Another view on the ban of begging with children that is still being discussed in Berlin. A good summary of the views of the critics of this upcoming law.
A Rromni from Romania who emigrated to Ireland in 2008 and supported herself with begging and food vouchers is claims the Irish department of social protection refusal to pay her welfare benefits including child support breaches EU law. The department, on its side, claims that it did so on the “right to reside” test basis, i.e. that she de facto has no legal right to stay in Ireland in the first place.
Something to follow. But regardless of the results, a negative publicity for Rroma, as they are often accused to come to the UK and Ireland to cash in social benefits.
There are apparently several beggars in Lausanne – Rroma – who are begging with a dog. A foundation for the protection of animals has accused them of drugging their dogs, an accusation that could not be substantiated by the cantonal veterinarian. This may be a new tack of these beggars, now that begging with small children is effectively forbidden.
In spite of all the drama in the Media, we speak here of a few scores of beggars, a very tiny number in comparison to the well established and integrated Rroma in Switzerland.
As we already reported, the debate in the Berlin Senate on the vote of an interdiction of begging for or with children based on “Missbrauch” [abuse] of the children is continuing. The abuse refers to violations of the child’s welfare as well as a violation of the law on compulsory education. Associations, however counter that begging is often the only revenues for families and that an interdictions will not help.
Berlin is now pondering the interdiction of begging for and with children under 14 years old. Similar measures were passed in many cities, for example in Switzerland, based on the same reason, i.e. protecting the children and avoiding exploitation of children. However, these measures do nothing to solve the inherent poverty problem which is at the core of the problem. It is not a Rroma issue, it is simply a poverty problem.
Several French speaking newspapers in Switzerland published a common article on the open letter of Rroma, Sinti, and Jenische organisations to Ms. Sommaruga, the president of the Swiss confederation, appealing for recognition as a minority in that country.
While we greet the fact that these papers who normally only publish news of stealing, begging, or whoring Rroma, effectively stated that there are 80 to 100 thousand integrated Rroma in the country, we find it less amusing that none of the organisations they cited as co-signatories of the open letter are Rroma NGOs, and indeed they signed. In addition, several of the papers still resorted to the good old clichés of caravans, poverty, and other stereotypes when setting the picture.
France this week was in the midst of its local (departmental) elections which has seen a surge in support for the Front National of Marine Le Pen. The French press, never adverse at racial profiling, did go quite far this week. They spoke of evictions in Grimaud, close to St. Tropez; of a fire in a camp in Montpellier; of evictions in Bayonne; but even more so on criminality.
A report of organised criminality and begging in the region of Lille in the North of France, whereby a Bulgarian gangster ring would force people to beg in that city. Just across the border, some Rroma were arrested for stealing handbags in a fancy shop in Liège.
In brief, the standard picture of the migrant South Eastern European Rrom, who comes to beg, steal, or simply benefit from the social welfare is reinforced, this ahead of elections where an extreme right party is making huge inroads…
A contemporary art museum, the Malmö Konstall has an exhibition consisting of two homeless Rroma in a room begging. They are paid, and are not accepting any money from the visitors. The exhibition has been criticised by several organisations as being demeaning and as being an exploitation of human misery.
We would just say that in this particular case, the artist and the gallery have done their share to perpetuate age old stereotypes… This is clearly not acceptable.
Interviewed by Metro News on January 5th, the Mayor of Champlan, Essone (France), Mr. Noicolas Dupon Aignan stated “Rroma should be in Romania”. This clearly show that his understanding of the subject is limited if not non-existent. We do wish that people who obviously have little if any understanding would rather simply avoid the subject rather than blabber the same platitudes and stereotypes as have already been heard for ages.
Roma are not Romanian, although there are Romanian Rroma, and not all Rroma are uneducated migrants begging in the street… Please take note.
Bauer (2014) reports on the visit in Slovakia of a German delegation of politicians and church leaders of Schwäbisch Hall. The delegation wanted to get an idea of the Rroma situation in their home country, Rroma who who sometimes beg on the roads of Hall. While the representatives from politics and the church were able to reduce prejudices about organised begging gangs, the one-sided focus on marginalised Rroma gives the impression of a culture of poverty among the minority: “For the Roma from the 835-strong resort [Kaloša] 300 kilometres east of Bratislava, begging in Hall is a business model that enables their families to survive an allows them to build a simple house after a few years. “The fear of some citizens of Hall, that the beggars belong to organised criminal gangs is completely unfounded”, says Bettina Wilhelm, Halls first female mayor. She was part of the delegation to Kaloša, the place of origin of most of beggars in Hall. […] Since the fall of communism 25 years ago, many Roma have no work, they live on welfare and child support. In return, they must work a certain number of hours per month in charity. Also because of this, they return after 14 days in Hall to Slovakia. Neither to craftsmanship nor to agriculture, they bear reference. Since the collective farms were closed, the land lies fallow. Not even for their own use do they grow vegetables.” In Slovakia, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 450,000 to 550,000 Rroma. Not all of them are losers of the 1989 turnaround, as this article suggests. Rroma belong to all strata of society, many of them are well integrated.
Schindler (2014) reports on the November 18th Rroma Foundation’s press conference. The foundation presented the results of their five-year study on the coverage of Rroma in the Swiss German print media. The result is devastating: the various newspapers (NZZ, Blick, 20 Minuten Tages-Anzeiger, Beobachter, Weltwoche, Wochenzeitung (WOZ)), despite their different political orientation, all report in a one-sided way on the Rroma. In the media representation, the minority is reduced to a minority of marginalised, criminal Rroma. The majority of integrated Rroma – in Switzerland 80,000 to 100,000 people – is hidden: “If the is a report on Roma in Switzerland, the texts are exclusively speaking of beggars, thieves, and prostitutes, which are organised in patriarchal clans and cause problems. How many Roma are living in Switzerland, how unobtrusively they live and how well they are integrated, the reader does not learn – unlike in Germany or France, where the media report more balanced, according to the study. In the international departments however, the attention reduces them to victims, the study states. They are described almost exclusively as poor, uneducated and socially excluded” (Schindler 2014). Sutter (2014) focuses on the social effect of this one-sided reporting, in her reportage for SRF 2 Kultur. She emphasizes that at the press conference Stéphane Laederich appealed to ethical responsibilities of journalists. They should ask themselves whether a mentioning of ethnicity in relation to criminal offenses is morally acceptable: ““We want to point out that the image of begging clans does not correspond to reality.” The stereotypes that can be repeatedly found come in part of the Western European middle Ages. The image of child stealing, pagan, thieving Roma has legitimized their persecution and murder several times in the past. In connection with the reporting in Switzerland, Stéphane Laederich speaks of “intellectual arson that can all too easily turn into a real arson.” Therefore a ticking time bomb in the current European climate where right-wing nationalists celebrate great successes in voting” (Sutter 2014). Now the journalists are asked to act. It is up to them to replace this one-sided reporting with a differentiated picture of minority, and to encourage the readers to think critically. That alone can be the aspiration of good journalism. Therefore, the reference that the media necessarily report about the negative or extraordinary, misses the concerns of the Rroma Foundation: journalism hast to be more than just information, it must provide a realistic notion of the world and its minorities (compare Jirat 2014).
=Several western Swiss newspapers report on the trial against a Romanian Rroma couple. The two Geneva residents Rroma were indicted for having trafficked and financially exploited several Romanian countrymen for begging, stealing, and prostitution in Switzerland. The pair was acquitted of the main charges, because the evidence did not confirm the suspicion. However, they were sentenced for an offense against immigration law: “The Rroma that until yesterday were accused of trafficking, were acquitted of the main charges incriminating them. The defendants are not hideous slaveholders, who held dozens of begging Roma under their relentless thumb, the judges of the criminal court adjudicated analogously, but nonetheless sentenced them for the infringement of the federal law of foreigners (LEtr). According to the court, the persons transported to Geneva could even travel back to their country even if they had not paid back the price of their bus ticket within two weeks. […] Nevertheless, the defendants were found guilty of the violation of the foreigners’ act. They enriched themselves by helping people without work and residence permit to travel to Switzerland, which is prohibited. Moreover, the couple knew very well that these people were destitute and therefore would be forced to engage in illegal activities: begging, theft, or prostitution […]” (Foca 2014/I). As the judgment points out, equating migration support with forcing people to steal, beg, or to prostitute themselves is simply false. In many articles on human trafficking, it is incorrectly assumed that smugglers are automatically traffickers and their customers’ victims of trafficking, which is not confirmed by the research literature. That research shows migrating people have much more self determination, and questions the characteristics and omnipotence of transnationally operating gangs. In addition, the incomes from begging is very modest, which makes it unattractive for actual organised crime. Rroma are not more delinquent than other ethnic groups, which is distorted by the one-sided media focus on criminal or poor Rroma (compare Focas 2014/II, Guillain 2014, Lecomte 2014, Le Matin 2014 I/II, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).
Guggisberg (2014) reports on criminal Rroma clans that allegedly force children into crime. Parents surrender their children to an omnipotent clan chief – to whom they are indebted – for begging and theft and some even end up in prostitution. Guggisberg uncritically reproduces the perspective of the “Wiener Drehscheibe”, a social service for begging and stealing children who have been arrested by the police. Guggisberg does not question that the social educator Norbert Ceipek – the head of the institution – who identifies each begging or stealing child as a victim of human trafficking, could himself be subject to prejudices and be providing misinformation on Rroma: “Ceipek opens another photo file. It shows a Roma village in Romania, which he recently visited. He tells of houses, cobbled together from planks and plastic sheeting, and dirt roads full of garbage. In the middle is a magnificent villa. “It belongs to the clan chief. He rules the villages as a state within a state”, says Ceipek […]. Many of the children dealt with in Vienna belong to the Roma. […] “The phenomenon of Eastern European gangs of beggars is not new. But since a couple of months, it taken new proportions”, says Ceipek. Very active are the Bosnian gangs, he states. Every few weeks, they would bring the children to different European cities, according to a rotating system. The social worker explains that his aim was to provide a perspective to the children, a little education. They might get on better path.”” Alexander Ott, head of the Foreign Police Bern, who has already been quoted repeatedly in articles about criminal Rroma gangs and trafficking of children, has his say. He reproduces the usual prejudices about hierarchical Rroma clans with a clan chief who leads children into crime: “The network of child traffickers reaches from Eastern Europe to Switzerland. “The victims are recruited in Romania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Czech Republic and Slovakia. Often they come from large Roma families, are purchased or borrowed”, says Ott. One sends the boys to steal, urges them into prostitution, or forces them to beg. The instigators know well that the Swiss justice system cannot prosecute the perpetrators because of their young age. Adolescent burglars are booming in the autumn and winter months. Ott emphasises that they have to deal with highly professional, specialised and hierarchically-run clans, who practice their craft since generations.” Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. They are not hierarchically organised, as is often claimed, but structured largely egalitarian. So-called “Rroma kings” are self-elected and have purely representative character. Guggisberg and experts’ claim that behind begging children there is inevitably trafficking and organized crime, is wrong.
The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied, something that cannot be in the interest of combating injustice. But their manifestation, their number, their omnipotence and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. These are often tainted by ideological fallacies, brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as Rroma. Furthermore, the equation of child migration and trafficking has to be set into context. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma did actively recruit children for criminal gangs. Regarding the topic of child migration, social science studies convey a more complex notion on the subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating children and their relatives, and instead force on them their own ideas and definitions on organised begging, criminal networks or child trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are often simply impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. De facto child trafficking is rare according to the sociological studies. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes them unattractive for organised crime. Guggisberg, who states that 200’000 children are recruited annually by the trafficking mafia, contradicts this.
At the end of the article, Guggisberg quotes another expert opinion by Norbert Ceipek, the director of the “Wiener Drehschreibe”: At 15, many of them would get married and have children themselves, so that the cycle of crime continues. Likewise, Guggisberg reproduces this racist prejudice uncritically. The majority of Rroma, who live integrated, go to work and send their children to school, remain unmentioned (compare Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).
Widmann and Widmer-Baggiolini (2014) report in a current documentary about the life of Rroma in Switzerland. Unfortunately, the journalists focus their attention only on those Rroma who are already visible and who are anyway in the media focus: Rroma who recently immigrated from Romania, many of whom live begging. At the beginning of the report, one can see a young Rromni on a public square of Lausanne. She repeatedly speaks with passers-by and asks them for some money. Before that, the audience is at home of the young woman and sees her together with her little daughter. She begs for herself and not for a criminal clan, as it is often incorrectly stated. This stereotype is put into perspective at the very beginning. Even the police officer responsible for Rroma confirms that there is no organised begging in Lausanne. The portrayed beggars state that they earn 15 to 20 francs per day. Thus, they earning far less than the official estimates, which talk of several hundred francs per day. A family portrayed has been repeatedly fined for illegal camping and begging. Without the help of the Rroma organisation “Opre rrom”, and its president Véra Tchérémissinoff, the family could not have paid the fines. For health care, the family is dependent on the organisation’s help and also takes help from the church. Two other recently immigrated families live in a big house, thanks to the help of a real estate owner. Here, Widmann and Widmer-Baggiolini focus on the school enrolment of the children. These have undergone numerous interruptions in their education, even if though they want to go to school. A negative notion about lack of education among Rroma is conveyed here. Another reproduced stereotype are traditional gender roles and child marriages: a young teenage girl goes not to school, as her mother states, because she is already married, and therefore must remain at home for reasons of tradition. Most of the 80,000 to 100,000 Rroma who have been living in Switzerland for generations, have a job, speak one of the national languages and send their children to school. This is not mentioned. Neither is the fact that traditions such as traditional gender roles or early marriages are critically questioned by educated Rroma. At the end of the report, one sees some of the portrayed Rroma back in Rumania. They live in poverty, but due to the large wealth gap between Switzerland and Romania, they live appreciably better thanks to the panhandled money.
On the occasion of a racist mob in Waterford that agitated against Rroma at the end of October, McCarthy (2014) conducted a social experiment: She disguised herself as a Romni beggar in order to understand the experiences of marginalised people. The social experiment that was designed with good intentions, unfortunately prompts McCarthy to spread numerous stereotypes and misinformation about Rroma: she considers that all, or many Rroma, are poor and are beggars. In addition, she uncritically makes allusions to organised begging gangs, human trafficking and arranged child marriages. That a considerable proportion of the Rroma are not poor and criminal, but lead normal existences, remains unmentioned: “As a Romani in Dublin, you are either completely ignored or asked to move along. It’s no news to them to be treated poorly. It has defined their existence throughout history. They were expelled or enslaved, sentenced to torture and death, segregated and discriminated against pretty much ever since they were brought to Europe from northwestern India and Pakistan. They never identified themselves with a territory. They don’t have a distant homeland or any rights to national sovereignty anywhere. The world’s true travellers, on the fringes of society, they are a cultural enigma to the rest of the conforming, technologically-savvy world. In many cases they don’t own anything like social security numbers or credit cards.” In the UK, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 90,000 to 120,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, and is sedentary. However, in the in recent months and years, right-wing populist parties and the media have spread fears of a mass immigration of Eastern European Rroma, which would allegedly abuse the British social welfare system and do not want to integrate.
Thompson (2014) conveys a more nuanced notion of the Rroma in Ireland. But also her portrait of a Rromni who has been living in the country for fourteen years, is permeated by stereotypes: Gaby Muntean works as a social worker in her community and speaks of the economic hardships that she and her husband faced at the beginning of their immigration. For a long time, they could not find any work and had to rely on the solidarity of their acquaintances. Aside from this stereotype, who mistakenly equates Rroma with educational alienation and poverty, Muntean also points to the Rroma living integrated, of whom many have the Irish nationality.
The Slovak Spectator (2014) reports on a new study by the Slovak organization “People in Need Slovakia”. According to the research of the organisation, segregated Rroma in Slovakia, aged between 16 and 25 as well as 25 and 35 years are particularly affected by human trafficking for forced labour, organised begging and forced prostitution: “According to Timea Stránska, head of the organisation, Roma are abused, especially for forced labour, mostly in countries like Great Britain, the Czech Republic and Germany. “In Great Britain this concerns especially cities like Peterborough, Sheffield, Leicester, Derby and Birmingham,” Stránska said, as quoted by the TASR newswire. Another revelation shows that victims of human trafficking are lured while in the settlements after meeting with traffickers. “Often it also happens that the victim is recruited by their distance relatives or someone from their surroundings,” Stránska added. Except for forced labour, the human trafficking victims are also abused for prostitution and begging. In cases of children, there are mostly cases when young Roma girls are forced to be prostitutes.” The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are being questionned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied but their manifestation, their numbers, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies are brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma in this context. Regarding the de facto human trafficking, social science studies convey a more complex notion of the subject. These studies point out the analysis of crimes such as incitement to beg and steal and forced migration for indentured labour is often permeated by various definitions and morals in and assessment by authorities and aid organizations, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating persons, and instead force on them their own ideas about organised begging, criminal networks or human trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration, as well as the agency of migrants themselves (compare Augustin 2007, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).
Miller (2014) reports on homeless Rroma-immigrants in London for the tabloid Daily Mail. The facts are presented with as a result, the creation of the stereotypical image of a group of poorly educated Eastern Europeans that are on welfare and do not want or cannot integrate. It is said: “Complaints from local residents and businesses include reports of Eastern European gangs begging, washing in fountains, dumping rubbish, and defecating in public. Speaking last month Mayfair hairdresser Hakan Altay’s said the problem has been worse for his business than the economic crash. He said: ‘My business is down 20 per cent because of these gypsies. It didn’t affect us straight away, but it’s slowly killing it. Every single day we have problems.” Repeatedly, by reporting about Rroma – or supposed Rroma – that cause trouble, a one-sided notion of the minority is conveyed. This stereotype corresponds to the polemics of right-wing nationalist parties who have repeatedly warned of a mass immigration of Rroma into the British welfare state. The fact that this is a minority of the minority, is not reported. Rroma belong to all social classes. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 90,000 to 120,000 Rroma live in the UK, often for generations. Most of them are integrated, have a job and their own flats.
The research group “RACE in Europe Project”, a collaboration of several organisations which are involved in the fight against organised crime and trafficking, has presented a report on human trafficking in Europe for the purpose of criminal activities. The authors come to the conclusion that there is a serious lack of reliable information on the phenomenon. In spite of this acknowledged lack of reliable data, they arrive at very clear results: in many of the examined cases, the victims of trafficking for the purpose of criminal activities were identified by authorities as being perpetrators rather than as victims. Roma children are particularly often cited in this context. It is claimed that in the UK, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, but also in other European countries, Roma children are particularly affected by criminal networks: “The majority of persons trafficked to the UK for petty crimes, such as pick-pocketing and the sale of counterfeit goods, as well as for forced begging are from Central and Eastern Europe. Most are of Roma origin, and a high proportion are children. A host of socio-economic factors, such as high levels of poverty and discrimination in their countries of origin make Roma groups particularly vulnerable to trafficking. […] The RACE Project research identified that those who are most commonly trafficked for forced criminality and begging come from South-East Europe (many of them of Roma origin) and from South-East Asia (Vietnam and China)” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 5, 11). As a reason for the high rate of Rroma among victims of human trafficking, the authors of the study name the increased vulnerability of the minority, which results from their discrimination and the consequential poor access to education, the labour market and public institutions. In addition, it is stated that extortionate loan sharks particularly affect members of the minority: “Debt bondage is cited as a major driver of trafficking. While some Roma communities will rely on neighbours (both Roma and non-Roma) for support, ‘their survival strategies are often for them to resort to informal money lenders (known as ‘kamatari’, essentially loan sharks), who charge exorbitant interest rates and use repressive measures to ensure payment’. These measures can include forcing them to undertake criminal acts such as begging or pick-pocketing, or to traffic their own children for the same purpose, in order to clear debts they may have accumulated” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 13).
The characteristics of trans-nationally operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by research in social sciences. While their existence is not denied, their manifestation, number, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies connected or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma are often the source of those myths. Furthermore, connecting child trafficking to Rroma has to be critically examined. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma actively recruit young people for their criminal gangs. Regarding the de facto trafficking of children, social science studies convey a more complex notion of this subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspectives and motivations of those affected, and instead force on them their own ideas of organised begging, criminal networks, or of child trafficking. Structural differences of the involved societies and the resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are simply often only impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes it unattractive for actual organised crime (see Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).
The European Commission has announced in a recent press release that it awards seven distinguished organisations that are particularly involved in the integration of the Rroma in their countries. The winning organizations include: Roma Active Albania (RAA), which advocates the Rroma civil rights and draws attention to current topics of Romnja; the organization Citizens Association for the Promotion of Education of Roma Otaharin that is committed in Bosnia-Herzegonvina to better educational opportunities of the minority; in Kosovo The Ideas Partnership, which advocates for the integration of former beggars and promotes the enrolment of children; in Macedonia the organization Centre for Integration Ambrela that is committed to the promotion of Rroma in early childhood; in Serbia Hands of Friendship, which operates a parent-child education project; in Turkey the children’s art project Sulukule Roma Culture Development and Solidarity Association; and finally in Montenegro a project against child and forced marriages in Rroma communities, through the Centre for Roma Initiatives. The European Commission justifies its decision as follows: “We all – the European Commission, the governments, civil society organisations – need to send out the same message: Roma integration is an important policy. And it is not only investment for the benefit of this minority but it is also an investment to the benefit of society. Living in an environment in which each member of society contributes with their spirit and work force, will allow countries to grow strong and prosperous, from an economic, social and cultural perspective”, said Štefan Füle, Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, at the award ceremony.” Concerning the integration programmes of the warded organizations it must be remarked that begging Rroma or child marriages in no represent the norm among the minority.
– European Union (2014) Award for Roma Integration in the Western Balkans and Turkey. In: European Union online vom 1.10.2014. http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-14-1064_en.htm
Keywords: Rroma, Europe, European Union, integration projects, organization, awards, stereotypes
Media Part (2014) discusses the public perception and representation of Rroma in France, and its influence on the social interaction with the minority. The notion of Rroma is charged with so many negative attributes that already a small influx of Rroma provokes the anger of local residents. This disables an objective, unbiased interaction with members of the minority as well as policies aimed at integration: “The most often mentioned stereotypes may serve as evidence: these families, attracted by the wealth and the quality of our social security have behaviours not compatible with our lifestyles. Living off begging and theft, they contribute significantly to the growth of daily delinquency that enrages our fellow citizens. They lack hygiene, their collective behaviour makes their proximity unbearable. Their culture and their way of life do not allow, without exception, to integrate them into our society. They do not know or do not accept our rules. In short, for the good of one as the other, they must return to their countries.” This polemic, reductionist perspective Mediapart rightly condemns as intellectual arson that maintains the exclusion of the minority. The author calls for a paradigm shift away from polemical representations of the Rroma towards differentiated, respectful minority politics: “Whatever our faith, our political commitment, our affiliation, our heritage, our way of life, we have to show intelligence and awareness of the past. It is not naivety or pity, but our ability to tolerance and the recognition of the right to allow anyone to live with his/her idiosyncrasies.” In response to the accusation of a one-sided, racist representation, it is often argued that this is not based upon prejudices, but real tangible facts. The Rroma are made responsible for their marginalised status by their own behaviours. This justification is very dangerous as it represents exclusion and poverty as part of cultural characteristics, rather than recognising them as exclusion and poverty. In addition, many Rroma are well integrated and form part of the middle or even upper class. They are completely ignored in the public discourse about the minority. Most journalists do not recognise this last point.
Debot (2014) points out in his commentary to the article that despite the demand for a respectful minority policy, there is still the problem that one mostly speaks about but not with the minority. An adequate minority policy therefore requires a close dialogue with the concerned group. The problem of taking statements of individual Rroma as representative for all of them continues, and does not recognise the differences between the Rroma groups as well as individual opinions. This includes the recognition of stereotypes that cannot always be easily recognised and deconstructed as prejudices by outsiders.
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