The research group “RACE  											in Europe Project”, a collaboration of several organisations which are involved  											in the fight against organised crime and trafficking, has presented a report on  											human trafficking in Europe for the purpose of criminal activities. The authors  											come to the conclusion that there is a serious lack of reliable information on  											the phenomenon. In spite of this acknowledged lack of reliable data, they arrive  											at very clear results: in many of the examined cases, the victims of  											trafficking for the purpose of criminal activities were identified by  											authorities as being perpetrators rather than as victims. Roma children are particularly  											often cited in this context. It is claimed that in the UK, the Netherlands, the  											Czech Republic, but also in other European countries, Roma children are  											particularly affected by criminal networks: “The  											majority of persons trafficked to the UK for petty crimes, such as pick-pocketing  											and the sale of counterfeit goods, as well as for forced begging are from  											Central and Eastern Europe. Most are of Roma origin, and a high proportion are  											children. A host of socio-economic factors, such as high levels of poverty and  											discrimination in their countries of origin make Roma groups particularly  											vulnerable to trafficking. […] The RACE Project research identified that those  											who are most commonly trafficked for forced criminality  											and begging come from South-East Europe (many of them of Roma origin) and from  											South-East Asia (Vietnam and China)” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 5, 11). As a reason for the high  											rate of Rroma among victims of human trafficking, the authors of the study name  											the increased vulnerability of the minority, which results from their  											discrimination and the consequential poor access to education, the labour  											market and public institutions. In addition, it is stated that extortionate  											loan sharks particularly affect members of the minority: “Debt bondage is cited as a major driver of trafficking. While some  											Roma communities will rely on neighbours (both Roma and non-Roma) for support,  											‘their survival strategies are often for them to resort to informal money  											lenders (known as ‘kamatari’, essentially loan sharks), who charge exorbitant  											interest rates and use repressive measures to ensure payment’. These measures  											can include forcing them to undertake criminal acts such as begging or pick-pocketing,  											or to traffic their own children for the same purpose, in order to clear debts  											they may have accumulated” (RACE  											in Europe Project 2014: 13).
The characteristics of  											trans-nationally operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned  											by research in social sciences. While their existence is not denied, their manifestation,  											number, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be  											questioned. Ideological fallacies connected or even equated with ethnic groups  											such as the Rroma are often the source of those myths. Furthermore, connecting  											child trafficking to Rroma has to be critically examined. The stereotype of  											Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and  											is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma actively recruit young people  											for their criminal gangs. Regarding the de facto trafficking of children, social  											science studies convey a more complex notion of this subject and point out that  											crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are  											often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities,  											who don’t appropriately consider the perspectives and motivations of those  											affected, and instead force on them their own ideas of organised begging,  											criminal networks, or of child trafficking. Structural differences of the involved  											societies and the resulting reasons for a migration are given too little  											consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are simply often only  											impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and  											who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and  											childhood. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes it  											unattractive for actual organised crime (see Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude  											Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).
- RACE in Europe Project (2014) Trafficking for  											Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe. Exploratory Study and Good  											Practice Examples. Anti-Slavery online  											vom 30.9.2014. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/documents/cm_docs/2014/r/race_europe_report.pdf
- Cree, Viviene E./Clapton, Gary/Smith, Mark (2012) The Presentation of Child  											Trafficking in the UK: An Old and New Moral Panic? In: Br J Soc Work 44(2): 418-433.
- O’Connell  											Davidson, Julia (2011) Moving children? Child trafficking, child migration, and  											child rights. In: Critical Social Policy  											31(3):454-477.
- Oude Breuil, Brenda Carina (2008) Precious children in a heartless world? The  											complexities of child trafficking in Marseille. In: Child Soc 22(3):223-234.
- Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur  											la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.