Category Archives: Romania

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26.09.2014 Louis de Matignon Gouyon: half of the Rroma children from informal settlements do not attend school

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Louis de Gouyon Matignon (2014) reports on the lack of education of Rroma children who live in the informal settlements of France. The lack of training of the children is partly due to the lack of appreciation of education by some parents, as well as the result of the fear of deportation by the French authorities. But above all, it results from discriminatory practices by French schools. Thus, some schools keep fictitious waiting lists to prevent Rroma from enrolling their children: “It is now assumed that 53% of Roma children do not attend school. The missing schooling of our young fellow Europeans (usually Romanians or Bulgarians) may result from the will of the parents to handle basic needs such as food, shelter or clothing with priority; or missing schooling may also result from a bad attitude or from a lack of funds on the part of schools: some schools apply fictitious waiting lists to discourage parents from enrolling their children. Some individual initiatives, based on private funds, such as the creation of small libraries or the establishment of courses by volunteers, are laudable, but they are not sufficient in order to prevent illiteracy among the Roma.” It must be stressed here that Gouyon Matignon assumes that 50% of Rroma children from the informal settlements do not go to school. This does not mean that half of the integrated Rroma children do not attend school. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are living in France. The vast majority of them is integrated, goes to work and sends their children to school. Gouyon Matignon therefore falsely equates the Rroma from the slums with all Rroma in France, which is not true. Many Rroma can read and write. Gouyon Matignon therefore unintentionally reproduces a stereotypical notion of ​​the Rroma. But he is not alone with that: many other authors and institutions equate the Rroma with the visible Rroma from the slums (compare Pozycki 2014).

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26.09.2014 Lyon: false barriers to displace Rroma were lifted

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Rue89Lyon (2014) reports on the lifting of the barriers that were set up by the authorities of Lyon in the whole city. The barricades had been erected a few weeks ago in all major squares to prevent travelling Rroma from settling down. The reactions and experiences with the barriers were entirely negative, the authorities of Lyon state, this is why the barricades are now being removed. A petition of business people and residents of Lyon had led to the establishment of the controversial barricades: “This Wednesday morning, one could witness that the Place du Pont (another name for this quarter of the seventh arrondissement) had been freshly cleaned and freed from the false barriers. These were supposed to deter populations classified as undesirable to the region (the majority of them Roma from Romania). They gather there every day to try to run an illegal market. [….] The result [of the barriers]: the public space was even more overloaded with rag pickers and their buyers, who still spread everywhere. At the entrance of the supermarket Casino, the passerby had to wander through the illicit market. Not to mention the illegal garbage that accumulated in the interior of the enclosed fences.” The impression that Rroma are to be equated with beggars and illegal traders is completely wrong. Rather, it is a prejudice that almost exclusively immigrant Rroma do illegal trading in public places. As already expressed many times, the recently immigrated Rroma represent only a small portion of all Rroma in France. However, they are the ones with the greatest public visibility, which is why they are often mistakenly perceived as representative for all Rroma. The majority of the minority, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation 100,000 to 500,000, are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society, and this often for generations. Rroma therefore belong to all social classes and are not to be equated with an underclass. These integrated Rroma are proof that an integration of the minority is easily possible if they are not actively prevented from doing so by prejudice and discrimination (compare Fournier 2014).

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24.09.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and arranged marriages

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The British tabloid Daily Mail reports about arranged marriages among Rroma. It refers to the Channel 4TV documentation “The Gypsy Matchmaker”. At the outset, Styles (2014) claims that 250,000 Rroma from Eastern Europe have migrated to the UK in the past decade. This is an absurdly high number that makes no sense, and is not proven by any sources. Rather, it seems to be the result of the polemical debate about the alleged mass immigration of poor migrants to Western Europe. Thereby “poverty migrants” are often equated with Rroma, although ethnicity is not identified in most statistics. Building on this polemic, Styles claims that immigrated Rroma have brought their tradition of arranged marriages to the UK: more and more underage Rromnja would marry in exchange for bride money with older men, often at the age of thirteen. As a result, he stats that it is impossible for them to complete school or training. This tradition goes back to the traditional Rroma code “Pachiv”, Styles claims. The word “Patjiv” means “honour” in Rromanes and is indeed associated with the preservation of traditions. However, this does not mean that arranged marriages are the norm among Rroma. They are only found among traditional families and only in certain groups, mainly among the Vlax (Romanian) Rroma. Styles present this as if arranged marriages of minors is the normal case among Rroma: “Fresh-faced and delicate, Esme, from Oldham in Manchester, might be barely 15 years old but to many in the Roma gypsy community, she’s a catch. Originally from Hungary, she is just one of the estimated 250,000 Romany gypsies who relocated to the UK from Eastern Europe over the last decade. But with the influx of people has come their traditions – including the custom of marrying off girls and boys once they reach the age of 13.“ Although Styles points out that this tradition is questioned among critical Rroma, by citing the statement of an older Rromni, this remains a marginal note. The impression remains that of an entrenched tradition that makes it impossible to the married persons to shape their own life and violates the British law, which defines marriages below the age of sixteen as illegal (compare McDowall 2014, Steele 2014).

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17.09.2014 Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: safe countries of origin for Rroma?

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The daily news of the ARD (2014) reports on the ongoing discussions and protests because of the declaration of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as being “safe countries of origin”. Accordingly, the federal government will soon enact a law that puts these three countries on the list of countries safe of persecution. Thereafter, minorities like the Rroma will have very poor chances of obtaining asylum in Germany. This is being criticised especially by social democratic politicians and non-governmental organisations. Recently, the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma has spoken out. Its chairman, Romani Rose, criticised in his statement that the three countries are anything but safe for Rroma: “In the three countries, the argument goes, there is no persecution, torture, violence or degrading treatment. […] Life for Rroma in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina is anything but safe, Rose declared. “Large parts of the minority in these countries have no chance in the labour market, they are excluded from any participation in social life.” For Roma, which are merely tolerated in Germany, the implementation of the plans could mean deportation.” While it is true that the Rroma in the Balkans were exposed to little discrimination until 1989, and many of the common stereotypes about the minority originated in Western Europe, this does not mean that the exaggeration of ethnic differences and the marginalisation of the Rroma have not become a real issue since then that affect many members of the minority. The adoption of the new law is due to an increase of asylum applications from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, which are turned down in the majority of the cases as being unfounded. However, these decisions are also criticised, since individual fates of exclusion and persecution get too little attention and are not considered appropriately due to lack of evidence. The status of safe countries puts administrative estimates about the protection of the civilian population, especially minorities, over the individual experiences of those affected. Whether this is a smart procedure that meets the real-life experiences of victims of discrimination, should be critically assessed. What matters in the end is the individual fate and not the official status (compare Amtsberg 2014, Attenberger/Filon 2014, Die Welt 2014, Ulbig 2014).  

Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek (2014) contradicts this opinion: He claims that the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are often affected by poverty, but are not persecuted. In Macedonia and Serbia, the Rroma rather build part of local communities and are found in all social classes and positions. Even the Rromanes is widely accepted in Macedonia: “Traditionally, in Macedonia and Serbia, it is far less disparagingly spoken about Roma than in the neighbouring countries of Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. The major, wearing his chain of office and shaking hands, attend Roma celebrations. In the newspapers one respectfully speaks of “citizens of Roma nationality”, and ethnic Macedonians also attend Roma pilgrimages. The European cliché that Roma steal is unknown in both countries. […] If Roma are exposed to persecution somewhere in the region, then it is the EU-country Hungary, where right-wing extremist groups inflame the atmosphere, literally hunt for Roma and the police looks the other way. However, from EU-countries no asylum applications are accepted in principle. Even discrimination based on ethnicity is likely to be far less in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia than what Roma have to endure in Hungary, the Czech Republic or France.” Thereby Mappes-Niediek addresses an important point: the difficulty of assessing the discrimination or acceptance of a minority that is already perceived very one-sided in the public in its entirety and complexity. For Mappes-Niediek, the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are particularly affected by poverty. This is certainly true for a part of the minority. But he also hides a part of reality: in particular the integrated Rroma, which can be found in all the countries of Europe and are not perceived as Rroma by the public. Rroma should not be equated with an underclass. They build part of all strata of society. Regarding the aspect of discrimination, the individual fate should still favoured to a reductionist, generalising assessment: because mechanisms of exclusion in a society cannot be read on a measuring instrument. They are subtly distributed in all spheres of a nation and not necessarily occur in the open.    

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17.09.2014 Survey of antiziganism: prejudices against Rroma in Germany remain

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Several German newspapers report on the latest study by the centre for anti-Semitism research in Berlin and the institute for prejudice and conflict research. For the study “Between apathy and rejection – Population attitudes towards Sinti and Roma” around 2,000 German citizens were interviewed. The study concludes that about a third of Germans feel Rroma as neighbours as being very or quite unpleasant. There is less sympathy towards Rroma than towards any other population group. Seventeen percent of the respondents consider them as very unappealing. This result is clearly linked to the opinion of the respondents that Rroma are responsible for the reservations towards their minority due to their own behaviour. This point is based on the false assumption that a visible minority of the minority can be equated with all Rroma. However, most Rroma are not delinquent and are integrated. This is ignored by the media and by the public. The following three results show how ingrained prejudices and resentments against the minority are: fifteen percent of the respondents consider Roma as criminals, fourteen percent as not assimilable, ten percent as lazy. Again, the prejudices are based on the public perception of a visible minority of the minority. The majority of the Rroma are integrated and are honest. The final result of the study is of particular concern: every second respondent thinks that a restriction of the entry requirements is an appropriate way to solve the problems with the minority. Again, there are misconceptions about a mass influx of poorly educated and delinquent Rroma. Rroma constitute only a part of all immigrants from South and Eastern Europe. Many of them are ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians, Macedonians, etc. There are also many well-educated Rroma, who are also hidden in the media. Romani Rose, president of the central council of German Sinti and Roma, raised severe concerns about the results of the study: “anti-Semitism is outlawed in Germany, antiziganism enjoys largely a free rein”, criticised Romani Rose […]. He warned against connecting poverty with ethic origin. “The Jews were too rich, the Roma are too poor.” This is an unacceptable generalisation” (Peters 2014). After all, Rose sees it as positive that around 80% of the respondents knew about the persecution of the Rroma during National Socialism. Nevertheless, knowledge about the minority needs to be deepened more through history lessons. This contrasts with the opinion of almost a third of the respondents who feel no historical responsibility of Germany towards the minority. One in five is for the removal of the Rroma from Germany: a very thought-provoking insight. In response to the poor results, an expert commission shall be set up to report to the Bundestag regularly on discrimination against the minority in the fields of education, employment or housing. The anti-discrimination commissioner of the state, Christine Lüders, also sees a special need for action in the fight against prejudice among police forces. Rroma in Germany are still more frequently suspected of criminal activities as members of other ethnic groups. She argues that “indifference, ignorance and rejection together form a fatal mix that [enable and foster] discrimination against Sinti and Roma” (compare Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes 2014, Die Zeit 2014, Fürstenau 2014, Gajevic 2014, Gensing 2014, Lambeck 2014, MiGAZIN 2014, Süddeutsche Zeitung 2014).  

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17.09.2014 The visible Rroma of Sweden

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Gyldén (2014) reports about begging Rroma in Sweden. The very detailed article reports explicitly about the life circumstances of immigrant Rroma in Sweden, who earn their revenue with begging, playing music or with collecting scrap. On the other hand, the journalist presents the Swedish political system and the local economic mode that, according to the journalist, is not designed and adapted to begging with its “protestant work ethic”. Glydén article attempts, as many before him, to portray the life of the Rroma, but he ends up addressing only the living conditions of a minority of the minority: “They live there, at the edge of a clearing under birch trees, fir trees and squirrels. One moment, they are reminiscent of trolls from myths. But the lives of Corneliu, Aurelian, Florina and others – forty people in total – have nothing of a children’s story. These Roma, who originally come from Bacau (250 km north of Bucharest), leave their camp near a terminus of the metro, in the suburbs, every morning to pursue their “jobs”: the sidewalks of Stockholm, its parks, its metros. Some play the accordion; others collect returnable bottles from the trashcans. Most of them beg.” In his argument, Gyldén depicts the scenario of Rroma as poverty migrants, who, since the advent of free movement of workers with Romania and Bulgaria now try their luck in Sweden. But he ignores an important part of reality: First of all, critical studies show that there is no mass immigration of Rroma to the north. In addition, there are also ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and other ethnic groups from South Eastern Europe, which migrate to Western Europe. Furthermore, Gyldén negates the well and very well educated Rroma, which also form part of the migrants or have lived in Sweden for a longer period of time. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, they constitute between 15,000 and 20,000 people. After all, Gyldén relativizes, with reference to a Swedish journalist, the stereotype of organized begging networks: those emerged, after detailed investigations, as a construct.

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05.09.2014 Roma-village Fântânele: article confirms immigration fears

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Schwarz (2014) tries to portray Rroma from the Romanian village Fântânele in a more differentiated fashion. In spite of this, by creating a one-sided depiction, he manages to fuel fears of a mass immigration to Germany. The Rroma he portrays correspond to many stereotypes that people have about this minority: due to their membership to Pentecostal church, contraception is forbidden and the families of the village have an average of ten to twelve children. Of the seven thousand residents of the village, thousand live today in the Harzerstrasse in Berlin-Neukölln, he states. With this statements, Schwarz nullifies his own attempt towards a balanced reporting, as he presents a seemingly incontrovertible evidence that a mass migration to Germany indeed takes place. That Fântânele is not representative of all villages in Romania, is not stated. On the other hand, Schwarz presents a detail account of the relationship of local Rroma community to the Pentecostal church, to which almost all villagers belong: “Today, the church is the core of the community, it sets all rules. It forbids its members to drink and smoke. There is no pub in Fântânele, and no one smokes. Equally, it prohibits abortions and any kind of contraception. The new religion stabilised the families and promoted the cohesion of the community. The sobriety requirement preserves families in crisis from descending into the underclass. They also save themselves a lot of money that others spend on liquor and cigarettes. However, the limitation of the talents to sacred music ended an important source of income, and the prohibition of contraception boosted the birth rates. Families with ten, twelve children are the rule in Fântânele. […] The Roma who emigrate in order to work as a demolition labourers, as a flyer distributors, or as a construction workers, have no different motivation than the Romanian doctors who get headhunted from German hospitals: all of them hope for a better life and a better future for their children.” However, Schwarz does not mention distinctly enough that Rroma only represent a portion of the immigrants to Western Europe. Many ethnic Romanians, who account for the majority of the country, migrate to the north. In addition, not all Rroma belong to the Pentecostal church, which prohibits contraception. More than a few Rroma have qualifications and practice contraception. By focusing on this specific village and this group of Rroma, Schwarz reproduces the notion of a mass immigration to Germany, despite all his historical contextualization and differentiation of Rroma groups. This assertion is qualified by critical research (MiGAZIN 2013).

Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest Roumanie Espagne

27.08.2014 Integration policy towards Rroma in Dortmund

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Völkel (2014) writes about the integration efforts of the Workers’ Welfare Association (AWO). The social workers of the AWO try to help immigrated Rroma in their integration efforts by assisting them in their search for housing, jobs, as well as with German language courses. Völkel states that since the AWO offers this support for free, conflicts arise with people smugglers who help the newcomers with agency appointments and different application procedures, in return for exorbitant prices. As a positive example, the journalist presents the family Ion-Lazar. The Rroma, originally from Romania, try to integrate successfully by all means: “As for instance Fabian Lazar-Ion (39) and his wife Anisoara (31). The two Romanians from Galati in the Moldavian region have gone to Spain nine years ago to work there. They fled from the lack of prospects, the hatred against Sinti and Roma and the discrimination in their homeland. In Spain, they were doing well. They learned Spanish and had both work and earned a living. But then came the economic crisis. “We couldn’t find work anymore”, states the father of two children. He heard from his sister Gabriela Lihcah that there was work in Dortmund. […] First, they searched unsuccessfully for work, housing, and some perspectives. Their life changed when they met Mirza. The street worker and the translator Tatiana-Iolanda Christea invited them for breakfast and showed them possibilities. […] Both have found mini-jobs or seasonal work. But it is financially not enough to move to another part of town, away from the drug trade and the so-called illicit worker district.” The article demonstrates successfully that reductionist notions of anti-social Rroma, not willing to integrate, are wrong. The portrayed Rroma, who fled from the economic crisis to Germany, just want to live a normal life and provide a good future for their children. Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 “invisible Rroma” are living integrated in Germany. Many of them have done so for several generations. They are the proof that an integration of the Rroma is possible without problems, if they are not actively prevented from it by marginalisation and discrimination.

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22.08.2014 Integration of immigrant Rroma-children in German schools

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Der Westen et Radio Ennepe Ruhr report on the integration of children from immigrant Rroma families in the public schools of Ennepetal in North Rhine-Westphalia. This is said to proceed in a largely positive fashion. According to the journalists’ estimates, the families were a part of those families that received media attention while living in the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and who subsequently  moved to Ennepetal. Around 30 adults and 80 children are now living in the worker housinf of a former metal factory. While it is stressed that the integration of the families has enjoyed top priority from the start and will be actively promoted by the community, one is nevertheless irritated by the fact that the children are not integrated into regular classes, but are rather taught in so-called “integration classes”. Of the 52 Rroma-children who were enrolled into these integration classes, in which their viability for the regular school is assessed, only six now will go to regular classes with the new school year starting. For those responsible for integration, this seems to be a success. However, from the perspective of a real integration, the segregated teaching of Rroma children is extremely problematic, as they can hardly socialise with other children. Anke Velten-Franke from the mayor’s office sees this differently: since Rrroma children are taught in the buildings of the middle and primary school, they were able to make contact with other children during school breaks, she states. It is to be hoped that the politician proves right. Principally, segregated schooling, especially in the context of negative experiences from the Czech Republic or Romania, where it is still widespread, should be seen very critically, since it fosters and maintains the discrimination and marginalisation of the minority. The focus on the recently immigrated Rroma families should not obscure the fact already now 110’00 to 130,000 Rroma are living integrated in Germany, many for generations. Their children are not taught segregated. In addition, Stefan Scherer commits a gross error in judgment when he reproduces without comment that the social workers of Ennepetal would share a fear with many other residents: “The Roma are not sedentary people. The fear to invest a lot of money and energy, and then they move to the next town or the next country is still present in Ennepetal” (Scherer 2014). However, most Rroma are not travellers and never were. The alleged wandering lifestyle is rather the result of their continuous expulsion, which was and is reinterpreted in a false analogy to a travelling way of life (compare Radio Ennepe Ruhr 2014).  

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22.08.2014 The ambivalent concept of “poverty immigration”

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Eisenring (2014) reports on the debate about the so-called “poverty immigration”, that has now lasted for several years. This, he states, is now increasingly felt in Germany, whereby the immigrant Rroma receive particular attention. Of the unemployed Romanians and Bulgarians in Germany, many are Rroma, the journalist claims. In his ethnisising statement he forgets that ethnicity is precisely not recorded in the statistics and that the assessment is therefore a conjecture: “However, such average numbers conceal that in cities like Berlin, Dortmund, Duisburg, or Offenbach there have been deprived areas for a long time. Consequently, the unemployment rate among Bulgarians and Romanians in May was at 34% in Duisburg, at 27% ​​in Dortmund, and at 23% in Berlin. The cost of housing, health services and schools are transferred to the cities. However, this has not so much to do with the full freedom of movement, but with the generally difficult integration of Roma and Sinti, who often come from the two countries – a problem that also concerns other European countries.” The controversial thing about this assessment is that statistics on unemployment convey that there is indeed a poverty immigration. However, the number of Romanians and Bulgarians claiming welfare – 13% – is below the average number of foreigners with 16%, as Eisenring himself shows. Unfortunately, in terms of the Rroma, he argues uncritically and culturalising by ascribing them a generally difficult integrability. That there are well-educated Rroma and many who are very willing to integrate, he implicitly denies. Similarly, he denies that there are already now 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma living integrated in Germany, but are not perceived as Rroma. Moreover, the term “poverty immigration” is a highly politicised, prejudiced terminology, as it is often used synonymously with the immigration of Rroma and is based on political views, that there indeed is a mass immigration of poor, uneducated Rroma into the German welfare system. It is important to identify and critically question this indiscriminate equation of real facts and political views and opinions.

Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest Roumanie Espagne

20.08.2014 Rroma willing to integrate in Dortmund

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Bandermann (2014) reports on a Rroma family from Romania who is trying to integrate in Dortmund. The article attempts to show that the ideas of the anti-social Rroma, not willing to integrate, are actually loaded with prejudices. Anisoara and Fabian Lazar-Ion, who worked eight years in Spain before the economic crisis, just want to live a normal life and want to provide a good future for their children. In Romania, they did not see any possibility to build an existence. Too strong was the discrimination, too weak the economy, too corrupt the politicians: “Fabian and Anisoara Lazar-Ion do not fit the image of Roma parents who send their children to steal. Because the couple has a plan. The two want to work honestly and get a fair wage. Social assistance? “For us, no perspective”, they say briefly and succinctly. Both do not hang around on the street and take their fate into their own hands. […] Both have a heart’s desire, in addition to a secure future. Fabian is proud to be a Roma. He calls himself Gypsy – and asks the Dortmund people: “We are not all the same. There are parents who lack education. We do not agree with the fact that they send their children out, so that they commit crimes. Also his wife sees their own countrymen critically: “They simply have no plan for their lives. But it is a false impression that all gypsies are criminals.” The 39-year-old had to experience himself how it feels to be discriminated against: in his former homeland Romania. “I had several interviews. Once it was known that I’m a gypsy, I had no chance.””  The fate of Fabian and Anisoara Lazar-Ion is a good example that willingness to integrate is not a question of ethnic origin. Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma are living integrated in Germany, many of them for generations. They are the proof that the inclusion of the Rroma is possible without problems if they are not restrained by marginalization and discrimination.

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15.08.2014 Stereotypes: Rrom sentenced for burglary and copper theft

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Schleer (2014) reports on the trial against a Romanian Rrom in Rheinfelden. Because of repeated burglaries, the 24-year-old was sentenced to two and a half years of jail by the Lörrach district court. As witnesses, four other Rroma, with whom the defendant allegedly committed the crimes, were questioned. The culprit was granted mitigating circumstances, as he confessed all committed crimes. Mentioning the ethnicity of the perpetrator is not necessary as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a “culture of crime among the Rroma”. Rroma are not more criminal than any other ethnic groups, but this is exactly suggested by the media through an explicit thematisation of Rroma in connection with various crimes. A cultural interpretation of the offences is necessarily racist, as it ignores and discredits the majority of Rroma living a respectable and integrated life. The idea of ​​hierarchical family ties goes back to the projection of a medieval caste system onto Rroma. This is wrong. While it is true that the family has an important place among the Rroma, its organisation remains largely egalitarian. Rroma are also often used synonymously with Romanians or the Romanian language. While Romania has indeed a large Rroma minority, an estimated one and a half to three millions, Rroma make up only a minority of the total population of 22 million. However this fact is often interpreted one-sidedly by the Romanian side, who quite often state that Rroma are indeed responsible for many crimes, whereby the difference between Rroma and ethnic Romanians is exaggerated to that of good Rumanians versus evil Rroma. That Rroma are often made ​​responsible for crimes, this without any evidence, can be seen in the article of the Basler Zeitung about a burglary series. On the ptential perpetrators, the article states at the end: “On the identity of the perpetrators, the conjectures go apart. Some say they are adolescents, others burglary tourists “or Roma”” (Gygax 2014).

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13.08.2014 Anti-Rroma demonstrations in Halle-Silberhöhe

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Halle Spectrum (2014) reports about an anti-Rroma rally in Silberhöhe, a district of the city Halle in Saxony-Anhalt. In Silberhöhe, numerous Rroma families have been living for several weeks. At the rally, around 200 people expressed their anger about the neighbourhood’s new residents. On banners, slogans like “We live here!” could be read. According to estimates of Halle Spectrum, in addition to angry residents, there were also members of the extreme right among the 200 protesters: “According to police representatives on site, several participants were known to the police, some of them as criminals […]. A total of eight criminal complaints were filed, among other things for libel, assault and criminal damage. In five cases, simple physical violence had to be applied to enforce dismissals. In one case, the offense of demagoguery is being examined.” – Demonstrations against ethnic minorities such as the Rroma are always also an expression of the ambivalent policies and public opinion towards minority groups. Under the header of “poverty immigrants”, the press repeatedly stated that uneducated Rroma would supposedly migrate en masse into the German social security system, would not want to integrate and would create social tensions. That Rroma were made to an instrument for political debates on migration has rarely been explicitly addressed. Beyond the problematic and political notion of the “Rroma question”, there is the reality that gets far too little attention: For generations, 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma have been living in Germany in an integrated fashion. They work, pay taxes, and contribute to public prosperity. Among the immigrants there are many well-trained, highly skilled workers, who are rarely mentioned in the one-sided discussion. Among immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria, there are not only Rroma, but also ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and members of other ethnic groups. Conspicuous immigrants are not seldom simply made to be Rroma ​​because of prejudices. The right-wing nationalist protesters, who rebel against foreign immigration, deny all this. The Rroma are not social parasites, but people like you and me. Rroma are not an underclass, but belong to all social classes. Most of them want to integrate many already have, but are not perceived as Rroma.

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13.08.2014 France: vicious circle of expulsions continues

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Brunet (2014) reports on the whereabouts of some 300 Rroma who were evicted from the informal settlement in Grigny (Essonne). While a small part of them has gone back to Romania, the majority of the people will simply join other settlements or build a new camp in a different location. The vicious circle therefore continues. A long-term integration, to which the Rroma aspire, remains unresolved. Many of the children were enrolled in local schools and now have to interrupt or continue their education in a different class. Paradoxically, the local communist administration strived for an improvement of the infrastructure in the settlement, despite its order for an eviction, which resulted in providing of water supply and in trash removal. Disregarding the suggestion of many organisations that the forced eviction hinder a long-term integration of the Rroma, the mayor of Grigny referred to the precarious conditions in the settlement to justify the forced eviction: “A slum, in Grigny or elsewhere, is not destined to stay forever. It would be contemptuous to think that these families with children can continue to stay there, with the rates, in deplorable hygienic conditions”, decided Claude Vasquez, deputy of Grigny, who is responsible for the dossier.” Nonetheless, the policymakers of Grigny seem to be aware that with the eviction the issue of integration has not been resolved and the situation of the affected families often is exacerbated: “The council of Grigny has filed a motion in July and requested a financial contribution by the state for the implementation of a monitoring project, estimating that “the expulsion of the camp without alternative solutions does nothing other than aggravate the misery and causes their misplacement to other place, often in the vicinity.” The statement of the office of the mayor, which announced that one does not assume that the Rroma will settle again in Grigny after the eviction, is in contradiction with this statement. The goal was move the Rroma out of the slums, it was stated. This would require long-term solutions, such as subsidised integration projects, as they are available only for a small number of people. A long-term integration is therefore not yet realised. It must be added that the thousands of Rroma living in slums do in fact only represent a visible minority of the Roma in France. A majority of 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma have been living integrated in French society for generations, but are not perceived by the public. Meanwhile, the eviction policy continues: in Bron, an informal settlement with 120 people, half of them children, was evicted (compare Blanchet 2014 I/II, Rue89Lyon 2014, Wojcik 2014).

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08.08.2014 Chronicle of the „Rroma house“ in Duisburg

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On the occasion of the evacuation of the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg, Jakob (2014) takes look at the history of the three apartment buildings that housed up to 1,400 people at peak times. Since 2009, the residential complex “In den Peschen”, which had been purchased by the real estate agent Branko Barisic, was in the headlines. It was mostly due to the voices of angry residents who were complaining about noise, pollution, and petty crime. The Rroma themselves – if they really were all Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria, as it was claimed – remained largely unheard and were stylised as a bunch of uneducated poverty immigrants abusing the German social welfare system and spreading disorder and chaos. Again and again, culturalising arguments were evoked, one spoke of two colliding worlds, of the alleged anti-social behaviour and backwardness of immigrated Rroma. That the immigrants are socially disadvantaged families who are looking for better life in Germany was largely concealed. Likewise, that poverty has nothing to do with ethnicity and therefore there are also poor ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians who move to Western Europe. However, that it a mass exodus of “poverty immigrants” into the German social welfare system occurred, as was repeatedly claimed, is doubtful: there were always well-educated migrants, who didn’t receive any media attention. Critical statistics could not detect a mass influx from the new Schengen countries Romania and Bulgaria. Many stayed at home in their familiar social environment.

Jacob tries to show that the immigrants were largely left by themselves in their attempt to integrate and that a little bit more help by the authorities and residents would not have allowed the situation to escalate in such a way: “Little by little, the citizen protests against the Roma mixed with right-wing radicals. In the Internet there were calls to attack the house. In the local elections in May, right wing extremists received nowhere more seats than in North Rhine-Westphalia [NRW]. Pro NRW, which had demonstrated in front of the house, has since then send four representatives into the city council, the NPD one representative. The city saw the Roma mainly as a problem: a year ago, city director Reinhold Spaniel explained in the taz that the “social behaviour of many Roma” was “an impertinence”. The city was “completely overwhelmed” by them financially, Spaniel said. Duisburg feared the influx of other “economic refugees” and probably also an escalation of the situation. The Roma should go. […] While the neighbours were giving interviews to the TV-crews, Horst Wilhelm B., former caretaker, sat separately on his scooter and watched the exodus of the Roma. “They are pigs”, he says later quietly. He meant the neighbours. “They simply did not want any Gypsies here.” They were already offended when the children went to school and made ​​some noise. […] He himself didn’t want to live in the house any longer either, but the city didn’t do anything to give the people a chance in Duisburg. “Maybe”, says B., “everything would not have been so bad if the people had got some help.”” Jacob shows memorably that the integration of the people doesn’t only depend on their adaptability and willingness to integrate, but also on the willingness to incorporate them by residents and authorities. When both sides endeavour a successful integration, integration is usually effective. That this is absolutely possible prove the 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma who live integrated in Germany, often since generations. They are mostly ignored by the media.  

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08.08.2014 Rroma: “They are all Europeans”

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Küpper (2014) spoke with Benjamin Marx, who creates and develops affordable housing for the Aachen housing association. He initiated the refurbishment of an apartment building in Berlin-Neukölln, which accommodates dozens of Rroma families from Fantanele, in Romania, that is considered a showcase project. With the Julius Berger Award, which was conferred for the housing project at the Harzer Strasse, the Aachen housing association wants to improve conditions in Romania itself. Marx emphasizes that by no means all Rroma want to migrate to Western Europe, but primarily a part of the middle class: “Many people go. Those who can afford it buy the tomatoes at discount stores rather than to grow them themselves. That irritates. Growing chickens and farming in the garden is considered a poverty stamp, especially among those who pay attention to “Western values​​”. Who can afford it shares “Western values” by consumption. […] If German children’s [social care] money, 215 Euros, arrives in Fantanele because the child lives there, this corresponds to the average salary of a teacher. No integration and employment program of Romania can compete with such transfers. […] Among the Roma, the “middle class” goes away, the poor and the rich stay.” Marx stressed that he sees the integration of the Rroma as a pan-European task. Deporting the minority from one country to another makes little sense; all European States must participate in the inclusion of the Rroma. This involves a reduction of the wealth gap between the different European member states, which makes migration attractive, disregarding the poor minority protection in certain countries, which is also an essential cause for migration to Western Europe. One must emphasise that already now a large part of the Rroma is integrated in the various European states, but are not perceived by the public as Rroma. The focus is on members of the minority that attract attention because of poverty or crime, but they only make up a minority of the minority.

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01.08.2014 Halle: alliance against right refutes prejudices against Rroma

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In response to racist abuse against Rroma on the street and on the Internet in Halle (Silverhöhe), the “alliance against the right” has issued a statement in which it refutes the racist prejudices against Rroma and gives context around the the xenophobic slogans: “Apparently, for quite some time now there were prejudices against several Roma families who rented apartments in Silberhöhe. In the Facebook group, anti-Roma prejudices are connected with inhuman comments and calls for violence. The spraying of anti-Roma and Nazi slogans and symbols in Silberhöhe in the night of July 18th, 2014, we see as a direct result of the coverage of the Facebook group” (Halle Spektrum 2014). A detailed refutation of the common stereotypes about Rroma and “poverty immigrants”, with whom the minority is often mistakenly equated follows: Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. The authorities have experienced no increase in crime, as members of the demagogic Facebook group claimed. Most children of Rroma immigrants go to school and are required to do so by German law. The prejudice of not wanting education is therefore also not true. Another racist stereotype is the accusation that Rroma only migrate to Germany to exploit social benefits and that the majority does not work. This prejudice is also refuted by critical studies: to receive social funds one has to provide evidence of previous work and of payments to social security. One is not automatically entitled to social benefits. In addition, there are also many well-qualified immigrants who are members of the middle class or even the upper class. Mistakenly, it is always assumed that immigrants from Eastern Europe are only Rroma: but there also are many ethnic Bulgarians, Romanians, Macedonians, Serbs, etc. Rroma constitute only a minority in these countries (Halle Spektrum 2014 I/II). An estimated 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. The vast majority of them is integrated, has a steady job, pays taxes and lives in Germany since several generations.

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01.08.2014 Nanterre/Aulnay-sous-Bois: more Rroma settlements evicted

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In Nanterre and Aulnay-sous-Bois in the Paris suburbs, more illegal Rroma settlements were evicted following court decisions. The settlement in Nanterre housed 300 to 400 people and was located on a wasteland near a highway and a railway line. When the security forces started the evacuation, there were still about 150 people present on the premises. The prefecture of Nanterre said they had pre-booked 123 hotel beds, from which only nine people wanted to make use of. The lawyer of the Rroma, Julie Launois-Flacelière, applied to the European Court of Human Rights and called for the suspension of the evacuation. However, this had no effect. The city council communicated that maintaining a slum near a highway was not desirable either for the affected families or for the city. In Aulnay-sous-Bois an informal Rroma camp was also evicted. It encompassed about 400 people, including around 100 children, the majority of Romanian origin. François Siebecke, from a local charity, criticised that months of work for the children’s schooling and access to medical care had been destroyed by the eviction. According to the prefecture of Aulnay-sous-Bois, none of the displaced persons demanded alternative accommodation. In the summer months, the number of evictions usually rises significantly. On one side, this has to do with seasonal factors, since one usually admits the residents of the settlements a limited right to remain because of cold winters. On the other hand, some judges consider the enrolment of Rroma children in their decisions and wait with the evictions until the school year has ended (compare Hubin 2014, Le Parisien 2014 Libération in 2014, RTL France 2014). It has to be emphasized that the governmental evacuations of informal settlements significantly complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma migrants. Although the forced evictions solve the short-term problems of the local communities, the actual problems for those affected still remain. Mostly, after a very short period, new informal camps are established at other locations. Through the media focus on illegal settlements, the public gets the impression that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, who are poorly educated. However, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 invisible Rroma live in an integrated and unobtrusive way in France, many since several generations. They are totally disregarded in the public debate. Rroma should not to be equated with an underclass. They belong to all social classes.

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30.07.2014 Finland: hard-working Rroma

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Kosonen/Woolley (2014) report on the successful integration of Rroma in Finland. The Finn Olli Toivonen has employed several Eastern European Rroma immigrants in his property management company, where they provide excellent services. The Romanian Rrom Ioan Ciurariu is named as a prime example. However, the integration of immigrant Rroma remains difficult, because the will to work is not sufficient in the competitive labour market: “Having a job makes Ciurariu an exception among the Romanian and Bulgarian Roma in Finland. Many of his Roma friends are envious of his good luck, asking Ciurariu to help them find work. Ciurariu wishes he could do more to help them but there are not many jobs available to the Roma. “We’re strong and want to work,” Ciurariu says about the Roma of his acquaintance. Mere desire to work is not enough to open the doors for an applicant without qualifications or language skills.” According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, there are 7,000 to 15,000 Rroma living in Finland. They are widely integrated into the labour market and bring higher qualifications. The prejudice of uneducated poverty immigrants, who migrate in masses to Western Europe, should be critically reviewed. Rroma are not more mobile than other population groups. Too often, economic circumstances are equated with the culture of the Rroma. However, there are also many Rroma who belong to the middle class. Rroma should not be classed with an underclass.

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26.07.2014 Bucharest: exhibition on Rroma massively defamed

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Jacob (2014) reports on a racist hostility towards an exhibition of the Rroma painter George Vasilescu in Bucharest. Vasilescu showed a series of portraits of 15 contemporary Rroma musicians in the renowned Muzeul Țăranului Român museum (museum of the Romanian peasant). Even before the exhibition opened, the nationalist politician Bogdan Diaconu published a racist tirade against the portrait display on his website: “The member of the social democratic Romanian party USP, which otherwise primarily disparages the Hungarian minority in the country, called the exhibition a “irresponsible insult” to Romanian culture. The museum director Nitulescu has transformed his exhibition hall into a “rubbish dump” and thus “offends common sense”, [he stated]. “The culture” must “be protected from such damage and dirt”, [he added]. With the display of Roma musicians, “the museum promotes homosexuality.” It is significant that Diaconu cannot even have seen the exhibition as it only opened a few days later. His hostility towards the museum director and the exhibition is therefore clearly biased with by a massive racial prejudice. In his absurd, xenophobic argument, he equates interest and compassion with the Rroma minority with homosexuality, which reveals his pathological way of thinking. After Diaconu made his public statement, which received massive media coverage, Nitulescu received numerous hate messages and even a death threat. Nitulescu responded with an open letter in which he criticised the hostility of Diaconu and accuses him of demagoguery. The prestigious daily newspaper Adevãrul however rejected the publication of the letter.

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