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27.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Martens (2013) casts a sober look at the predicted mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria when the treaty on the free movement of people becomes a reality in January 2014. He criticises the dire prophecies by pointing to the admissions of other Eastern European countries where similar predictions were made. After Poles were allowed free establishment in Europe, it did not come to the predicted mass exodus. A standard objection is usually that one strives to better the situation of Rroma in their countries of origin with regard to access to education and the labour market. At the meeting “For educational situation of Roma in (and out of) Southeastern Europe” different social scientists and politicians spoke about their experiences and insights. Martens criticises how these subjective views are presented as objective truths, and in turn reproduce stereotypes, despite the good intentions behind it. For example, the green politician Franz Romeo in his speech uncritically reproduces the prejudice “Serbs and Bulgarians, refer to Roma children as “brown gold”” because they are abused for the benefit of organ trafficking.

Deutsche Welle (2013) reports, as many other media previously did, about angered residents over new Rroma migrants in Duisburg. Indignant voices about what are deemed Rroma insults convey an image of the incompatibility of the Rroma and German way of life. Such debates are as old as the history of migration itself. Immigrants’ cultural characteristics are exploited in order to channel the fears of the people associated with a changing situation. Debates on migration and immigrants always reproduce ideas about ethnic unity in the sense of ethnic nationalism. That migration can also be enriching, is, however, often like negated. Instead, the media attention focuses on problem cases. That these represent the norm rather than the exception is highly doubtful.

The preconceived notion that most Rroma have none or a very poor education is also reproduced by Aufderheide (2013) in her article on programs for Rroma in Duisburg. For better integration, immigrants will be tested on language skills, education and work experience. Aufderheide, not wrongly but very uncritically, speaks generally of a low education level and writes them off as welfare recipients. This supports conservative voices who fear a massive impact of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria on the German social welfare system: “When the complete freedom of movement enters in force in the coming year, people will stand in line in front of the job centres to submit applications for Hartz IV. Skilled workers, which employers are clamouring for, will only be found in this population with a magnifying glass. Which of course does not necessarily mean that these people can’t do anything.” The idea that successful integration can be promoted by encouraging people, seems to be completely alien to her.

On the immigration debate, Grunau (2013) gives an closer look at the issue of poverty. He notes with a reference to Mappes-Niediek that it is often the poverty of immigrants, which is perceived by residents as being undesirable. This is then mixed with a cultural background: “They are just as rejected as poor people all over the world. The problem is poverty, not Roma, which the author proves with many examples.” Also forgotten in the polemics debate about poverty immigrants is that in the 1960s and 1970s, tens of thousands of Rroma arrived as guest workers from Yugoslavia to Germany and live there well integrated. What one can observe, therefore, is the ethnicization of a poverty problem. Ignoring the integrated, invisible Rroma, many of whom they fear to be publicly recognised as Rroma and named as such so because they fear that they could be excluded from their social environment is associated with this phenomenon: “This is also an investigation on Roma who came as guest workers in the 60s, 70s, and have noted: “We are perceived as Italians, as Turks, Yugoslavs we’re doing much better here if we are not perceived as Roma..” They have kept their identity secret, with the consequence that they have made ​​a career, are integrated, are established” (Grunau 2013/II). Barbara Lochbihler, Member of the European Parliament, sees the lack of integration of Rroma in the education system in most European countries as an important factor for the persistence of poverty and the remaining low enrolment rates. The experience with education, which parents could be pass on to their children is lacking.

Arbutina (2013) analyses the Rroma political participation ability. He notes with a reference to Zeljko Jovanovic of the Open Society Foundation, that for many Rroma, due to the blatant poverty, politics constitutes an incidental phenomenon. Moreover, in several Eastern European countries the will to let Rroma really to participate in the country’s politics is lacking. Socially widespread nationalist views hinder the implementation of political multiethnic states in which all voices are allowed to speak. As an example of the political and social integration, Macedonia can be identified: there are well-established parties representing the interests of the Rroma and Rromanes can be studied as a language in the universities. Jovanovic stresses, however, that Rroma should not only build on the integration will of governments but should also put more efforts themselves towards a successful integration.

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20.09.2013 Anti Rroma Behaviour and False Statistics in the Czech Republic

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The Prague Post (2013) discusses the statement of the Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, which decidedly distances itself from the statistics on Rroma that are circulated by some media. These questionable statistics on marriages, prostitution or crime amongst Rroma are attributed to the Institute of Sociology, although it never gathered such data. The goal of the authors of the articles in question is the creation of a natural perception of pejorative views on Rroma as well as creating a negative emotional view.

Heinlein (2013) reports on disturbing developments in the Czech Republic: The ongoing economic crisis and the impoverishment of the middle and lower classes feeds radical right-wing movements. Both the Interior Minister Martin Pecina and the Czech Intelligence Service warn of the increasing friendliness of the majority society towards right-wing groups which results in higher willingness to use violence against Rroma. Against this, only a few voices are defending Rroma. Too big is the fear to be marginalized, “Despite the everyday discrimination and the increasing violence against the 200,000 to 300,000 Roma in the Czech Republic, possible solutions are hardly discussed in the current election campaign. Neither party is willing to stand against the majority opinion in the population position. […] According to the polls. at least one right-wing party will enter parliament this time.”

Schultheis (2013) spoke with Miroslav Táncos, chairman of the newly established Rroma Democratic Party in the Czech Republic. Táncos indicates that it is very difficult without a Rroma Party to achieve real improvements for Rroma. The government programs have very limited effect. In the established parties Rroma concerns are not important enough to make a stand on them for the election. But one clearly feels closer to the leftist parties because they possess a keen sense of social justice. Especially one wants to sensitise the youth on the topic of Czech Rroma. Among them, opinions were not so entrenched as among older generations. Also, the behaviour of those Rroma who are criminals must be improved. Municipalities and mayors usually decide against Rroma. A widespread prejudice against Rroma is that the Czech Rroma get massively more social benefits than the ethnic Czechs. Táncos is nevertheless optimistic that society as a whole takes an objective attitude towards Rroma, even if this is not the case with quite a few. The Economist (2013) in his article about the Rroma Demoratic Party (RDP), refines the aims of the newly established political organization: the promotion of educational opportunities for young Rroma who were disadvantaged for decades, as well as single mothers and the elderly.

Nejezchleba (2013) reports that in the Czech city Duchcov Rroma and supporters organised protests against right-wing rallies. They so want to ensure that Rroma do not retreat and entrench themselves in their homes in fear. Nevertheless, according to Nejezchleba, fear is rampant among the members of the minority. The Mayor of Duchcov shows clearly more sympathy to the anti-Rroma marches: The frustration of the people by the ever-increasing unemployment and the simultaneous exploitation of social assistance by Rroma is understandable. That a significant part of social assistance never arrives to Rroma should not be forgotten.

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20.09.2013 Rroma and Experts

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Lausberg (2013) raises an important question on the relation of knowledge produced by Rroma experts about Rroma and its appropriation by the public. Lausberg criticises Rolf Bauerdick “Gypsy: Encounters with unpopular people” for the reproduction of centuries-old stereotypes, because Bauerdick, in addition to the descriptive plane of his book, did not manage to address other levels of reality such as the dominant social discourses, the heterogeneity of the Rroma or the xenophobic instrumentalisation Rroma. Bauerdick’s critique of the common view of the Rroma as victims, deprived of their own power to act, is an important objection to public views of the Rroma. Also they are responsible for their own destiny, not only the structures of society. However, in this criticism, he commits the mistake to unilaterally describe Rroma representatives as elitist, overly moralistic and haughty, and himself as an empirical journalist, a revealer of objectivity: “The reference to his decades-long meetings with Roma displays his intention to make him appear as a reliable insider, to strengthen his credibility. His point of view as he approaches the target group under investigation (Roma) is highly questionable and dubious. Bauerdick is not able to distance himself from the normal ideas of his own Western culture and to understand Roma from their own cultural and social context. […] Bauerdick wants to refute the theory that the majority of society is always the perpetrator and the minority always the victims. On the questions of who ever set up this theory and why it supposedly has hegemonic character, he is going into. Bauerdick even claims that “the Gypsies are exploited far less than the Gadsche by members of their own people. ( Bauerdick, 2013, p 14).”

Lausberg so rightly criticized the ambivalent role of self-appointed Rroma experts. Expertise usually works according to the logic of stabilization, reduction, purification and synthesising of heterogeneous and often contradictory knowledge. Complex phenomena such as the highly complex issue of the Rroma identity appear in their statements as clearly analyzable and describable. In the Bauerdick case, he commits the serious mistake to reduce the reality to what he was able to observe during his research trips. That the Rroma identity also tocuhes topics such as self-and external attribution of identity, dominant societal views and different opinions and lifestyles among the Rroma themselves, he is not taking into account. Instead of a complex, sometimes even contradictory picture,  he creates a one-sided caricature of Rroma living in slums, who have fallen into apathy and who call themselves “Gypsies”. Towards “invisible Rroma”, to which one simply cannot even go fast by car, Bauerdick is not fair: they too form part of the social reality of the Rroma. They do not live in slums and do not conform to questionable statistics on illiteracy and to the exorbitant numbers of Rroma children. Bauerdick could exactly as well have written a book about well-integrated Rroma. He would then admittedly have disregarded a part of reality, but he would have stimulated critical thinking, that what must be all good journalism goal. Instead, one is now forced to read a lot of positive reviews about his book, praising uncritically Bauerdicjk’s supposedly objective empiricism” “The book convinces because the author is aware of the situation at all focal points of the gypsy life in Europe itself, he knows the people, he knows those who, in the northern city of Dortmund, experienced the onslaught of enslaved women, the portrait of Radka Inkova […], whom he meets in the northern city of Dortmund, we read with a great sad wave. Radka was born in Stolipinovo, into a family with twelve children. The parents did not send them to school, they married after Gypsy law as they were twelve years old. The man beat her every day and she left him, and since fell into the clutches of Arslan P. He enticed her to Dortmund” (Neudeck 2013). Individual stories are presented as tangible cultural traits and thereby convey a point of view that present the Rroma as responsible for their own social exclusion. Moralistic views need to be carefully questioned, as they often hide the complexity of reality behind one-dimensional opinions. His book, which without doubt was written with a lot of empathy towards Rroma, is now instead exploited by right-wing politicians to create propaganda against Eastern European immigrants. A critical analysis of knowledge generation and appropriation is therefore so important. Adorno and Horkheimer have referred to this problem in “Dialectic of Enlightenment” as early as 1947.

Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest

06.09.2013 Rroma House in Duisburg

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The disputed house in Duisburg, informally called Rroma-House, continues to feed a heated debate. Unfortunately, journalists still reproduce little thought views that present a one-dimensional view of the migration to Germany and explain all the problems with culturalism rather than with poverty and lack of education. RTL online states: “Germany is a paradise for them. You no longer come as asylum seekers, but as EU citizens. As such, they have the right to live where they want and get twenty times as much money for children as in their home. From 2014, they can then work completely legally here – or get Hartz 4 [tn: social help]. It is a test for the society. But Roma want to change. they learn that there are rules and all are willing to abide by these” (RTL 2013). RTL uncritically reproduces the dominant discourse of right-wing parties on economic migration, which omits to show  that migration has diverse backgrounds. Also, as so often, too little distinction is made between poverty caused by life circumstances and cultural characteristics. Instead, living in a ghetto in South East Europe is presented as cultural identity of these people. This hurts all Rroma who do not meet these stereotypes and lead a normal, inconspicuous life. A differentiated coverage must represent the heterogeneity and complexity rather than generalizations and culturalism.

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06.09.2013 Kosovar Rroma and the Swiss Asylum Policy

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On the basis of the fate of a Rroma family from Kosovo, Eggenberger (2013) highlights the problems of the Swiss asylum policy. Smajli, the father, tells of discrimination and marginalization by the government and by ethnic Albanians who constitute the majority population in Kosovo. His story of persecution by debt collectors was not believed by the Swiss immigration authorities. The problem: it can’t be proven. The Federal Office for Migration bases its assessments of asylum applications on political reviews of the situation of the applicants’ countries of origin. If these opinions state that minorities are not subjected to persecution, this conclusion is applied to each application. Since personal life stories often cannot be fully proven, it is the official country reports and not the personal history that prevails on the assessment of the application. The official estimates by the Kosovar government are one-sided, so Smajli: “There is still fighting in Kosovo and there are still deads. Only the government does not want this to filter out. Homes of minorities are destroyed or burned down. If you go to the police, one is not heard. Access to the labour market is restricted to ethnic Albanians.”

Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest

06.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Gumbrecht (2013 ) discusses the ambivalence of foreign names such as “Gypsy” and calls for a differentiated approach to terminology. While this term has been abused in the context of National Socialism and of inhumane practices, it also has romantic connotations. The unreflective usage of the self-designation “Rroma” might well go hand in hand with the desire to want to relativise or even negate the historic suffering of the Rroma: “The variety of readily available information on relevant etymologies, semantic fields and morphological variants is so tight that the impression that you think the name change can undo the historical suffering of Roma and Sinti and get rid of a debt.”

Despite his pleas for critical, disturbing thoughts, Gumbrecht is not free of misconceptions. When he cites a recent statistic that claims that a large part of the Rroma show a lack of interest in education, he makes the mistake of identifying poverty as a cultural phenomenon. There are many Rroma who put great emphasis on education and strongly engage themselves so that more and more Rroma acquire good educational qualifications. But he also intelligently states how difficult it is to actually understand the social realities of the Rroma behind the numerous stereotypes: The Rroma, next to Rromanes, speak a variety of languages, depending on which country they live. They belong to different faiths and have very diverse economic work. In addition to the heterogeneity of these parameters Gumbrecht cites a “permanence” of traditions, such as living in extended families, patriarchal structures, or ritual purity and impurity, that are seen as the foundation of the Rroma culture. But even here, caution should be exercised before political judgments are deducted, because findings that there was a “predominance of “health” and “happiness” […] over the dimensions of performance or knowledge” may be true for some Rroma, many others would strongly object to that statement. These “invisible Rroma”  that are almost not discussed by the media, the well integrated, professionally successful, feel ill represented by the media reporting and misunderstood. This aspect is not addressed by Gumbrecht. But he speaks enthusiastically of Django Reinhart and Drafi Deutscher and thus indirectly confirms how little the German public knows about Rroma.

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30.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the alarming increase of extreme right-wing movements against Rroma in the Czech Republic. On the occasion of the “National day of struggle” proclaimed by Czech neo-Nazis on August 24, followers of right-wing extremist groups gathered in several Czech cities. This included about 800 members of the newly formed society of the “Czech Lion” who tried to enter a Rroma quarter in Ostrava. Odehnal notes soberly that the extreme right, after a weakening in recent years due to the arrest of a few leaders seems no to have reorganized. But they continue to argue as before with old slogans: They regularly march up in cities with high unemployment rates and say they “want to protect ethnic Czechs against the crimes of the Rroma”. In addition, there is a latent racism against Rroma in broad sections of the population, of which the far-right scene is just a particularly prominent part. In recent times, there also have been several anti-racist demonstrations in which participants have been advocating a multi-ethnic, open society.

The sociologist Barbara Tiefenbach sees the economic crisis as an additional catalyst for the racism of the Czech majority society towards Rroma. Moreover, derogatory statements against Rroma have recently become increasingly socially acceptable and are therefore repeated uncritically. Politicians such as the President Milos Zeman or the Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg, however, have tried to discredit the riots and call for the creation of more jobs, instead of organizing pogroms. Most bohemian Rroma, according to Tiefenbach are, were killer in the Holocaust under the Nazis. A fact that is often dirsregarded during the current events (Mappes – Niediek 2013).

Janzer (2013) provides detailed reports about what actually happenedg in Ostrava. The neo-Nazis would wanted to initiate a panic among people there and the police by throwing firecrackers. The Socialist Mayor of Ostrava, Petr Kajnar, denied in an interview that the right-wing radicals successfully recruited undecided or dissatisfied local citizens for their projects, which was their intended target. Also, the Social Affairs Minister Martin Šimáček sees no significant association between right-wing and socially disadvantaged citizens. Whether the latent racism of a broad part of the population could be channelled through radical action into an escalation of social tensions remains an open question and concern.

 

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23.08.2013 Chronology of anti-gypsyism in Hungary

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Cseko (2013) gives a historical overview of the anti-gypsyism in Hungary. He notes that while it is certainly not a new phenomenon, the series of murders of Rroma between 2008 and 2009 was a new zenith in the hostility towards Rroma. Less well known are historical events such as the engagement of the Rroma for Hungary “during the revolution of 1848/49, against the Habsburgs and more than 100 years later in the uprising against Soviet rule.” Cseko also sees the Rroma like many others before him as the losers of the transition from socialist to capitalist system after 1989. Despite the many drawbacks of socialism, Rroma were then well integrated into the labour market. With the beginning of the post-socialist era, the racism against the Rroma increased once again: right-wing groups were formed, which abused the freedom of speech and press for their purposes. With the establishment of the right-wing Jobbik party in 2003 were terminologies such as “Gypsy crime” or “the Gypsy Question” (a reminder to the “Jewish Question” under the National Socialists) have become common expressions. Cseko also notes that there is a massive discrepancy between the official statements on the integration of the Rroma and its effective implementation. He notes: “The precarious social situation of Roma reflects the failure of the political elite of the country. All sides, left, right and liberals have failed to give the now 800,000-strong Roma population a perspective. Various programs were mostly just discussed, in reality, only a fraction of them were implemented.“

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23.08.2013 Rroma debate in Germany: culturalism remains the dominant narrative

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“In order to remain, they only have to prove that they can earn their own livelihood. With five or more children, this is not difficult. After all, they get child benefits. Opinions are divided as to whether they straightway pull away again as vagrants, as many locals want, or to settle permanently on the Rhine.” (Kolbe, 2013).

In his comprehensive 1400 words’ article, Kolbe (2013) achieves the feat to use every clichés images on Rroma: He speaks without comments about travellers (how often it must still be said that the majority of the Rroma are not travellers?), about families with five children or more that earn their living through the money Germany’s social care pays for children (how often has this issue been already discussed since January of this year, and how often did we already repeatedly point out that poverty immigration is a polemic theme that is being used in the context of the German election campaign and also that there are many Rroma with few children who well integrated). Ignorant of any cultural relativistic approach, Kolbe reproduces the ideas of cultures and alterity, topics, which have been controversial for decades in the social science. That the cultural characteristics described by him perhaps simply are a result of poverty and lack of education is something that Rroma experts such as Mappes-Niedieck (2012) have tired to explain for a long time, is not even discussed at all. Instead, an image of alienation is evoked, presenting what is described as a cultural incompatibility strikingly similar to Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis: “For both sides, it is a culture shock. The locals flee their old neighbourhoods. Immigrants come in a world whose customs are strange and incomprehensible to them. […] It is not just dirt and noise that upsets the old-timers. Police statistics show a growing criminality. Children do not go to school, but beg or operate as a “Robber Kids.” Only after lengthy discussions, did the city administration act to close the street prostitution in the northern city, where prostitutes from Southeast Europe were offering their services on the street.” (Kolbe, 2013). That notions of hygiene have nothing to do with cultural traits should be obvious to even hardboiled positivists or culturalists. Of real concern is that Mr. Kolbe simply presents without comment, statements about thieving and prostituting Rroma. He makes no reference to the fact that the supposedly so large cultural differences perhaps simply are a result of poverty, that there are also Rroma who do not steal and prostitute themselves. What is downright outrageous, however, is that Mr. Kolbe simply ignores any of the arguments that have been put forward in the discussion of mass immigration: He does not talk about the well-educated immigrants who are also part of this transnational migration exactly as the poverty immigrants; nor does he discusses the critical analysis of the supposedly iron proofed statistics on immigration, analysis showing that a significant proportion of the migrants are in fact seasonal workers and the mass exodus to Germany is not a fact but a political issue (Migazin 2013 Epoch Times Germany, 2013), Mr. Kolbe simply presents it all it presents as an apolitical fact. Neither does he make any references to the invisible, well-trained Rroma, which also form part of the reality (Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter, 2013, Jacob 2013). However, in an addendum, he speaks about well qualified Romanians and Bulgarians, but it remains unclear whether he thinks they are also Rroma. That the article promotes and encourages culturalism and not a critical debate, can be read from the comment column. For example, a Mr. Frank Richter from Germany stated: “This is not a state, the state has obviously failed in its reaction and the fact that the the whole does not work is for me at first the fault of the Roma. […] That Roma can develop into model citizens, well engaged in the civil society, I venture to doubt. Cultural barriers are sometimes just so high that they cannot be overcome, and you better not try it, but should accept the consequences. French and Italians have been already recognised this in relation to this group […].” Mr. Kolbe speaks also of actions of the general population such as in the case of Catholic priest or the case of the initiative “future-oriented support” to help integrate the Rroma. But all in all, a balanced critical perspective on the events is not presented here.

The West (2013) again reported on the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg. After various groups and individuals had called for active reprisals against Rroma are, residents, such as the teacher Annegret Keller-Stegmann, showed solidarity and committed themselves to the protection of the Rroma. She organised vigils to give the residents of the house some rest. The strong media attention on the house has led to a fixation and hardening of opinions that prevents and hinders constructive approaches, “the car drivers with Hitler salute, the people who appear allegedly armed with knives on the street. […] We really fear for our children, says one of the men. His sons and daughters are sleeping with their clothes on to escape quickly.”

Blazejewski (2013) further reports that the movement “pro Germany” wants to organise a demonstration in front of the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and has filed for a permit to the police. In March of this year, the subgroup “Pro North Rhine-Westphalia” had already demonstrated in front of the house against Rroma. The authorities are distancing themselves from a ban of the demonstration, which they consider to be counterproductive. Rather, a counter-demonstration is in planning and they would support it.

The TAZ (2013) adds to the coverage with a questionable statement of Duisburg’ police spokesman Ramon van der Maat, which confirms fears about institutional racism amongst German authorities: “Even socially engaged say that few Roma are willing to integrate […] The other ones cannot deal with our society. The need to go away.”

Daberkow (2013) adds an important facet to the debate, in that she gives a voice to moderate residents. These distance themselves decidedly against xenophobic actions or slogans, but at the same time complain about the failure of politics and the authorities, to establish order and normal relations. Many of them are moving away from the neighbourhood, because they cannot stand the continuous strain in the form of noise and littering, and have been annoyed long enough. A social segregation cannot be in anyone’s interests. This should make us think.

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23.08.2013 Rroma Debat in France

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El Mallass (2013) calls for a paradigm shift in the Rroma policy in France. As a reason for his plea, he takes a controversial headline of the newspaper “Valeurs actuelles” of the 22 August which titled an article with the words “Roms, l’overdose.” [Rroma, the overdosis]. El Mallass sees a glaring blindness amongst the public on the history of the Rroma: Their persecutions under the Vichy regime and the Nazis, as well as the government practices against Rroma in many European countries, which lasted for centuries. El Mallas urges French politicians and the French State to on to take a lead role on a new Rroma policy aimed at their speedy and successful integration: “En somme, c’est à l’État de favoriser l’intégration de la communauté Roms en créant des conditions humanitaires dignes ainsi que l’accès aux droits, leur permettant in fine de sortir de l’illégalité et des no man’s land que sont ces camps insalubres, où l’insécurité quotidienne vient s’ajouter à la violence intracommunautaire qu’aucune règle de droit ne peut régir sans présence de l’autorité publique.” [As summary, the State should further the Rroma  integration by creating worthy humanitarian conditions as well as guaranteeing access to rights, permitting them at long last to get out of illegality and of the no man’s land, what these unhealthy camps are, were daily insecurity adds itself to inter-community violence which no rule of law can deal with without the presence of the public authority.]

Jamet (2013) of Boulevard Voltaire writes a mocking criticism on the latest controversy in the French press. He asks the provocative question as to whether the Rroma should not be considered to be a chance for France. In an ironic language, he pokes fun at the clichés about Rroma and sees them as producers of jobs, the countries with Rroma populations should on the contrary be grateful that they have them: “Combien d’agents communaux du nettoyage, de gendarmes, de policiers, de vigiles, d’agents de sécurité, de serruriers, de plombiers, seraient voués au chômage si les Roms n’existaient pas ! Y a-t-on songé ? Une discrimination séculaire empêche depuis plus de mille ans la communauté rom de se sédentariser, de s’instruire, de s’intégrer aux différent pays qui ne connaissent et donc n’apprécient pas à sa juste valeur la chance qu’ils ont d’avoir été choisis par eux pour lieux de résidence ambulante.“[How many communal agents for cleaning, gendarmes, policemen, vigils, security agents, locksmiths, plumbers would be without work if Rroma did not exist! Did one think about that? A secular discrimination prevents the Rroma community since more than thousand years become sedentary, to educate itself, to integrate in the different countries which do not know and thus do not appreciate fully the chance that they were chosen by them as their mobile residency.]

Following the closure of an illegal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, Moga (2013) discusses the perspectives of Romanian Rroma in France and societal attitudes towards them. She spoke with several families living in the camp, and draws a picture that oscillates between hope and despair. So many of the young Rroma want to go to school and learn French but the registration of the children often fails due to the lack of language skills of the parents. To this, one needs to add the difficult access to the labour market and a vicious circle of social exclusion, a circle that only a few manage to break. Moga criticises the closure of the camp as a hindrance to a successful and above all long-term integration of Rroma.

Polloni (2013) reports a creative idea of ​​the organization Perou of Ris-Orangis: Perou designed forty CVs of prominent Rroma residents in Ris-Orangis who cannot find work. She wants to draw attention to the untapped pool of labour that lies fallow and could actually be a significant economic force for the French economy.

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16.08.2013 Anti-Rroma propaganda in Duisburg

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 Cnotka (2013) reports on racism on Facebook, as expressed in the group “In the Peschen 3-5”. Amongst others, it called for an arson attack on the so-called Rroma house in Duisburg. The prosecutor and the state protection are now clarifying to what extent the Facebook group incited to criminal action and racism.

Der Westen (2013) also provides information on anti-tziganist slogans that had uttered in recent days against the house in question. The author provides links to right-wing groups such as Pro Germany, Pro Cologne, and Pro North Rhine-Westphalia. Pro Rhine-Westphalia had called in March this year for a demonstration in front of the house in Duisburg.

Keywords: Anty Gypsy, Duisburg, Rightist Parties, Racism, Facebook, Duisburg, Arson, Daniel Cnotka, Der Westen

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16.08.2013 Organised child trafficking versus autonomous beggars

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Jirat (2013) reports on the “Agora” project, a project founded on the initiative of a Bern Migration Policeman in 2009. The goal of the project is the prevention of organized child abuse and human trafficking, of which mostly young Rroma are reportedly affected. By contrasting two studies on this topic, Jirat is precisely calling this status of beggars in question. The data of the Bernese immigration police, who found a strong presence of beggar gangs in Berne, is of dubious origins: “The foreign police view is necessarily limited: The focus is always a possible crime (human trafficking and/or child abuse), and there are always potential perpetrators who are also mentioned over and over again. “Mostly, they are Roma.” That’s the key point.” The perspective and analysis of the immigration police, so Jirat, is a strongly biased. It functions according to the logic of perpetrators and victims. The sociological perspective would be too simplistic. Thus, the study of the Lausanne sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin was did not find its way to the public. At the request of the Canton of Vaud, Tabin examined the relationship of begging and child abuse. The empirical study came to the following conclusion: There is no correlation between begging children and organized networks. The minimal begged income accounted for this activity makes it unattractive for organized crime. Several studies and also this one cameo the realisation that the average begging income in Switzerland amounts to an average of 15 to 20 francs per day (Friedli / Schüpfer 2013). This contrasts with the statement of the Bern Migration Police Coordination Unit against the Trafficking of Migrants (KSMM), stating that a child might beg up to CHF 600 per day. Tabin et al. even provide state that during their studies (over a year) they had found almost no begging children: «Sur toute la durée de nos observations nous n’avons pas vu d’enfant mendier. Dans un seul cas, l’âge du jeune homme qui mendiait était peut-être inférieur à 18 ans. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il n’y ait jamais de mineur qui mendie dans les rues : mais cette mendicité est très épisodique et, d’après les informations que nous avons pu recueillir, les parents sont très rapidement informés (par la police, par les associations, etc.) du caractère illicite de cette mendicité» [For the whole duration of our observations, we did not see any child beg. In a single case, the age of the young man begging could possibly have been below 18 years. This does not mean that there are never any minor who begs in the streets, but rather that this mendacity is very seldom and of short duration, and, according to information we have been able to gather, parents are rapidly informed by the police, NOGs, etc. of the illicit character of this mendacity.] (Tabin et al 2012). Jirat considers the plan of the Bernese immigration police to try to get begging children in a childern’s home and then to return them to their home countries as a state racism. Rroma children are represented as of organized crime, because this represents the views of the immigration Police. He appends a chronology of the regulatory practices of exclusion of Rroma in Switzerland.

Comment: The truth is often more complex than the one or the other extreme. It would be wrong to say that organized begging does not exist at all, but it is equally wrong to present it as the norm. There are several books, such as Rolf Bauderdicks “The Gypsies: Encounters with unpopular minority” or Karl-Markus Gauss “The dog eaters Svinia” which discuss organised begging. Gauss talks about Rroma pimps, who lend money to other inhabitants of Lunik IX and then force them to pay their debt by begging in Western Europe. Bauderdick sees the misery of many Rroma as self-inflicted, as they would mutually exploit themselves. These representations are not completely wrong, but they portray them as phenomenon that for many seems to be the norm.

As Mr. Tabin convincingly demonstrates in his study, begging is not really financially lucrative for it to operate on a large scale. That begging children are quickly brought into the context of organised networks is actually not surprising, as many people cannot imagine that parents send their children begging. These cases certainly exist, and as shown by Mr. Tabin, the large part of begging is not organised, but rather happens within the family. Cultural peculiarisms also come into play. In the course of the Rroma debate in Germany, one could read in renowned German newspapers such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung or die Welt, articles that spoke of Rroma kings and beggars networks, as well as texts that stated that this presentation was an invention. Cultural peculiarities of Rroma to such as a reported patriarchal family structure are often used to explain to existence of phenomena such as Rroma kings. This is symptomatic of the common lack of knowledge about Rroma. In addition, one must also be aware that journalism or social science representations about Rroma are never produced in the void. The authors have beliefs and views that they project into their texts. Rroma kings, are almost certainly an invention with. However, it also depends on the definition of a Rroma king. For the same reasons, it would be equally wrong to say that there is no mutual exploitation among Rroma.

The Agora project sees all begging children as being part of organised begging gangs who need to be rescued from this situation and reintegrated. They are therefore seen as victims. Mr. Tabins study in turn takes a position in favour of the beggars, seeing them this as a self-motivated and autonomous. In any case it is very difficult to describe the begging of Rroma children as a cultural phenomenon. Journalists such as Mappes-Niediek decidedly write against this and see the supposed beggar gangs as being in reality a symptom of poverty, ghaving nothing to do with organized crime: “There is prestige hierarchies in Roma neighbourhoods, there is commonly clientelism, even dependencies, mostly through the informal money lending. But numerous social workers, anthropologists, humanitarian staff working in Roma slums and sometimes living there, have not noticed structures of command and obedience. […] Is also a false impression to think that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the rule among poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania. Begging with children is banned everywhere in Europe and basically also rare because by its nature, it plays in the greatest public form” (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Keywords: Begging, Switzerland, children, Rroma king, organized crime, stereotypes, organized crime, exploitation, immigration Police, prejudices, Canton of Vaud, organized begging, Jean Pierre Tabin, Norbert Mappes-Niediek, Jan Jirat, Corina Friedli, Linus Schüpfer, Tages Anzeiger, WOZ, TAZ

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09.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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The Praguer Zeitung (2013) reports new anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic. In Vítkov, about three hundred protesters, many of them from the right-wing came together to demonstrate “for the rights of all decent citizens.” The demonstrators denounced the racism against the white population and propagated slogans such as “the Czech Republic for Czechs”. With several arson attacks on Rroma four years ago, Vítkov has become a symbol for anti-Romany actions.

Schmidt (2013) also draws a gloomy picture of the relation of ethnic Czechs towards Rroma: There were again anti Rroma pogroms in Vitkov this Saturday. Particularly insidious is the fact that the Hungarian railways even provided extra trains for demonstrators of the radical right. In Vitkov, several Rroma were victims of arson attacks four years ago. A girl suffered serious burn injuries and barely survived. She now suffers from persistent anxiety states. Schmidt sees the pogroms as an indication of a worrysome state: The negative attitude towards Roma is supported by a significant part of the Czech majority society: “When the Neonazis sit again in their trains, native “whites” still shout anti-Roma slogans. Normal people, pensioners, families with children. An elderly woman says “The speakers at the rally were right,” about the rioting extreme rightists, and she feels “disturbed” by the Roma she adds. It is not an isolated case.” When open hatred towards Rroma is experiencing wider social support, democracy is threatened in the Czech Republic, as stated by the Czech domestic intelligence agency. Sociologists see the sources of this increasingly socially acceptable  xenophobia among others during the economic crisis: The insecurity on livelihoods of a large middle and lower classes fed the idea that Rroma were coddled by the state.

According to Amnesty International (2013), the European Centre for Human Rights identified nine anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic since April this year. Several instances are concerned about the increasing animosity towards Rroma in the Czech Republic.

  • Amnesty International (2013) République tchèque. Il faut protéger les Roms qui risquent d’être victimes de violences avant le début des manifestations d’extrême droite. In: Amnesty International France online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013) Erneuter Aufmarsch gegen Roma. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Schmidt, Hans-Jörg (2013) In Tschechien eskaliert der Hass gegen die Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 4.8.2013. 
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09.08.2013 Rroma Murders in Hungary: Four Right-Wing Extremists Sentenced to Long Prison Terms

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the judgment in the ongoing process against four right-wing radicals that has been ongoing for several years. The defendants are accused of having deliberately killed six Rroma. The judgments of the judges, three life sentences without parole and one thirteen years sentence, are not yet final because of the defence resource. Theses right wing activists, in a series of attacks, had set fire to the Rroma houses and shot at the people fleeing from the fire. Only by analyzing mobile phone data of the defendants could it be proved that they were at the times in question near the crime scenes. However, the trial does not address the dubious role of the local police. Odehnal comments: “As the German executive following neo-Nazi murders, the Hungarians first investigated feuds amongst the victims. […] In Tatarszentgyörgy the police suspected a faulty heater as a trigger of the fire, although there were shell casings at the scene everywhere.” Representatives of the Fidesz party pushed the responsibility for the lack of investigation on the incumbent Socialist Party in power at that time.

In his comments, Odehnal (2013/II) is sceptical about the social resonance of these sentences. In the Czech Republic, after a similar trial, there were increased marches of right-wing members and incitement against Rroma. Odehnal sees as a problem for the missing results of integration that the political elite of Hungary and other Eastern European states has not been held accountable for not acting against racism in their own countries. Thus, Rroma were sidelined as before, in spite of funding from foundations, the EU, and Switzerland.

Baumann (2013) adds that the victims’ relatives accused the local police of serious corruption in the investigation of the murders. They tried to cover up evidence. Even the racist motives behind these actions were not at all part of the process. The secret service failed to monitor two of the offenders until shortly before the crime. Eng (2013) adds that the perpetrators are supposed to have planned the murders after a dispute with Rroma.

The Basler Zeitung (2013) describes the sentencing more precisely: Two of the four defendants asked the court to not have to listen to the verdict. They were then led back to their cells. The judgment is only the first instance one and can be challenged in higher courts.

Ozsváth (2013) gives a voice to the families of the victims in his report. They are still stunned by the perpetrators lack of repentance and by the dysfunctional police investigation: They even contributed actively to the elimination of proofs.

Civil rights leader Aladar Horvath himself Rrom, see the court’s judgment as appropriate, but states that the crucial issues have not been discussed: the racism that motivated the killings and the objectives in connection therewith: “The sentences have been very high, and that is appropriate for the actions. Unfortunately, however, they were imposed only for simple murder motives. The indictment stated that the killers wanted to spark a civil war. They should have been charged with crimes against humanity and terrorism with the aim of genocide.” While Hungary denies its own past, as Horváth states further, racist murders are possible again. According to Horváth, Hungary’s role in World War II and the crimes of the communist dictatorship were processed insufficiently (Verseck 2013).

Kerenyi (2013) sees the sentences of the four right-wing as being just the tip of the iceberg of a total social phenomenon: According to a new poll, 80 to 85 percent of the population were “overtly or covertly racist against Roma”, 36 percent are committed explicitly to that Roma should be “separated from the rest of society,” that is, should be moved or deported to ghettos. A particular concern is that pejorative comments about Rroma belong to the current fashion educated circles. Kerenyi assessment of Culture Minister Zoltan Balog is also interesting. Balog, who held a flowering lecture on the Hungarian efforts to integrate the Rroma at the beginning of the summer at the University of Zurich, in which in spite of all the eloquence raised serious questions about the congruence of reality and his statements. Kerenyi comments: “Balog is a contradictory personality through and through. He belongs to the temperate wing of Orbán’s team, which does not prevent him to grant regularly honours to racists and anti-Semits.” Also, the condemned right-wing radicals are only a part of the perpetrators, who committed a series of assassinations of Rroma between 2008 and 2009. These offenders were up to now neither identified nor prosecuted.

Balzer (2013) spoke to the Hungarian journalist Szilvia Varró about the social backgrounds of the Rroma murders. A large part of the Hungarians, by far not only right-wing extremists, have great reservations about Rroma. Moreover, it is common to simply ignore radical or controversial events: “Racism and resentment were a problem already earlier. We Hungarians have never dealt with our past. Not with our role in the Second World War, not with the revolution of 1956 and even with the series of murders against Roma.” Most Hungarian media have not reported about the murders. Varró then started a project together with the filmmaker András B. Vágvölgyi: Actors known in Hungary were hired to retell the story of the action and the statements of the relatives. This piqued the interest of the usually apolitical tabloids of Hungary. While the reactions from the right side were understandably negative, the echo of otherwise indifferent people was positive: They started to be interested in the topic and question ethnic categorizations: What if it was her son who had been shot? The state media did not pay any attention to the movies. The above-mentioned films can be watched under the following links:

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HMjVjZDx7ug

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5z9aVB0Ktc

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzc2N9MirPI

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrWahe1pCWY

  • Basler Zeitung (2013) Roma-Mörder verliessen während Urteilsbegründung den Saal. In: Basler Zeitung online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Baumann, Meret (2013) Hohe Strafen für Rechtsextremisten in Ungarn. In: NZZ online von 6.8.2013.
  • Eng, Adrian (2013) Lebenslang für Mordserie an Roma in Ungarn. In: 20 Minunten Schweiz online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Kerényi, Gábor (2013) Auch die feine Gesellschaft schimpft über die “Zigeuner”. In: Berliner Zeitung online vom 9.8.2013.
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) Haft für das rassistische Quartett. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  6.8.2013. 
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013/II) Ungestrafter Rassismus in der Politik. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  7.8.2013. 
  • Ozsváth, Stephan (2013) Ermordet wie auf einer Jagd. In: Tagesschau online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Verseck, Keno (2013) Roma-Mordurteile in Ungarn: “Ein Zigeunerleben ist nicht so viel wert”. In: Spiegel online vom 6.8.2013. 
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02.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Lazerges (2013) does not want to cast the informal Rroma settlements and their evictions as a cultural problem, as many French politicians do, but as a problem of poverty. Lazerges criticises that there is not enough affordable housing for people with low to very low income. Although the eviction of illegal settlements are usually lawful, because the houses were built without a permit, they violate the right to housing, a due to every human being. In addition, the barriers to access education, health care and social protection are still very high, rendering a successful integration of Rroma more difficult, “Mais la levée seulement partielle des mesures transitoires applicables aux citoyens roumains et bulgares est inacceptable et préjudiciable à leur insertion. Nous souhaitons la levée immédiate et complète des mesures transitoires, afin de permettre notamment aux personnes roms de trouver un emploi, pierre angulaire de l’insertion” [The partial removal of transitory measures applicable to Romanian and Bulgarian citizen is unacceptable and constitutes a prejudice against their integration. We wish the immediate and complete removal of these transitory measures to allow, among others the Rroma, to find work, a keystone for their insertion.] Lazerges further calls for a clear distancing from the defamatory statements made by some French politicians that are clearly influenced by the impending Municipal elections. On should much more strive for a clear commitment to a real policy was that promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Leroy (2013) reports on Rroma families in Le Havre, who, with the assistance of the collective  “Hébergement, l’urgence c’est maintenant” are being granted accommodation in various communes. Although families are being fragmented, the 64 Rroma, including 44 children, according to Leroy, are rather cheering this. On the 16th of July, the families were evicted from their camp, a plot of the fire brigade of the Eure and had then settled behind the Church of Saint-Augustin.

Piquemal (2013) spoke with Alain Régnier, the person responsible for the access to housing for the homeless or poorly lodged people (Délégation interministérielle à l’hébergement et à l’accès au logement des personnes sans abri ou mal logés; DIHAL). Régnier looking at the politics under Nicolas Sarkozy who applied an extreme security policy towards Rroma, sees a shift towards more constructive approaches. While the inter-ministerial letter from Jean-Marc Ayrault is still far from being applied in its effective principles, it is nevertheless getting some movement. Régnier argues for a differentiated policy towards the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in France: Firstly, one must promote successful integration which improves the often very poor French skills which would facilitate access to education and housing; and on the other hand one has to promote an intelligent, bilateral policy with Romania towards their integration at home itself and also in support of a possible return. He does not see the difficult access to the labour market as the major cause for the lack of integration. In addition, the French population must be better informed about the history and culture of the Rroma. Régnier still sees to many common misconceptions: many still do not know that there is a difference between the “Gens du voyage” and the Rroma. An important part of his job is to deconstruct stereotypes and prejudices and counteract.

Mamère (2013) criticizes the French Rroma policies as being openly racist: both the right and the left parties are, with regards to their treatment of Rroma, very restrictive and undifferentiated. While with right-wing politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi racial prejudice prevails, leading to a denial of individual differences and a stigmatisation of the Rroma population that needs to be disciplined or expelled, politicians of the left as Manuel Valls are driven by a zealous planning policy, which led the Hollande government to an approximate doubling of forced evictions: “Sous prétexte de faire respecter l’Etat de droit, il [Manuel Valls] présente les camps de Roms comme des zones de non-droit […] En utilisant la justice comme arme de sa politique à deux vitesses, il installe dans l’opinion de la gauche et des démocrates l’idée que les Roms sont une catégorie de la population à mettre au ban de la société.” [Under the pretext to enforce the respect of the rights, he [Manuel Valls] presents the Rroma camps like zones without laws. … Using justice as a weapon for his two speed policies, he instils in the opinion of the left and of the democrats the idea that Rroma are a population category that needs to be banned from society.] For Mamère, Rroma are instrumentalised by many politicians, whether from the right or from left, for purposes of policy: They propagate the incompatibility of Rroma life with that of the French. He regards these policies as a historical repetition of past practices of exclusion, especially the stigmatization of Jews from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. Until 1969, the Rroma in France had to carry an anthropometric passport with them. Tthe task of politicians is precisely to allow and ensure the coexistence of different ways of life, and not to suppress it. To this plea of ​​Mamère we fully agree. However, he involuntarily presents cultural difference between Rroma and French, where almost none actually exists: He speaks almost continuously of Rroma as travellers, whereas most of them are not. The French “Gens du voyage” are usually French citizen who do not speak Rromanes.

Hugues (2013) describes the French Rroma policies as a disgrace for a country that sees itself as the cradle of human rights. In recent years, French policies towards Rroma were repeatedly condemned as inhumane by both the UN and the EU. France must seek a rapid paradigm shift, if it does not want to lose its legacy of tolerance. At the end of July 2013, there have been physical attacks on Rroma in which several were seriously injured. The targeted surveillance policies advocated by Estrosi are another step backwards in the effort towards more tolerance and integration as an alternative to repression and expulsion.

Duquesne (2013) also sees the French population policies towards Rroma as increasingly aggressive. At the end of July, two residents of a Rroma camp were seriously injured in an attack by an armed mob of fifteen people in Saint-Denis. The numbers of evictions increase, Estrosi and like-minded want to prevent the accession of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area, which would result in the freedom of movement with the rest of the EU.

Abdul (2013) reportes on a dispute over water in Wissous, in the Essonne department. The Mayor of Wissous, Régis Roy Chevalier, on 6 July 2013, turned off  three of five hydrants that are close to a Rroma camp.. This after the inhabitants of the camp had tapped the hydrants due to lack of a water supply. Thereupon ensued a debate around the question as to whether, in the case of lack of water supply water may be illegally tapped. While green politicians like Marie-Hélène Brelaud describe Roy Chevaliers approach as obscene,  the Social Democrat decidedly does not want to be seen as a sympathizer of right-wing politicians. He sees himself as a representative of the residents of Wissous and whose will he enforces by the means of law: “M. Roy-Chevalier, le maire de Wissous, souhaite „se différencier de toutes ces personnes“. A l’en croire, cette décision ne relève pas de son autorité de maire, mais de celle de la communauté d’agglomération, dont il est vice-président… „Mon premier parti, c’est Wissous. Je sais que certains partis bien-pensants estiment que l’on peut s’occuper des populations en situation illégale avant les autres. Pas moi“, se défend M. Roy-Chevalier.” [ M. Roy Chevalier, Wissous’ mayor wishes “to differenciate himself from all these people”. If he is to be believed, this decision is not a consequence of his mayor’ office, but is the responsibility of the community of agglomeration of which he is the vice-president… “My first party, is Wissous. I know that certain politically correct parties think that one should take care of illegal population first, I don’t”.] With this statement, Chevalier cuts himself away from a humanism that is ready to break the rules when it is for the better of those concerned.

Fouteau (2013) interviewed the French ethnologist Michel Agier, on the question of the relationship between ethnicity and nationalism. Agier sees France policies toward Rroma as part of a state policy that deliberately defines itself in contrast to outsiders, and these outsiders – the Rroma – are consciously exploited for one’s own identity definition. In addition, from the perspective of the nation state, the state’s borders are strengthened by the assignment of clear categories to various population groups. He describes this assignment of clear categories as a dominant act that intentionally generates distance and provides the justification for eventual the deprivation of rights: “Dans le contexte de la mondialisation, les Roms, ou plutôt ceux qui sont désignés comme tels, sont utiles au pouvoir. Au moment où les États-nations périclitent, où la crise économique fragilise les sociétés “occidentales”, les gouvernants ont besoin de ce nom pour créer un dehors. Ils ont besoin de faire croire à leur altérité absolue, de les constituer en étranger ennemi, pour faire exister leurs frontières. Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité, tout comme expulser des Afghans ou reconduire à la frontière des migrants venus d’Afrique.” [In the context of mondialisation, the Rroma, or rather those who are thus labelled, are useful to the power in place. At a time where nation-states are collapsing, where the economical crisis fragilises occidental societies, the rulers need this name to create an outside. The need to make believe in their absolute otherness, to constitute them as foreign foes in other to make their own borders exist. To expulse Rroma is a way to create nationality, exactly as is the expulsion of Afghans or to send back migrants from Africa.] However Agiers analysis does not go far enough, as he considers Rroma only in terms of methodological nationalism. But Klaus-Michael Bogdal has shown in his detailed deconstruction of stereotypes and prejudices against Rroma that these are not a phenomenon of individual nation-states, but a problem of Europe as a whole. But Agier is correct in that it is at the level of national policies that attention these categories exists.

Sources:

  • Abdul, Shahzad (2013) A Wissous, la “chasse à l’eau” des Roms, privés de bornes à incendie par le maire. In: Le Monde online vom 29.7.2013.
  • Duquesne, Pierre (2013) Roms: «Partout, les agressions se multiplient» In: L’Humanité online vom 30.7.2013.
  • Fouteau, Caroline (2013) “Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité” In: Mille Babords online vom 1.8.2013.
  • Hugues (2013) Roms : La France qui fait honte au pays des droits de l’homme! In: Agora Vox online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Lazerges, Christine (2013) Intégrer les Roms requiert du courage politique, In: Le Monde online vom 31.7.2013.
  • Leroy, Vanessa (2013) Les Roms relogés dans l’agglomération du Havre. In: Paris-Normandie online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Mamère, Noël (2013) Les Roms ou la nouvelle question juive. In: Rue 89 online vom 30.7.2013. 
  • Piquemal, Marie (2013) Les tensions envers les Roms sont plus vives en France qu’ailleurs» In: Libération online vom 30.7.2013. 
Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest

02.08.2013 Rroma Xenophobia as Economical Racism

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Jurga (2013) takes an interesting look at – but even here caution is advisable before generalization – the coincidence of economic deprivation and racist tendencies. Based on the concept of “short-changed” Jurga wants to show that there is a battle for public attention and social benefits, which in the case of the houses in Duisburg manifests itself in hateful slogans against Rroma. Thus state aid measures for the Rroma are perceived as unfair advantage of foreign nationals who are “seating themselves at already to small tables”. Competition for housing, jobs or simply overfilled settlement favours this kind of economic racism, which is the most common form of xenophobia at all.

Source:

  • Jurga, Werner (2013) Zuwanderung in Duisburg: Fußvolkes Futterneid. In: Xtra News online vom 28.7.2013. 
Bulgarie République tchèque Allemagne Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest Roumanie Slovaquie

26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Putzier (2013) presents a one-sided view of the debate on poverty immigration to Germany. He describes the migration from Southeast Europe exclusvely as a mass exodus of poorly educated Bulgarians and Romanians. That a significant proportion of immigrants he cites, 27,242 Bulgarians and Romanians during the months of January and February, could include seasonal workers and professionals, it is not discussed. Also the warning about the “rising costs of poverty immigration” is not new, as it is fiercely debated since the beginning of this year.

Adeoso (2013) spoke with Adam Strauss, a German Sinto and a founding member of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Strauss has won several awards for his work against racism and for the integration of Rroma. However, against these official honours, the social reality weights in, a reality which is still pervaded by a great many negative experiences: “It has been 70 years since the Nazi era is over and 68 percent of the people, according to a Emnid survey, want no contact with us. If someone says, “You are ALSO people”, it is already clear on what kind of place we stand. […] We have stood alone in the yard at school during recess, nobody has played with us, and I experienced the same situation today with my granddaughter. She also stands alone in the playground, no one plays with her, she eats her bread during the break alone, sitting in the corner, just like us – with us no one had contact either. This is the worst […] ».

Beer (2013) spoke with Roman Franz, chairman of the Association of Roma and Sinti in North Rhine-Westphalia. Franz tries to spread a counter perspective to the usual arguments about poverty immigration from Eastern Europe. One cannot always poke about the integration willingness of immigrants; one also needs to create the necessary structures so that they can integrate. One should also attempt to present a more differentiated view on the reasons behind migration. Portraying migration solely as an economic one, simplifies the situation too much: “Nobody likes to leave his home. Many Rroma in Eastern Europe live in incredibly difficult conditions. If they are allowed to send their children to school at all, then they are pelted with stones. They are there fair game. It is imperative that our head of state engages himself in countries such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic or Slovakia, that Rroma are not forced out in this way”. With this he comes to a much too little discussed topic: What do political analyses say about the socio-political situation of a country and what are the actual experiences of local people? According to most countries official analyses, there is no discrimination against Rroma in South-eastern Europe.

Sources:

  • Adeoso, Marie-Sophie (2013) „Es ist mir sehr wichtig, dass ich ein Sinto bin“ In: Frankurter Rundschau online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Beer, Achim (2013) Roma-Verbandschef fordert Quartiere und Sprachkurse. In: Der Westen online vom 21.7.2013.

 

– Putzier, Konrad (2013) Europas Arme kommen nach Deutschland. In: Die Welt online vom 24.7.20

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19.07.2013 «Just the Wind» highlights Anti-Rroma Pogroms in Hungary

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Bence Fliegauf film “Just the Wind”, which won a Silver Bear at the 2012 Berlinale, currently runs since the 18th July of this year in German cinemas. The film explores the marginalization of Rroma by the Hungarian majority society, which in the case of the story – based on true events – led to the racist murder of several Rroma families. Rother (2013) of the FAZ interpreted the film as a plea for the right of existence of Rroma: “’Csak a szél’ is not the first film from Hungary, which deals with the fate of the Rroma or, as we say here, Cigány. While formerly the integration stood at the centre, as in one of the best known examples, in Pál Schiffer documentary movie “Gyuri Cseplö” from 1978, it seems the situation has gone so far now that movies have to defend the mere right of existence of these citizen.”

Assheuer (2013) interprets the film as an indictment of a latent state racism, which deems Rroma to be outside of the law and so they deliver into the hands of racist mobs. For these economically-racists arguments, Rroma are just useless bodies that do not contribute to the increase of national wealth: “The moment where the state singles Rroma out of the universe of civil rights, he declares them to be outlaws – he delivers them to the hatred of the society allows them to be shot as Misu, the errant pig, in the forest. […] Fascism therefore does not mean that the state built camps. It means that it takes the Rroma the right to have rights, and leaves them to the mob.”

Taszman (2013) emphasizes that the film became a political issue prior to its presentation at the Berlin Film Festival. The Hungarian Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, and the Secretariat of State for social integration issued a leaflet handed out to journalist, which represented the attitude of the Hungarian society and the Hungarian state towards Rroma as being open-minded. The letter repeatedly stressed the massive efforts of the Hungarian government made to successfully integrate Rroma.

Schnelle (2013) describes the film as an allegory about the omnipresent fear of something that is not visible. The invisible in this case is represented by the sudden arrival of the murderers, which, while the Rroma family indeed suspects will happen, cannot be articulated exactly. The father of the family now dwells in Canada, which one would like to follow on as soon as possible. Schnelle notes: “Fliegauf hardly tells of actual events. It is more of a film centred quite directly on fear. The family, threatened by racist terror and abandoned by a silent majority, is trying to survive the day after the last attack. And in the evening, as darkness falls over the village, one moves in bed together even more closely than usual.”

Krings (2013) describes the film as an oppressive portrait of repressed social reality: “Bence Fliegauf created a tremendously haunting film with “Just the Wind”, a laconic drama that accuses simply by showing a social reality that is often overlooked in Europe. Of course, such a film is no pleasure, though he builds tension like only a few thriller can. It is the cold power of horror. It is also about what Europe has to hide.”

Peitz (2013) sees the film as a portrait of people who were declared outlaws and must constantly reckon with death. In this “Tropic of Fear,” as it was called by the jury of the Berlinale, only extreme restraint and going for invisibility offers some protection: “[The film] is a snapshot from the lives of vulnerable people, almost unbearable du to fear. Bence Fliegauf glossed over nothing, many a Rrom in the film breaks his back with had work , some are just broken existences. But you can see the causes of the destruction, can feel the pogrom atmosphere with one’s hands. “There is no political film in Hungary, no more socially committed cinema” the director stated in a recent interview, self-critical of his own profession.”

Rebhandl (2013) emphasizes that the film genuinely shows the transition between nature and civilization, institutions, and vulnerability and tries to show, in which social atmosphere  ideological murders can happen: “A few weeks ago, a news went through the press that the Hungarian case against four men who allegedly killed six Roma in 2008 and 2009 is not progressing. They are still sitting in custody and whether there will be a process is unclear. “Just the Wind” leads a compelling indictment in a process that goes far beyond juridical concerns.”

Sources:

  • Assheuer, Thomas (2013) Und am Abend bist du tot. In: Die Zeit online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Krings, Dorothee (2013) eklemmendes Roma-Drama “Just the Wind”. In: RP online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Peitz, Christiane (2013) Menschenjagd als Spielfilmthema. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Rebhandl, Bert (2013) In der Hitze des Tages. In: TAZ online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Rother, Hans-Jörg (2013) Der lange Lauf dieses Tages. In: Frankurter Allgemeine Zeitung online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Schnelle, Josef (2013) Brillantes Gesellschaftsporträt: Benedek Fliegaufs Kinofilm “Just the Wind” über Roma in Ungarn. In: Deutschlandfunk online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Taszman, Jörg (2013) Ungarns Angst vor der eigenen Realität. In: Die Welt online vom 18.7.2013. 
Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles suisses Roumanie

12.07.2013 A Romanian Rroma School from a Swiss perspective

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Staat (2013) reports on a village in the heart of Romania, Roşia where Rroma children can go to school in a school specifically for Rroma without fear of discrimination: The Waldorf School. The report puts them in the context of the migration to Western Europe and the debates surrounding the Freedom of the new EU member states Romania within Europe. Rosia was a three-part Village: The top of the hill inhabited by the Romanians, where there is a bakery and a small food store. On the slope, the more affluent and Rroma. Rroma in the valley are the poor, most of whom are illiterate and had to be convinced by the teachers of the Waldorf school and the community to send their children to school. Through the school they should be able to have a better life than their parents, even if for the most of them, this remain an utopia. The article is written emphatically, but he uses many of the clichés that we already know from the media: The Rroma are poor, often illiterate, discriminated against, which is why many of them are attracted to Western Europe. The presentation is one of people being victims who need the helping hand of the West. The more successful Rroma briefly spoken about at the beginning of the article remain shapeless. She reproduces, despite her empathy, a dichotomous world view of the rich West and the poor East and through this, indirectly confirms the polemical statements of politicians who predict a mass emigration to take advantage of the social system of Western Europe.

Source:

  • Staat, Yvonne (2013) Ein Fenster in eine andere Welt. In: Beobachter online, Ausgabe 14/13. 
Bulgarie France Nouvelles d'Europe de l'est Nouvelles d'Europe de l'ouest Roumanie

12.07.2013 Persistent Polemics on Rroma in France

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Le Monde (2013) reports on the continuing politicization and Polemics about Rroma in France. Christian Estros, UMP deputy, complained about the the creeping abrogation of Nicolas Sarkozy campaigns in a Sunday television program and ran a political attack against Rroma. He complained in addition, that the expulsion of Rroma illegal camps has become more difficult since a 2012 by Circular of Manuel Valls. This statement must not obscure the fact that Interior Minister Valls did not really pursue Rroma friendly policies. Valls, in public statements, has repeatedly accused the Rroma of lack of will to integration, and of a cultural incompatibility with France. Estros urged France’s mayors to enforce a lasting, tough policy on illegal Rroma  settlements: He threatened Rroma, which he equates with the term of “travellers”, with a rigorous monitoring and enforcement policy: “La première chose que je fais, c’est de vous mettre caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent. On va noter ceux qui rentrent, sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment et ce que vous allez faire partout, dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.” [The first thing I do is to put cameras everywhere to monitor your actions in the hours to come. We will note those who come in, out, at what time, and what you are going to do everywhere, in the city, in the agglomeration.] He said he would make Rroma financially accountable for the lack of payment of public services.

Estros political attack against the Rroma shows once more that state representatives do not really care about the fate of Rroma. Rather, they use them to construct a counter-concept, an counter idea to their own values. Thus, the Rroma are stylized to integration averse travellers who intentionally want to live in poverty and social exclusion. How absurd such a demonization of an entire ethnic group is, seem not to be clear to many. Rather, political practices seems to make it apparently de rigueur to identify them as enemies of the state and to openly accuse and defame them.

Bonneau (2013) reports on the meeting of the French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault with Romanian representatives in Bucharest. The delegates, in a two-day meeting, wanted to discuss the economic and social relations between the two countries. It is the first state visit by a French minister since Dominique de Villepin’s visit in 2007. For Ayrault, the dossier on the role of Rroma is especially important since it strained the relations of the two Latin-speaking countries in recent years. French politicians in recent times have repeatedly criticized Romania for doing too little for the Rroma integration. On the other hand, one does acknowledge the efforts of Romania to try to stop the emigration from Romania. On the French side, there are calls for a paradigm shift in the Romanian policies on Rroma.

Le Quotidien (2013) emphasizes that Ayrault also highlighted bilateral efforts and the pan-European responsibility for the integration of Rroma. According to the Romanian census cited, with 600,000 members, Romanian Rroma constitute one of the largest community of this European minority. According to NGOs, the number is even much higher and will reaches to approximately two million. Romanian Prime Minister assured that Romania will take full responsibility for the integration of the Rroma up, but needs France’s support.

Erlanger (2013) provides a contextualizing, historicising overview of French Rroma policies. He is like many before him who have also found that the Rroma policies of the French state have not really changed since the inauguration of the Hollande government. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls had just done as many evictions if not more cause evictions of illegal camps than his predecessor. The repressive policy towards Rroma is particularly fuelled by the imminent opening of the borders between the new Schengen States Romania and Bulgaria and the rest of Europe. Despite his emphatic approach in his portrayal of the situation of Rroma, Erlanger commits the error to reduces them to the publicly visible: the beggars who live in slums. The expulsion of Rroma from France has increased in the past year: Thus, in 2011, according to statistics 10’841 Romanian and Bulgarian nationals, here they are automatically assumed to be Rroma, were sent back. In 2012, there were then about 12,800. The situation of Rroma in Romania has even worsened since EU accession: The access to public health care is difficult.

Geneviève Garrigos (2013) President of Amnesty International France, in a public speech, challenges the French Prime Minister to finally take an active, strong and inclusive policy towards Rroma. She also points to the rampant and sometimes massive human rights violations against Rroma in Romania, facts that gained recognition in view of the recent evictions. Garrigos also criticized the openly racist opinions of Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen and Christian Estrosi, as well as the findings based on ethnical traits from the Social Democratic Interior Minister Manuel Valls.

SOS Racisme in France will press charges against Christian Estrosi and Jean-Marie Le Pen because of their racist abuse. Le Pen calld the presence of Rroma in Nice called “urticante et odorante” [itching and odorous] and warned of an impending mass exodus of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma to France. Estrosi in turn has announced a relentless monitoring policy towards Rroma, through which he wants to bring them to reason and make them pay (MY TF1 News, 2013).

Sallé (2013) sees a clear deficit between political statements and reality: Since the implementation of a law in 2000, requiring adequate accommodation for Rroma and Travellers, only a fraction of the projected accommodation options have been effectively implemented.

The French Education Minister George Pau-Langevin will attend an event of the Paris Summer University, dealing with the successful integration of Rroma in France. George Paul- Langevin stressed that she wants to especially strengthen the education of Rroma children. “Il faut faire en sorte que ces enfants-là (les Roms, NDLR) deviennent des enfants de la République.” [We have to make sure that these children become children of the Republic.] This contrasts with efforts of other politicians, who want to accelerate the expulsion of Rroma communities (Lyon Mag 2013).

Roux (2013) wants to present the political polemics some real solutions for the successful integration of Rroma. The French state already took one such option. These are so-called “integration villages”, where needy Rroma receive accommodation and social support. Downside to this project: There are surveillance systems, their access criteria are arbitrary and promote ethnic segregation. The statistics on the successful integration of the residents of such “integration villages” are sobering: Until now, between 15 and 20% of the residents have found work again.

Another approach is to promote the integration into the workplace. Key problem is the long waiting period for obtaining a work permit, which lies between six and ten months. In addition, Romanian and Bulgarian nationals access to the labour market is made more difficult until the end of 2013 by temporary legislation. You only have access to 150 defined professional groups and the employer must pay a tax to the French integration office.

As a third approach, Roux names the necessary political and social will to integrate Rroma: The prefect of the Rhône distributed around a hundred residence permits to Rroma after a local real estate agent who engaged himself for Rroma had granted them shelter and support.

Sources:

  • Bonneau, Benjamin (2013) Tous les chemins d’Ayrault mènent aux Roms. In:  online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Erlanger, Steven (2014) Droite ou gauche : les Roms sont toujours aussi maltraités. In: Courrier international online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Garrigos, Geneviève (2013) Le Pen, Estrosi et les Roms : Monsieur Ayrault, cette stigmatisation est intolérable. In: Amnesty International France online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Le Monde (2013) Roms : Estrosi adepte de la méthode forte. In: Le Monde online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Le Quotidien (2013) Les Roms et Schengen au menu des discussions de Jean-Marc Ayrault à Bucarest. In: Le Quotodien online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Lyon Mag (2013) A Lyon, la ministre Pau-Langevin veut améliorer l’intégration des Roms. In: Lyon Mag online vom 12.7.2013.  
  • MY TF1 News (2013) Propos d’Estrosi et Le Pen sur les Roms: SOS Racisme annonce des plaintes. In: MY TF1 News online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Roux, Fanny (2013) Roms: après la polémique, les solutions. In: Youphil online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Sallé, Caroline (2013) Roms, gens du voyage… un casse-tête pour les maires. In: Le Figaro online vom 10.7.2013. 
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