospect that each Rrom contributes to GNP or even to his own pension or mine “is” null” (Schirrmeister 2013) Even the current version of the text still has racist statements like, “But it amazes me now that Bremen suddenly discovered its love for Roma, who socially and intellectually still live in the Middle Ages, in an ancient patriarchal society in a way that raises the strongest concern among every party, every church and every association in Germany in general and particularly in Bremen.”

The rest of the text contains a correspondence between Korol and a person responsible for immigration in Bremen. In it, he is annoyed at the blatant disinterest, in his opinion, for the house that he wanted to give for temporary migrants. Korol is actually staging himself as a misunderstood benefactor for immigrants from South-eastern Europe.

The SPD chief of Bremen distanced himself decidedly from Korol’s paper and stated that this position was in no way in line with the social democratic values. Also, the The Rroma Contact Point can only vehemently condemn Korol’s statements and  even denounce the malicious defamation that his blog partially contains. That such statements can be made by an SPD politician in Germany is very surprising and offensive.

Sources:

  • Burger (2013) Armutsmigration wird zunehmen. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Crolly, Hannelore / Kristian, Frigelj (2013) Roma in Deutschland – ausgebeutet, illegal, kriminell. In: Die Welt vom 21.2.2013. 
  • Hauser, Jan (2013) Dortmund rechnet mit Millionenkosten für Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Korol, Martin (2013) Roma in Bremen. In: http://www.martinkorol.de [22.2.2013]
  • Krauel, Torsten (2013) Gleiches Recht für alle in der Roma-Frage! In: Die Welt vom 22.2.2013.  http://www.welt.de/113817150 
  • Migazin (2013) Keine Belege für Armutszuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.migazin.de/2013/02/22/keine-belege-fur-armutszuwanderung-aus- bulgarien-und-rumanien/ [22.2.2013].
  • Reichmuth, Christop (2013) Angst vor Armutseinwanderung. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung vom 19.2.2013.
  • Schirrmeister (2013) SPD-Abgeordneter hetzt gegen Roma. In: TAZ vom 21.2.2013.
  • Spasovska, Verica (2013) Arme Roma – Ein Problem das Europa gemeinsam lösen sollte. In: Deutsche Welle vom 21.2.2013.
  • Veser, Reinhard (2013) Armutseinwanderung Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 22.2.2013.
  • Von Borstel, Stefan (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung – Großstädte schlagen Alarm. In: Die Welt vom 16.2.2013.
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15.02.2013 Worsening Poverty in Hungary

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SRF online reports on the rampant poverty in Hungary and the impoverishment of the middle class. In the meantime, a third of Hungarians is now living below the poverty line. Due to high public debt, the Hungarian government benefits will be massively scaled back. Rroma, with a high unemployment rate, will be the victims of these cuts. The participants of the hunger marches in Hungary say Orban is indifferent and full of scorn, according to Eastern Europe correspondent Marc Lehmann. The correspondent further criticized the failed social and economic policies of the Hungarian government, which have exacerbated an already bad situation.

Source:

  • SRF online (2013) Ungarn wehren sich gegen die Verarmung. In: SRF online vom 11.2.2013. 
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15.02.2013 An Episode in the Life of an Iron Picker

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Danis Tanovic’s entry in this year’s Berlinale tells the true story of a Rroma family from Bosnia-Herzegovina, which plays itself the movie. The mother was pregnant, had a miscarriage and was subsequently not properly treated due to lack of health insurance. Only on the third attempt did she get help. The husband earns a modest income by finding and selling scrap iron. Verena Lueken sees the film as a portrait of social cohesion in a Rroma ghetto that is increasingly being tested.

Source:

  • Lueken, Verena (2013) Beilhiebe in Wagentüren. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 14.2.2013.
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15.02.2013 Debate on Transit Sites for Travellers in Paris

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Caroline Sallé of “Le Figaro” reported the efforts of the Mayor of Paris, to organise sites where Travellers can stay. The facilities are to be located in the woods of Boulogne and Vincennes, and are politically controversial. These places, to be voted on Paris’ Council next week, are projected to costs 10 million euro. The idea to have sites for travellers on the outskirts of Paris goes back many years. In 2000 plans were drafted but sites were never built. In 2004 there was a plan to create to 200 smaller sites, a number that was reduced in 2009 to 90 sites. Another project was not implemented due to lack of flood protection and inadequate conservation measures. Even the current two projects are under an unlucky star: The Polo facility near one of the two sites is opposed to the project. Furthermore, the sites must be approved and committed to by many ministries, which can take a long time.

That all Rroma are travellers is a Cliché. There are Rroma travellers, but the majority of the Rroma is and has always been sedentary.

Source:

  • Sallé, Carloline (2013) Des aires des gens du voyage dans les bois de Boulogne et Vincennes. In: Le Figaro vom 7.2.2013. 
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15.02.2013 Re-Sentencing of a 21 years old Rrom

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Christian Mensch of the paper “Der Sonntag” reported on the re-sentencing in the case of a 21 year old Rrom in the Basle region. The young man had committed theft in the Swiss border area and was convicted and sentenced by the criminal judge Enrico Rosa, to two years of unconditional imprisonment despite the plea of the prosecution and defensem  for a milder sentence. Christian Mensch sees that judgment in the context of a conflict between Rosa and the Basle prosecutor about heavier sentences. As a magistrate and as an expert Rosa had earlier repeatedly criticized the prosecutor’s office work.

In this context the case of 21-year-old Romany is now being re-discussed, with the aim of “sensible” reduction of the penalty.

Rroma are often mentioned as in this article only in a negative context (here theft) and as such, the press offers a distorted view of the Rroma. The Rroma Contact Point would like to state that by far not all the 50,000 Rroma in Switzerland conform to these negative stereotypes.

Source:

  • Mensch, Christian (2013) Hartes Roma-Urteil wird neue verhandelt. In: Der Sonntag vom 10.2.2013. 
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15.02.2013 Rroma Children in Emergency Shelters

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Caroline Gebhard from the 20minutes paper in Lausanne writes about the increasing number of Rroma children sleeping in emergency shelters in winter in Lausanne. The Rroma kids aged up to 6 years live in shelters and have been separated from their families which recently arrived in Lausanne. The shelters are not accustomed to accommodate children. According to those in charge of the shelters, this increase of the number of  children is probably due to the repressive policies in France and the dismantling of Rroma settlements. Vera Tcheremissinoff of Opre Rrom is quoted as saying that parents often let their children with their grandparents, when they go away to collect wood or to beg. The article concludes with the statement that most of the Rroma children are picked up again by their parents, but four or five Rroma children were left unattended.

Caroline Gebhard representation of Rroma parents as irresponsible and leaving their children unattended raises the question of the impact of such statements on Rroma. Rroma Contact Point would once more like to emphasize that individual stories should not be presented as a universal truth for all Rroma and that such a portrayal is in fact racist.

Source:

  • Gebard, Caroline (2013) Les bébés roms s’invitent dans les abris d’urgence. In: 20 minutes Lausanne vom 17.2.2013
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15.02.2013 Rroma Family Deported

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Abdoulaye Penda Ndiaye from the 20minutes paper in Lausanne reports on the expulsion of Rroma family to Macedonia. One of the two daughters of the couple had had a medical problem with the hip, which a condition not sufficiently well treated in Macedonia. The family learned about their fate just after the sudden death of their one-year son, who suffered from a genetic defect. The parents are under shock and are be treated in a hospital in Lausanne against severe depression. The Swiss Federal Office for Migration disputes the claim from the family that the father was persecuted by the Macedonian police, and also discredited the claim that medical care in Macedonia is not available. The family is therefore forced to leave the country.

Source:

  • Abdoulaye Penda Ndiaye (2013) «Mon fils est enterré ici, et on expulse ma famille!» In: 20minutes Lausanne vom 11.2.2013.
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15.02.2013 Study on the Right of Rroma in Geneva

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Law students from the University of Geneva, will conduct a study on the rights of Rroma in Geneva and present the results the public. The study deals with the ambivalence and pluralisms in jurisdiction in relation to the vulnerable situation of Rroma and their rights. Fourteen students from higher semesters will be working on this survey under the coordination of graduate students. Specifically concerns are the clarification of legal issues about their stay in Switzerland, their working right, the use of public spaces and the begging ban in Geneva. Scholars in the field of law, NGOs, police representatives, hospital staff, and representatives of the Rroma are invited to participatory seminars.

Source:

  • Roselli, Sophie (2013) Université se penche sur les droits des Roms. In: Tribune de Genéve vom 14.2.2013.
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Jan Jirat from the WOZ rites about nationalist ideologies among right-wing Hungarians and there impacts on minorities like the Rroma. According to his interview partner Magdalena Marsovszky, a local social scientist, one has to grasp the right wing ideologies as a result of a historical trauma: the separation of Hungary after the end of the First World War and the downfall of Austria-Hungary. Subsequently, a nationalist identity of the Magyars, going back to the origins of Austria-Hungary, was constructed, apparently consisting of shared cultural values and blood ties. Political scientist E. J. Hobsbawm called this the “Invention of Tradition”, the structuring of history in favor of an nationalist identity. – Marsovszky is described to perceive the ideology among nationalists as one of ethnic closing and separation, rather than an opening towards a more diverse, tolerant society.

The ascription of criminality as a part of Rroma identity has to be understood in this context of thinking in ethnic-nationalist categories, which his highly racist and problematic. A further aspect is the construction of Magyar identity in relation to the Rroma. The Rroma are misused to structure the ethnic self-perception in relation and against them. The spread of the so called “Antiziganism” combined with the election of Fidesz representatives has lead to an increase in discrimination and violence against Rroma. The civil defense militia of the Jobbik party – the Hungarian guard – has regularly attacked Rroma during the last years, threatening and even killing Rroma in areas designated as Gypsy habitats.

According to the documentary filmmaker Adam Cisllag, Hungary is in a state of social disrupt, a state of decline of social solidarity, and open racism against Rroma that can be witnessed through all realms of society. As reason for this increased racisms he names the growing poverty amongst the Hungarian Middle class.

Jirat article is well researched and eloquently written. But one has to criticize his unbalanced portrayal of the topic. When reading the article, one gets the impression that a vital part of Hungarians are racists and most Rroma live a life hopelessness and despair and are part of pointless employment programs.

Source:

  • Jirat, Jan (2013) Faschismus mit adretter Frisur. In: WOZ vom 7.2.2013.
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The toughening of the begging laws through a political initiative in Lausanne happens in the context of increased public disfavour towards systematic begging. Several newspapers of the francophone part of Switzerland write about the hardening of the jurisdiction against organised begging. The new legislation is the result of a counterproposal to a public initiative against begging, started by middle and right wing parties.

Most of the journalists of the articles see Rroma as main target of this undertaking, which are perceived as professional beggars. That it is morally questionable to name people of ethnic groups in connection with criminal activities is not problematized. Neither is there made any separation between ethnic membership and socio-economic circumstances.

The toughening of the begging laws is not supposed to criminalize poverty but to prevent organized mendacity. The new legislation will prohibit begging in public transportation, next to trains stations and shops, administration buildings, museums and cash machines. It will further criminalize organized begging and mendacity in company or with the use of children. The government of Lausanne is also planning to foster the education of Rroma in Romania through a school project of “Terre des hommes” and implements an information campaign about the situation of the Rroma.

How it can be so certainly said that all organized begging is down by Rroma, is not problematized. The responsible parties and journalists don’t seem aware of the complexity of ethnic membership and its identification. The RCP therefore recommends to use national affiliation instead of ethnic membership, when it seems necessarily to label beggars according to their origins, even tough also national labels can be negatively politicized.

Véra Tchérémissinoff of the organization “Opre Rroma” criticizes the criminalization of begging, arguing that Rroma in Lausanne already now have to pay fines for camping wildly and other minor offences and this scheme won’t solve the source why people beg. Left wing party members criticized, that the new legislation will criminalize begging down out of poverty, since the distinction of organized and “normal” begging is difficult to determine.

Sources:

  • Audétat, Daniel / Prin, Mehdi-Stéphane / Trotta, David (2013) Lausanne rend la vie impossible aux mendiants. In: 24heures vom 6.2.2013.
  • Audétat, Daniel (2013) Lausanne rend la vie impossible aux mendiants. In: Tribune de Genève vom 6.2.2013.
  • Audétat, Daniel (2013) La mendicité entre bonne et mauvaise consience. In: 24heures vom 5.2.2013.
  • Bournoud, Renaud (2013) Lausanne doit passer la théorie à la practique. In: 24heures vom 7.2.2013.
  • La Liberté (2013) Lausanne durcit le ton. In: La Liberté vom 6.2.2013.
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01.02.2013 Verdict Acknowledges Segregation of Rroma Children in Hungary

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According to the Hungarian minister responsible for the situation of the Rroma, there is no discrimination of Rroma in Hungary, neither is there a segregation of Rroma children in Hungarian schools. A verdict by a north-Hungarian court acknowledges now officially that the segregation of Rroma children is illegal. The verdict recognised that Rroma children are regularly positioned in lower classes than other children, discriminated during lunch hours, swimming lessons and public school events.

According to the Pester Lloyd, the discrimination of Rroma children is an established practice in Hungary, with a tradition of several decades. It often gets initiated by parents who don’t want their children to mix with Rroma children. This denial of good education keeps the unsatisfying situation of many Rroma in Hungary a status quo.

Source:

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01.02.2013 The Expelled

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Journalist Bernhard Odehnal writes about a Rroma family in a village outside Budapest and the situation of Rroma in Hungary in general. After the call for the extinction of Rroma by the extremist publicist Zsolt Bayer, the topic of Rroma has gained increased attention by the media. However, according to Odehnal, poor Rroma families often don’t consume any official media and are not ware of the Bayer debate going on. Odehnal goes on to describe the hardships and discrimination most Rroma face in Hungary, with long time unemployment leading to apathy and resignation rather than revolution and upheaval.

He continues to explain how the Jobbik party systematically ethnicizes every criminal act done by a Rroma as inherent part of Rroma identity, declaring it as “gypsy criminality”. This mixing of ethnic identity and criminal activities is highly racist, as are attributions of journalists, who describe Rroma as of an aggressive, hostile nature.

Despite the empathetic focus of Odehnal article, the author reproduces stereotypes about the Rroma by stating that most Rroma live in Ghettos outside the villages and have excessive amounts of children. Additionally, he citties a Spanish infant educator, who sees Rroma women as “submissive and only wanting many children and Rroma men being openly sexist”. Also, when reading the article, when gets the impression, that according to Odehnal all of the 750’000 Hungarian Rroma live in the conditions he portrays in his article. He doesn’t talk about the invisible Rroma, which don’t live in Ghettos, the ones who live a life in the middle class and are not seen on the streets.

Aladár Horváth and Anikó Kiss (Pester Lloyd 2013) from the citizen’s movement of Hungary posted an official manifesto to the Orban government, asking to finally acknowledge that a humanitarian crisis is on the march, with one million people in Hungary, among them around a quarter of Rroma, living under precarious conditions, being close to starving and freezing to death. They criticize, that there is no public moral support for the situation of the Rroma, that the government doesn’t distance itself from extremist statements made against Rroma and that there are no social-critical articles in the official media.

Source:

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01.02.2013 Accelerated Return of Rroma to Serbia and Macedonia

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The NZZ writes about the accelerated return of Rroma asylum seekers to Serbia and Macedonia, which is the result of a new policy of the national migration office (BfM), which implemented a so called 48-hours procedure for people from countries, which are declared safe of prosecution. This new policy may seem favorable from the viewpoint of the BfM, which sees the Serbian and Macedonian Rroma as economic migrants, which don’t have any “real” reason for migration to Switzerland. However, this viewpoint dismisses the ongoing, de facto discrimination of many Rroma in Serbia, which suffer from ongoing racism against them. The article by Andreas Ernst acknowledges, that the policy doesn’t recognize the ongoing problems of Rroma in Serbia, but the author doesn’t seem aware of the questionability of declaring a country safe of prosecution, but not considering the role of ethnic minorities like the Rroma. Ernst sees the topic as an economic issue and that Rroma should be better fostered in their home countries. The problem of de facto social discrimination doesn’t receive the attention it should. This becomes also evident, when reading the interview with Mario Gattiker, supervisor of the BfM. According to Gattiker, who takes the line with the official political assessment, there is no persecution of Rroma in the Balkans. The political categorization of Rroma as not being persecuted may be true when analyzing their situation through official evaluations. The range of what persecution really means and what Rroma people experience de facto, can not be covered by this official political assessment. One young Rroma man from Belgrad, for istance, told about his abuse through the Police of Belgrad in “Menschen bei Maischberger». He described the situation of Rroma in Serbia as one of strong discrimination.

The RCP wants to emphasize, that official political assessments of countries, declaring minorities free of discrimination, have to be consumed with prudence.

Sources:

  • ARD (2012) Feindbild Sinti und Roma: Sind wir zu intolerant? «Menschen bei Maischberger» vom 20.11.2012.
  • Ernst, Andreas (2013) Problem ist gelöst – ausser für die Roma. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013.
  • Häuptli, Lukas (2013) Weniger Asylgesuche dank Schnellverfahren. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013
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01.02.2013 Political Correctness and Minorities Names

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Kathrin Spoerr of “Die Welt” elaborates about the use of terms ascribed to minorities and the political correctness or incorrectness inherent in them. She takes the example of one of her daughters, who disguises herself in the kindergarten as Gypsy, for a project about different children from the world. The teacher of the catholic kindergarten gets problem with her supervisor, when designating the children as “Zigneuner”, which the supervisor sees as politically incorrect. For Spoerr, the use of the term itself isn’t the problem, but the intention of how it is used. When persons, children or adults, use terms for ethnic groups and use them in connection with pejorative, negative attributions, the term becomes a negative meaning. Spoerr therefore pleads for less political correctness and more intelligence and reflection, when talking about other people, no matter of what origin.

Source:

  • Spoerr, Kathrin (2013) Das darf man doch nicht sagen! In: Die Zeit vom 31.1.2013.
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25.01.2013 Rroma and Edwards Said’s Orientalism

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Edwards Said’s seminal book “Orientalism” is a convenient tool to more clearly understand how knowledge about Rroma is produced and how it affects the live worlds of Rroma people in Western and Eastern Europe. It is another example of discourse analysis, and offers insights into structures of power that are involved when producing knowledge about other people.

Said examined (1978/2010) how the Orient has been portrayed and constructed by Western science in form of Orientalism. How did and does Orientalism describe the Orient and how do these bodies of knowledge work back onto reality? Said wants Orientalism to be seen as knowledge that is embedded in postcolonial power relations. East and West are seen as concepts that define themselves in relation and against each other. The Orient has been used to define it as the counterpart, the anti-idea, and counter experience to the West. Said understands the Orient as well as the Occident as constructed terms, that continue to change their meaning. Through the institutionalization of thinking about the Orient, Orientalism continually legitimized itself as the dominant, ‘true’ tale about the Orient. The term ‘Orient’ in contrast to Orientalism is used to refer to a perceived reality of what life in the Orient is like. Said distanced himself from claiming to say how the orient was really like. What he wanted to do is to deconstruct how Orientalists talked about the Orient, and how their knowledge has nearly always been part of unequal power relations between societies and people. Said disenchants the knowledge of the Orientalists as portrayals, which run the risk of ascribing labels of value and race, which leads to the domination and disciplining of people through this portrayals.  

Also the case of how Rroma are portrayed in media, by politicians and in oral culture, mostly refers to a dominant ‘tale’, similar to what Said called Orientalism. One could term it ‘Antiziganism’, but it is important to understand that the dominant tale about Roma – disseminated by lots of people – doesn’t sees itself as racist, but as representing the truth, even though it reflects stereotypes and is racist. This dominant ‘tale’, taking its knowledge from centuries of passed down prejudices, negative interpretations and mixing of identity with political issues, succeeds in dominating the way in which many people see Rroma. Many journalists take their information from oral culture and print stereotypes as ‘scientific reality’, mixing criminal actives and questions of ethnic belonging, even though there is no connection between them. Rroma who engage in criminal activities or how live in slums dominate media coverage, silencing all the other positive aspects of Rroma identity. There are no news reports on successful Rroma how live well adjusted in their society, work as a lawyer, as a bank clerk or as a writer. In Switzerland there life around 50’000 Rroma, from whom the most are well integrated, work and engage in their everyday activities. Because of the domination of negative stereotypes, most of them keep their identity a secret.  

Source:

  • Said, Edward (1978/2010) Orientalismus. Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag.
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25.01.2013 Rroma and Structural Violence

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The situation of many Rroma in different countries around Europe is closely connected to the sociological concept of “structural violence”. Structural violence is a term used by different social scientists to denote structures of repression of epistemological, political, economical and social nature, which keep the affected people from improving their livelihoods. In the case of Rroma, structural violence has the form of highly negative epistemological ascriptions, which hinder them from improving their circumstances, combined with a history of exclusion and disadvantage, which leave many of them in a kind of “devils circle” of hopelessness towards any major change. Paul Farmer defines ‘structural violence’ as follows:

“Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way… The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people … neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress (Farmer 1999: 79).

The concept is therefore closely linked to the notion of ‘agency’, which refers to the individual power of a single person in a social structure to perform his/her aspirations and affect his/her social environment. ‘Ageny’ also emanates from subjects, who are conditioned in the way they act, or perform an action. The idea that “the things they do are in some sense determined by the ways in which their identity has been constructed” (Ashcroft/Griffiths/Tiffin (2007: 6) refers to the idea that social possibilities of individuals or groups are linked to the identity fellow human beings ascribe them and the way people reconstruct their own identity between outside ascription and self-ascription of identity. In this reflections, it is important to consider that it is neither just individual agency and neither just the structure surrounding a person, that determines his/her destiny, but a complicated negotiation of the two. Bourdieu sees it as a dialectic between “externalizing ones agency”, and “internalizing the structure”, which is at work when constructing personal and group identity (Bourdieu 1990). 

In the case of Rroma, the structure – with which I want to denote the structure of society as well as knowledge which society produces and emanates about the Rroma – is today clearly still the dominating factor in the relationship of agency and structure. Individual and group actions of Rroma have contributed to improve their situation in society, but negative stereotypes and prejudices still continue to dominate them so strongly, that many Rroma have to life with their identity as a burden, rather than be proud of their identity. It is the task of all mankind and political and economical leaders in particular, to change the relationship of agency and structure in such a way, that individual persons, no matter of what origin, don’t have to feel powerless because of the strong overweight of structure over individual agency. Fostering equal access to education, working possibilities and financial means can be a step towards achieving this goal. 

As part of the institutionalized exclusion of Rroma in large parts of Western society, one can detect what Bauman calls the production of “human wate”, which is closely connected with the dangerous feeling of being redundant in and for society. Bauman pessimistically explains the feeling of humans who feel redundant in this world:

The others do not need you; they can do as well, and better, without you. There is no self-evident reason for being around and no justification for your claim to the right to stay around. To be declared redundant means to have been disposed of because of being disposable – just like the empty and not refundable plastic bottle or once-used syringe, an unattractive commodity with no buyers, or a substandard or stained product without use thrown off the assembly line by the quality inspectors. Redundancy shares its semantic space with ’rejects’, ’wastrels’, ’garbage’, ’refuse’ – with waste (Bauman 2004: 12).   

This dangerous feeling of being disposable for society because of exclusion and repression from educational, economic and political possibilities has to be seen as an inherent and major part «structural violence». From Bauman’s (2004) viewpoint, the systematic exclusion of people is a vital part of modernity and it’s production of order. It is in its simplest form the result of economic processes, which differentiate between useful and un-useful humans for production and consumption. In it’s more complex forms, the production of order is a form of “state racism”, which is the systematic evaluation of knowledge about people and its subsequent re-ascription, in the form of the differentiation of “useful” and “un-useful humans”. This differentiation is amongst others based on the dominant “stories”, which are told about groups of people. In case of the Rroma, the dominant tale is one of negative stereotypes, of intentional criminality and deliberate unwillingness towards integration. This “tale” is so deeply rooted in European history, that is dominates realistic scientific knowledge and statistical knowledge about Rroma, which would paint a different picture of Rroma realities. Rroma Realities are complex, diverse, fragmented, individual stories, which evade simple reduction. This approval of complexity has been termed “the postmodern condition” by Jean Francois Lyotard. For the case of Rroma, it means to acknowledge that there is not “the Rrom” as simple as there is not such a thing as “the Swiss” of “the Italian”. Most Rroma speak the language Rromanes, but some don’t. Some Rroma are Christians, some are Muslims, some are part of other religions. A few engage in criminal activities, but most of them don’t. When wanting to understand the reality behind the stereotypes about Rroma, it is important to acknowledge that there is no simple answer to the question of how Rroma really are. An individual destiny can never been reduced to simple labels.

Sources:

  • Ashcroft, Bill/Griffiths, Gareth/Tiffin, Helen (2007) Post-colonial studies. The key concepts. London/New York: Routledge Publisher.
  • Bauman, Zygmunt (2004) Wasted Lives. Modernity and its outcasts. Cambridge: Polity Press.
  • Bourdieu, Paul (1990), The Logic of Practice, Polity Press: Cambridge.
  • Farmer, Paul (1999) Infections and Inequalities. The modern plagues. Berkeley: University of California Press. 
République tchèque Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest

18.01.2013 Criticism towards Czech Republic’s public school system and the discrimination of Rroma children

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A new study recently published by the ‘Open Society Justice Initiative’ criticizes the systematic disadvantage of Rroma children in Czech Republic’s public school system. The study emanates from the ‘D.H. and Others versus Czech Republic’ case: In 1999 18 Rroma children from Ostrava sued the Czech school system for systematic discrimination before the European Court of Human Rights. As a result, eight years later, the court declared the suit legitimate, demanding from the Czech state increased actions to stop the discrimination of Rroma children in the public school system. According to the publication, most Rroma children in the Czech Republic end up in inadequate, third-rate schools, making it very difficult for them to acquire advanced job opportunities and therefore inhibiting social advancement.

The children that were part of the ‘D.H. and Others versus Czech Republic’ case have grown up and look back to what has changed since the lawsuit was filed. Most of them come to a pessimistic conclusion, stating that despite some official statements and renaming of schools, the exclusion of Rroma children from public schooling remains an everyday practice. Several interview partners stated that discrimination came not as much from the other children attending the school but from teachers systematically judging and treating Rroma children badly. One method used to downgrade Rroma children is to declare them psychologically retarded. According to the report, this is a common way to exclude them from the public school system and therefore from social advancement. The former Commissioner for Human Rights of the European Union, Thomas Hammarberg, stated in his report «Human Rights of Roma and Travelers in Europe»: “with thousands of Roma children effectively excluded from the mainstream education system in the Czech Republic and condemned to a future as second class citizens every year… it is now time to speed up the implementation of the inclusive education agenda” (Open Society Justice Initiative 2012).

Source:

Bosnie Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est North Macedonia Serbie

18.01.2013 Fostering Social Housing in Bosnia-Herzegovina

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Liechtenstein will foster education and public housing of Rroma in Bosnia-Herzegovina with 105’000 Swiss francs, helping the local international organization for refugees and migration aid (IMFH). According to the article, a big part of the aid money will be used to build facilities of the public housing program, which is aiming to improve the conditions of Rroma living in countryside, often under precarious hygienic conditions. From the viewpoint of the state of Liechtenstein, the housing program will also help to decrease migration movements to Western Europe, which are caused by social-economic hardships.

The educational program of the foundation “Kinderdorf Pestalozzi” is currently enabling around 5’000 Rroma children in Serbia and Macedonia to get a regular school education. The state of Liechtenstein is also fostering this program with a financial contribution (Lichtensteiner Vaterland 2013).

Source:

rroma.org
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