Tag Archives: Roma

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15.11.2013 Cementing of Prejudices with the Case of Maria

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In the case of the blond bulgarian Rroma girl Maria, Scholz (2013) sees a renewed strengthening of racist prejudices against Rroma. Both the researcher on racism Wolfgang Benz, as well as the Chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Romani Rose, criticized the reporting of numerous media as well as the actions of the involved police agencies as being based on “racist patterns”. The un-reflected articles promoted the exclusion and general prejudice against Rroma living in Europe. Rose, according to  Scholz, loudly criticised the one-sidedness of the reporting that always relies only on problem cases and completely neglects the “invisible” integrated Rroma: “A few days ago in an interview with the “Südeutsche Zeitung” Rose had already warned  against “always focusing on only one part of the Roma.” One must distinguish between the ones “who live in anonymity and those who lead a perfectly normal life in Germany”.” Rose further calls for the establishment of a committee of experts to examine antiziganism in Germany and who would make public (also compare German Wave 2013).

Peters (2013) precises that according to a recent survey, 64 % of Germans would reject Rroma as neighbours. And this even though many already have Rroma as neighbours, but do not know it because they keep their identity secret. Peters also draws clear parallels to the discrimination against the Jews with reference to Wolfgang Benz. Such journalism would not be allowed in Germany about the Jewish minority due to the historical events. But for Rroma surprisingly, this is acceptable. Rose criticizes: “Worldwide, missing children are now suspected to be among Roma. Hundreds of parents now hope that their missing children are alive and were abducted by Roma. This makes all Sinti and Roma to potential child thieves.”

Gezer (2013) comes to a dismal conclusion about the current acceptance of Rroma in Europe. The public image is dominated by negative stereotypes, Rroma are used as scapegoats and as a projection for a wide range of social fears and debates that are taking place on their back: fears of immigration, of change, economic impoverishment, “Yes, Europe has a new villain, he is called Roma and is everywhere. The new villain has dark skin, sings and steals, gives his children no shoes on because it is their tradition to do so. In Europe it is acceptable again to stigmatize a group because of their ethnicity.” She especially criticizes the silence of many politicians and public figures who hush up the blazing racism against Rroma. It is the same type of behaviour that was observed when the migrants were the Turks.

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15.11.2013 European Rroma Policies from an American Perspective

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Bilefsky (2013) of the New York Times comments on the events surrounding the European integration, respectively, non-integration initiatives on Rroma. On the background of the trial against 27 Croatian Rroma who are accused of child trafficking and education towards delinquency, he raises the question of the role of the Rroma in European society. However, his questions are clumsy: he sees the Rroma as being inevitably forced to delinquency by widespread poverty and discrimination. But poverty does not automatically mean a drift into illegality. Such a concept corresponds to conservative views, seeing all poor Rroma as embedded in hierarchical, exploitative structures. The defence of the 27 accused Rroma have put forward a questionable traditions of otherness in their arguments. Therefore Bilefskys provocative question in the title of the article: „[the] members of the defense team offered an unusual legal defense: rather than focusing on the argument that the Roma are forced to resort to crime because of poverty and discrimination, it claimed that in some cases they were simply following age-old Roma traditions and generally operate outside the norms of society in «the style of the Middle Ages. »“  This view of a cultural otherness is precisely the one favoured by Manuel Valls and conservatives. The fact that the defence used this to rehabilitate the defendant Rroma is particularly questionable and raises the question of their integrity. The prosecution, however, favoured a perspective of organized crime: the Rroma children were deliberately educated to become thieves because of the widespread impunity they have as children and they are part of clan-like structures. This, however, according to Bilefsky confusing analysis, is not a cultural explanation. Then what? He takes a liberal attitude towards the cited opinion: The Rroma, as he suggests in a concluding quote have to try to emancipate themselves through their own efforts. That this also requires the readiness of the public should not be forgotten.

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15.11.2013 Rroma in Northern Bohemia

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Schultheis (2013) reported on the successful efforts of Drahomíra Miklošová, the Mayor of Obrnice, to integrate the Rroma in the community. The approach is centred on a structural support which is not specifically tailored to Rroma, but to the needy in general. Miklošová strove for a political post and then fought decidedly against exorbitant rents and crime. For the Rroma, she sought to integrate rather than to drive them out, as is still common. The head of the Centre for Social Services considers the cause for the success of the local projects as being a focus on the needy in general and the strengthening of social cohesion: “The issue today is no longer about Roma or non-Roma. [… ] Some people here think: You are doing everything just for the Gypsies. But this is relevant to all socially disadvantaged. They all have the same problems: unemployment, usury, debt. A vicious cycle. Approximately one-third of the families who come to us in the consultation are not Roma.” This very positive article should not obscure the fact that discrimination against Rroma in the Czech Republic is still a huge problem.

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01.11.2013 Rroma and Poverty

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Mappes-Niediek (2013) takes a look at the overall European situation of Rroma. According to a study by the Soros Foundation Discrimination of Rroma is not the main problem but their blatant poverty is: “Poverty is the main problem, not the discrimination, the researchers found: Of more than a thousand Roma respondents in the four countries, 76 percent in Italy and 66 percent in Spain  felt discriminated against. In Romania, however, there were 40 percent and 34 percent in Bulgaria. In Hungary, where right-wing gangs terrorise and hunt Roma, Roma hardly migrate to western EU countries.” So poverty is an equally important factor in the preventing attending school or to a doctor visit. That discrimination and poverty are not in fact directly related is doubtful. Mappes-Niediek counters the German hysteria about a mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria: Most Rroma remain in their country in spite of poverty.

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01.11.2013 Rroma in Germany

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In her article, Levy (2013) tries to present some individual stories that can create an antithesis to the widespread stereotypes about Rroma. For example, based on the Sinti family Braun: The family take an important role. This includes regular visits to the grandparents, often twice a week because respect for elders is very important. The 21-years old Daniel keeps his identity secret from his classmates. Too great is the fear of misunderstanding and rejection: ““In school, I have not outed myself as Sinto. Because I’m afraid that it brings disadvantages, that one talks bad about me“ Gypsy, that curse word,  he has heard that too many times. “One forgot to gas you”, his grandparents had to hear from their neighbours. “Then you dare no more,” says Daniel, and says nothing”” The integrated Sinti see themselves again confronted with prejudice following the immigration of Rroma from Southeast Europe. They have many children, are poor, begg, steal, and are a burden to the German social welfare system as is often read in the media. Nevertheless they solidarise with the immigrants.

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01.11.2013 Rroma In Slovakia

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Like many before him, Neshitov (2013) reports on the Rroma ghetto Lunik 9 in Kosice. The Rroma who live there correspond to the classical stereotypes about them: they have many children, are mostly illiterate and unemployed. Neshitov states: “Except for 19 people,  nobody actually works in Lunik. The 19 work in the steel mill. Father Peter says that in spite of their work, they have the highest debt because they do not know how to deal with money.” The quoted priest,  who takes cares of Rroma in Lunik 9, is reproducing in the article medieval views, views that Neshitov contextualises, but does not really question in his article. Rather, he sees the Rroma in Lunik 9 lapse into apathy, for which they are themselves responsible. He quotes from an interview: “ What keeps this family in Lunik 9? Father Dušan says: “The Roma there can do nothing for their life, they have no work, they are ostracised.” His daughter Tatyana interrupts him: “Come on Dad, honestly: These people do not want to live better. It’s their mentality.”” Neshitov’s article cannot be questioned in terms of the presentation of the facts, but the chosen  coverage and selection of informants and of the location, precisely aligns to the stereotypical image of the Rroma, which is very one-sided.

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25.10.2013 Rroma Between France and Romania

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Delage / Tepeneag (2013) report on a residential project in the Romanian Tinca, a project supported by the municipality of Lyon with 300,000 euro. The aim of subsidised housing for local Rroma is to help them integrate into the labour market. Lyon follows the whishes of the French government to prevent the Rroma migration to France. However, accommodation does not solve the problem of high unemployment among Romanian Rroma, hence their lack of social integration which can only be successful be bridged with a commitment from both sides. Delage / Tepeneag summarize: “Ainsi, pour ce centre imaginé par des ONG françaises et roumaines, et qui accueillera bientôt les Roms les plus démunis de Tinca, Lyon a investi près de 300.000 euros. “Cela va permettre de leur assurer l’accès à des douches, à des lave-linges, pour qu’ils puissent se présenter décemment à d’éventuels entretiens d’embauche, ou à l’école pour les enfants”, explique à BFMTV Monica Suciu, de la Ruhuma Foundation” [Thus, for this centre imagined by French and Romanian NGOs, and which will soon welcome the poorest Rroma in Tinca, Lyon has invested about 300,000 euro. “This will allow them to access to showers to washing machines, so they can look decent for possible job interviews or at school for children”, Monica Suciu, of the Foundation Ruhuma told BFM TV.] France Info (2013) adds that there is a will to build a dignified existence on site among the Romanian Rroma. Often this is very difficult because of the access to the labour market is very restricted. The Romanian Rroma policies, according to the statements of Rroma in Tinca, are ineffective.

Delpla (2013) takes a critical look at the French Rroma policies. He criticises the dominant practice to return Rroma to their reported country of origin. On the one hand one ignores the massive discrimination in countries like Hungary or Romania – now also France – and on the other hand, the fact that they are a European transnational minority and therefore, have no particular homeland. What must be sought is a pan-European integration of Rroma and no back and forth between different  a minority status in nation-states: “La solution du gouvernement français est de renvoyer les Roms non nationaux dans leur pays d’origine, en expliquant que c’est à ces pays d’origine de s’en occuper – avec des fonds européens. C’est une mauvaise idée, car, dans ces pays d’origine, les Roms sont victimes de racisme manifeste […] Il faut traiter ce problème au niveau européen, à la fois parce que les Roms sont le peuple le plus transeuropéen et parce que les solutions nationales ne marchent pas.”[The solution of the French government to send non-French Rroma in their countries of origin, explaining that this is for their country to deal with – with European funds. This is a bad idea, because in the country, Rroma are victims of overt racism […] We must deal with this problem at European level, both because the Rroma are the most transnational people and because national solutions do not work.]  Delpla also argues for making the Rroma citizen of Europe only and not members of a specific state. This would strengthen the EU’s role in the enforcement of their rights massively according to Delpla.

Bouclay (2013) in his article for Valeurs Actuelles pokes fun at the efforts of the community Romeurope. The collective in his brochure simply blends out the prejudice against the Rroma on issues such as begging, theft and prostitution. According to Bouclay, the Rroma are receiving proportionally too much support: “En réalité, loin d’être une communauté soumise à la vindicte de Français xénophobes, les Roms sont soutenus par de puissants lobbys. Le collectif Romeurope compte une quarantaine d’associations financées par l’argent public. Sans viser à l’exhaustivité, un rapide florilège de leurs subventions suffit à donner le vertige.” [In fact, far from being a community subject to the condemnation of French xenophobia, Roma are backed by powerful lobbies. The Romeurope account forty associations funded by public money. Without aiming to be exhaustive, quick flurry through their subsidies is enough to make you dizzy.] He paints a very one-sided picture of support funds distributed to present the French Rroma policies in a good light. The actual points of discussion of the current debate remain virtually untouched.

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25.10.2013 The case of Maria strengthens stereotypes on Rroma

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The exaggerated reporting bordering hysteria by the media on the case of the Rroma blonde girl Maria reinforces stereotypes about Rroma families with numerous children and irresponsible parents. Michele Widmer (2013) from the Tagesanzeiger writes that Maria is  with great probability from a Bulgarian family with eight or ten children. The mother had to leave the child during a stay in Greece due to missing papers and sold her to another Rroma family. While the prosecution speaks of child trafficking, the defence claims the innocence of the Greek Rroma family: they cared care for the girl and only unlawfully adopted her (Blick 2013 I / II).

Mappes-Niediek (2013) explains in his contribution that blonde, blue-eyed Rroma are not unusual in Bulgaria. With the case of Maria, more prejudices about Rroma stealing children are once again stoked, prejudiceswhich are even reflected in European fairy tales. Skinheads in Serbia have tried to take away a blond son from his dark-haired Rroma father. Mappes-Niediek states: “Although the Roma in the Balkans are often designated as “black” and also sometimes even called that, blond hair and blue eyes in the minority are not uncommon. A population genetic analysis of the researcher Kalydijewa Luba at a Roma population in Bulgaria has shown that around half of their ancestors have a genetic no different from the rest of the genome of the Bulgarian population.” Mappes-Niediek (2013/II) expands his coverage of the topic in a detailed article in the TAZ. In it, he calls the actions of the authorities as “King Kong schema”: In a view loaded with prejudices, a blond, blue-eyed child cannot possibly belong to a dark-skinned black-haired Rroma family: “A pattern of actual theft of children by Rroma does not exist. Such a scheme is not documented, not historical. What there is, is a pattern of stories. That soon the “black man” comes and takes you away with him, is an integral part of the education meant to scare children and not only in the Balkans.”

In Ireland, as a reaction to Maria’s story, a seven years old blond girl was taken from her parents. It required a positive DNA test to disprove the official suspicion of child abduction. The procedure ran into massive criticism on the Irish authorities action and response (Basler Zeitung 2013).

Leuthold (2013) of 20 minutes gives a surprisingly sophisticated contextual report on the social exclusion of Rroma in the wake of the media attention to the case of Maria. It emphasizes the prevalence of prejudice and the massively larger impediments of integration by the majority of the European societies. As can be read in the comments section, this emphasis on the systematic exclusion raises once more the question of the relationship between social structures and the personal power of action of individuals and groups. It is wrong, in fact, to attribute to Rroma a pure victim role, but it is also questionable if their fate alone ascribes her own actions. It is the combination of socio-political structures and the reaction to it, which lead to the real behaviour patterns of individuals.

 

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18.10.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The ruthless expulsion of a fifteen year old Gypsy girl to Kosovo, a girl who lived with her family for five years in France, drew added attention to the migration policies of that country. The girl was picked up during a school trip by the police and taken directly to the airport. The uncompromising internal politics of the interior minister Valls has led to severe tensions within the Socialist party. Many exponents of the party have accused President Hollande to continue a policy similar to that of his predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy and to tolerate Manual Valls as a “sarkozy like prefect”. Meanwhile in Paris, a demonstration with a few thousand participants demonstrated against the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and French immigration policies (Lehnartz 2013). In an interview with Euro News (2013) Dibrani suggests that Kosovo is not her home now. Her whole life, her future, is in France. She does not understand the migration policy of the socialist government. In spite of the controversial policies, Manuel Valls remains the most popular minister  of the Socialist party according to surveys. The right-wing National Front has seen a massive increase of voters in recent months.

Despic – Popovic (2013) trace the historical context of the relationship of Kosovo and its Rroma, a theme of greater public interest in the background of the expulsion of Leonarda Dibrani. She notes that before the Kosovo War in 1999, about 100,000 Rroma lived there[1], today there are still around 30,000. Unemployment and exclusion are daily occurrences. Rroma are regularly accused of having collaborated with the Serbian regime, because several Rroma buried the victims of the Serbian army as gravediggers. With the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state in 2010, many exiled Kosovars, including many Rroma have been forced to return to Kosovo. The deportees, among them many children, often do not speak either the two official languages ​​of Kosovo (Serbian or Albanian), rendering inclusion in the school system more difficult. In addition, access to the labour market and to health care is far from assured for minorities. The UN High Commission for Refugees and Amnesty International, have called for a permanent international protection for Rroma.

Atlantico (2013) takes a critical look at the social integration of Rroma in Kosovo. Since independence in 2008, Kosovo has been criticised by human rights organizations for its violation of the rights of minorities. Discrimination, its resulting poverty, and internal displacement are widespread. Wanda Troszczynska of Human Rights Watch states: “Les pays européens renvoient les gens les plus vulnérables du Kosovo vers une situation de discrimination, d’exclusion, de pauvreté et de déplacement à l’intérieur de leur propre pays d’origine.” [European countries send most vulnerable people back to Kosovo towards a situation of discrimination, exclusion, poverty and travel within their own country.]

Le Carboulec (2013) adds that the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and her family to the highlights whole question of dealing with asylum seekers in France. Is it appropriate to “surgically” to identify and remove people without papers? The Rroma are therefore once again the focal point of French politics with regard to the treatment of minorities, undocumented migrants and foreigners in general.

Akerman (2013) and thirty other people take the French society made a statement in writing in Mediapart about Manuel Valls’ statements about Rroma. The signatories state their great concern about the denigration of Rroma by the French Minister of the Interior and demand a more respectful handling of the members of this ethnic minority. She herself, as a lesbian, and also gay, bisexual, transsexual or transgender have always had to justify their identity of course wrongly so, in the course of their biography. The Socialist Party should not degenerate into a mere appendage of the UMP but must rely on its socialist values: “Les problèmes roms ont des noms parfaitement connus et nullement originaux : ils s’appellent droit au travail, droit au logement, précarité, stigmatisation, honte et pauvreté. Ce n’est pas nous qui sommes idéalistes, c’est ce gouvernement, son ministre de l’Intérieur, son Premier ministre, et celui qui les a nommés, qui sont racistes.” [Roma problems are well known and not original: they are called right to work, right to housing, insecurity, stigma, shame and poverty. It is not we who are idealistic, it is the government, the Minister of the Interior, the Prime Minister, and he who appointed them, who are racist.]

Francis Chouat (2013), the mayor of Evry takes a position in Le Monde on Valls controversial statements. As mayor, his perspective requires him to take pragmatic solutions about the concerns of his citizens. In the case of Rroma, this means that one must looks straight at the truth. Chouat believes that most of the Rroma living in the illegal settlements live in conditions of exploitation or as part of mafia networks. They therefore have virtually no power to act own or are involved in criminal activities: “La vérité, c’est d’abord la réalité regarder en face. Ce sont les conditions de vie dans les campestratus ment, totalement indignes, les enfants en danger, souvent exploites – comme beaucoup de femmes – par of réseaux mafieux. Ce sont aussi les vols et les Trafics organisés. […] La vérité, c’est donc dire que le claire ment of démantèlement campestratus ment est un impératif. Un pour les impératif Riverains comme pour la roms dignité of populations.”[The truth is, first look at reality. These are the living conditions in the camps, totally unworthy, children at risk, often exploited – like many women – by criminal networks. There is also the trafficking and organized theft. […] The truth is it clear that dismantling these settlements is a must. An imperative for local residents as to the dignity of the Roma population.] Chouat aligns himself to a governmental police way of looking at Rroma, to the eviction of camps which he thus legitimises. The possibility that the Rroma living in camps might simply settle there because of poverty and lack of alternatives is negated. Instead questionable ideas about intra-ethnic clan structures and relations of exploitation are dished to legitimise intervention.

Mouillard (2013) addresses the question of where the EU’s 50 billions earmarked for the Rroma integration went. On one hand, the EU support is divided into three pots: the European Social Fund, the European Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund. From these three funds in turn only a fraction will benefit Rroma. The actual expenditure for the integration of Rroma is difficult to track because the French Household Statistics do not work with ethnic categories. The integration projects named by Mouillard thereafter refer to travellers, people living in ghettoes or marginalised ones as in the case of housing projects. Another problem lies in the fact that EU countries only use a fraction of their assigned money from three funds effectively: “Mêmes faiblesses en Hongrie, où 40% des fonds sont dépensés, ou encore en Bulgarie (20%). Une précision tout de même : cet argent n’est pas perdu. Il retourne dans les caisses de Bruxelles, au titre de la règle du «dégagement d’office.»” [Same weaknesses in Hungary, where 40% of the funds are spent, or in Bulgaria (20%). Accuracy though: the money is not lost. It is returned to the coffers of Brussels, under the rule of “decommitment.”] Another problem lies in the administrative and organizational hurdles, making the access to the funds more difficult.

[1] This figure represents only the visible Rroma. Rroma were very well integrated in Kosovo and often confused with the Turkish minority. The real number was around 250-300,000. Less than 30,000 still live in Kosovo.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in the Czech Republic

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Kostlán/Genderkinger (2013) spoke with Miroslav Brož of the NGO “Konexe” which fights for the rights of the Rroma in the Czech Republic. Brož paints a grim picture of widespread and even institutionalized racism against Rroma through all strata of the population. It is particularly worrying that the pogroms currently occurring are no longer only organised by neo-Nazis but increasingly also by “normal” citizens, especially young people. Between the angry citizens and the Rroma there is often the police, and one cannot assume that it will always in the future ensure the protection of the Rroma: “So far, the police could protect the Rroma. Lately I became more aware that we must finally always trust in the police. We count on them guarding our backs, to protects us. During many demonstrations against Rroma, only the counterinsurgency units stood between the aggressive mob and the Rroma families. I do not think that they will continue to keep the mob under control. The demonstrations against Rroma are getting more brutal, more numerous and larger.”  The Czech Republic has massively expanded their monitoring by the widespread installation of cameras in Rroma ghettos and so automatically put them under suspicion. The strong hatred towards Rroma – so Brož – has in turn given rise among Czech Rroma to a strong aversion towards ethnic Czechs, something not conductive to integration.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Radio Dreyeckland (2013) provides information on planned agreement between the state of Baden Württemberg and the National Association of German Sinti and Roma. The draft contract recapitulates the historically documented exclusion of the Rroma, the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and the poor introspection about the German Rroma policies. The objective of the treaty is a targeted promotion of Rroma in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Access to education and thus also to the labour market should be strongly supported. The draft of the treaty states: “The exclusion and discrimination of Roma and Sinti dates back to the Middle Ages. The cruel persecution and genocide by the Nazi regime brought immense suffering to Sinti and Roma in our country and effects people to this day. This injustice has only been recognized politically embarrassing late, and has not yet worked out sufficiently. Even the antiziganism is still existent and not overcome. Being aware of this particular historic responsibility towards Sinti and Roma as citizens of our country and guided by the desire and motivation to promote the friendly coexistence.”

Pekdemir Hagen (2013) reports on Hasiba Dzemajlji who is engaged in Bielefeld for a better integration and recognition of the Rroma. Dzemajlji wants more Rroma in Germany, Rroma who have been living in the country for decades to publicly declare their identity. For fear of exclusion and discrimination many people of Rroma origins keep it secret. Together with the organization Migovita, Dzemajlji wants to strengthen the self-confidence, especially of young Rroma, and facilitate their access to education. She also wants to create a counter point to the still heavily rooted stereotypes, a new view that is characterized by heterogeneity and complexity.

Niewendick (2013) discusses the increasing radicalisation of local residents and politicians, who make propaganda against immigrated Rroma: During the last one and a half years, systematically, rumours of “thieving Kids”, littering and other prejudices about immigrants Rroma have been spread. The tensions achieved a peak in the fire of the “Rroma houses” on 9 October, a fire whose cause is still unclear. The heavily politicised situation manifests itself besides open demonstrations for and against Rroma with questionable expressions such as “problem house” and “flood of poverty refugees poverty”.

At the opening of a new interim dormitory for refugees in Duisburg, Kleinwächter (2013) discussed the situation of Rroma in Kosovo. Bernd Mesovic, Vice-President of Pro Asyl Frankfurt is cited with gloomy assessments on the integration of the Rroma in Kosovo: The situation of the Rroma in Kosovo is totally glossed over by the German authorities. In reality among them, very high unemployment prevails, and attacks are not tracked: “Officially, there are no attacks on them. Who issues a complaint, must fear reprisals. They can hardly expect any help from the Albanian police. Under the Constitution, all these rights are guaranteed, as is the internationally agreed reintegration of returnees. But the funds for that are lacking. The Rroma themselves have no confidence in the authorities dominated by Albanians, they are almost hermetically spatially sealed off from the Albanians and a kind of fair game for criminals.” Mesovic’s statements show once again the discrepancies between official country analyses and the real experiences of migrants. Official assessments of stability and legal security stand in contrast with personal experiences that are difficult to objectify. The official view remains the decisive criterion for the assessment of migrants’ fates.

Onay (2013), a green politician from Lower Saxony, reports on a field trip to Serbia. Purpose of the trip was a meeting between German and Serbian Rroma as well as non-Rroma, which was initiated by the organisations novels Aglonipe and the International Youth Meeting of Roma and non-Roma. At the meeting, issues such as the lack of access of Rroma to schools, to health care, and to the labour market were discussed. On the subsequent trip to Stara Karaburma, Onay paints a bleak picture of excluded Rroma living in ghetto-like conditions: Poor hygiene, glaring poverty, few or no prospects for the future. Onya’s portrayal stands in stark contrast to official country assessments that classify the situation of Rroma in Serbia as stable and safe. This contrasts with the fate of individuals surveyed Rroma, which report massive violence against them.

Bachmair (2013) reports on a meeting of the German association “Against Forgetting, for democracy”. At the meeting, eyewitnesses and relatives reported about the suffering experienced by Rroma and criticised the lack of coming to terms about the persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Germany. In his contribution, Romani Rose criticised the continued employment of Nazis by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, a fact that prevented the recognition of Rroma as victims for a long time: “In the offices, the survivors met the same officials who had sent them years before to the concentration camps, and who refused them compensation and recognition as victims of Nazi persecution. Even police officers who had perecuted Gypsies, made unhindered careers made in the Federal Republic. Only when Gypsies got organised and a 1980 hunger strike on the grounds of the former concentration camp at Dachau drew attention to their situation, was their suffering recognized.” The researcher Wolfgang Benz on racism expressed concern that the lessons of the world War II have never been applied or only very poorly on Rroma.

In his short, article, Schuhmann (2013) asks for less political correctness in the name of minorities who commit a crime. Naming the origin – in the case of this article “Gypsy” – helps to identify grievances among the stakeholders and to ask critical question: “If the reader completes the sentence “cheating gypsies on the road” with “of course – who else ?”,  a true nightmare for journalists has become a reality. The police does not want that. Neither does the majority of readers who are quite capable of differentiating between minorities and criminals among those. […] To name their origins could pave the way for many other questions. Namely who exploit these women and what a life they are forced to lead.” Through this statement, Schuhmann relativises her own reasoning. If the committed crimes, or respectively the exploitative relationships have nothing to do with cultural background, why then is naming the origin relevant? Schuhmann also assumes from fully mature, critical readers, who can recognise stereotypical reductions as such. This is to be doubted. Many readers will be confirmed in their prejudices by one-sided reporting.

Also, in an article about criminals young Gypsy women, Schuhmann (2013/II) uses the stereotypes of organised Rroma groups: The testimony of a police officer who speaks of burglars networks, is quoted without comment. Also without comment is the fact that one assigns physical characteristics to perpetrators: “The official explained what they should pay attention to. Women, beggars, rather dark in type “Gypsy one cannot say”, Fuchs says with a glance at the present journalist.” that there is no “culture of crime” ought to be clear to every man of common sense. Just as there are delinquent Rroma, there are delinquent ethnic German, Swiss, etc. No one would ever get the idea to talk about organised crime.

Unzensuriert.at (2013), in an absurdity not to be outdone, reports in an article about the Rroma the “problem house” in Duisburg. According to the article, these Rroma have collected the rat traps that were installed by the urban pest control and sold to scrap dealers. The Rroma, called “Gypsies” here, are brought in directly in conjunction with a rat infestation: “Rat plague: Gypsies stealing traps.” The article is a prime example of uncritical, unreflective, populist journalism.

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11.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Schmalzl (2013) reports on the deportation of a Rroma family back to Kosovo. Friends of the family were taken aback and expressed solidarity by lighting candles in the Youth Art School Mühlhausen, where the family had attended a painting course. The family was arrested in their house in the middle of the night by the authorities and brought to the airport. Once again, this case raises the question of the discrepancy between the real experiences of migrants in their home countries and the state views on minority protection and living possibilities. Schmalzl cites a young Rromni, who speaks of “violence, discrimination, and poverty” in Kosovo.

Bernhardt (2013) reports on a fire in an apartment building in Duisburg. Located on the Kirschstrasse in the Hochheide area of the city, this house is inhabited largely by immigrant Rroma. The fire department was able to extinguish the fire and evacuate 42 people who had fled to the roof of the house. According to the police, it is highly probable that this was arson. This raises legitimate concerns among residents and supporters of the victims. A few weeks ago, a parade of right-wing groups who protest against immigrant Rroma in Duisburg caused quite a stir. Connections between the arson and the far-right scene are therefore currently suspected. Various anti-fascist groups are calling for a better protection of the Rroma by the police.

Der Westen (2013) reports on a ruling of the Essen Higher Social Court. The court has ruled in a dispute between a Rroma family and the Jobcentre of Gelsenkirchen in favour of Rroma family. Between October 2010 and November 2011, the Jobcentre had not granted the father of the family any benefits since he could only stay in Germany in search for a job. This view is now contradicted the Essen Social Court: EU citizens without job who have stayed for a longer period in Germany are entitled to Hartz IV benefits. The Jobcentre will appeal the decision in front of the Federal Social Court. The decision is grist to the mill of those who warn of a mass immigration of poor migrants from Romania and Bulgaria, and who thus see the German welfare state as endangered. A journalist from der Westen thus stated in another article: “130,000 Romanians and Bulgarians are now entitled to Hartz IV: The decision of the highest North Rhine-Westphalia Social Court is significant because it now affects a significant group of people of about 130,000 claimants, said a spokesman of the court. Especially Romanians and Bulgarians living here and  desperately seeking work now have rights to claim Hartz IV benefits. The municipalities could see now numerous new applications and thus new increased costs” ( 2013/II der Westen).

Blazejewski (2013) points to the fact that there are large discrepancies among politicians in terms of ideas about immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria. While many German local politicians, such as Reinhold Spaniel, assume an influx of low-skilled migrants, EU Social Affairs Commissioner László Andor sees in the immigrants young labour force for the growing German economy who pose no problem for the German social welfare system. 

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11.10.2013 Rroma in France

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The anti-racism association Mrap has announced it will file a lawsuit against Manuel Valls for incitation to racial hatred. Valls had stated that, in his opinion, most Rroma do not want to integrate, and should return to Romania and Bulgaria. Particularly problematic about Valls’ utterances is that he enjoys broad support among the French population and thereby racist views about Rroma are being represented as indisputable facts. Valls face a fine of up to € 45,000 (2013 Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, 2013).

Strassenburg (2013) takes a critical look at the trial of 27 Croatian Rroma in France. The defendants are accused of organized theft and trafficking: They are reported to have exploited children to earn money for themselves. They “trained them only to steal from the youngest age.” This contrasts with views of critics who hold that the imputed organised structures are a projection of the prosecution: “Mali, [a journalist] could never observe in three years the organized criminal structures, which are reproached to the 27 defendants in Nancy.” This process it is not just about the crimes of the accused, but also about socio-political conceptions of organised crime among the Rroma. “Gypsy Kings” and organised, structured delinquency is primarily a police view of the Rroma, and has been discussed several times. This does not mean that no crimes were committed by Rroma, but that it is very questionable to ascribe Rroma a culturally determined predisposition to organised crime (see L’Express 2013).

Zarachowicz (2013) speaks to the sociologist Jean-Pierre Liégeois about how are being exploited for French politics. Liégeois sees the knowledge about the Rroma as being dominated by large gaps. This ignorance is instrumentalised by politicians to project their own views on it. He deconstructs the travelling lifestyle, which again and again is attributed to them, as being the result of social exclusion, rather than a self-chosen way of life, and therefore as false: “Les familles sont souvent mobiles par obligation, pour s’adapter à des conditions d’existence changeantes, parfois menaçantes. Au cours de l’histoire, on assiste à des déportations, par exemple du Portugal vers l’Afrique et le Brésil, de l’Angleterre vers les colonies d’Amérique et vers l’Australie. Ou, quand des conflits se produisent, les Roms, souvent pris comme boucs émissaires ou bloqués entre les belligérants, doivent partir. […] Les Roms ont ainsi dû intégrer la mobilité dans leur existence, pour s’adapter à un rejet qui reste dominant.” [Families are often mobile due to the obligation to adapt to sometimes threatening changing conditions of life. In history, one sees deportations, for example from Portugal to Africa and Brazil, from England to the American colonies and to Australia. Or, when conflicts occur, Roma, often used as scapegoats or stuck between belligerents, have to  leave. […] The Roma have had to integrate mobility into their lives, to adapt to a rejection that remains dominant.]  He also identifies a historical, European government policy, that either wants to deport or to forcefully assimilate Rroma. In the case of France, the policy of repatriation is currently the dominant paradigm. From a financial point of view, this policy actually costs more than a successful integration.

In his article, Potet (2013) points to an alternative to Valls repressive policy. In Indre, the socialist mayor has built an accommodation, which aims to help immigrant Rroma to integration. The Rroma children can go to the local school. The immigrants had previously been living in a derelict factory. This support is linked to reciprocity: the children must attend school regularly, adults need to search for work, caravans are regularly maintained. With these Rroma-friendly policies, Jean-Luc Le Drenn puts re-election on the line.

The Huffington Post (2013) takes a look across the border from France: There one has problems other than the Rroma. High unemployment rates are at the centre of public attention. Before the economic crisis, the Spanish state set money aside for the integration of resident and migrant Rroma, money meant to facilitate access to education, the labour market, and to health care. This state integration program is still regarded as a European model of a social Rroma policy. This does not mean that exclusion and racism against the Rroma no longer exist in Spain, but this was an important first step towards a successful integration of Rroma.

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07.10.2013 Open Letter to Manuel Valls (in French)

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Monsieur le ministre,

Qu’un ministre de la république démontre son incompréhension d’un dossier au travers de ses propos n’est malheureusement pas rare. Mais que ceci constitue un dérapage fondamentalement raciste est une chose qui après les épisodes de Vichy ne devrait plus arriver. Qu’un immigré, à priori une personne qui théoriquement devrait être plus sensible aux discriminations, dise « Ces populations ont des modes de vie extrêmement différents des nôtres » et « ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles » n’est simplement pas acceptable.

Auriez-vous dit des choses similaires si vous aviez parlé de Juifs ou d’une autre minorité? Certainement pas. Alors pourquoi avec les Roms? Si vous aviez pris le temps de penser quelques secondes à vos propos avant de les dire, vous auriez peut-être évité de dire des choses qui rappellent trop les commentaires et propos antisémites dont la France a malheureusement abusé. En parallèle et pour la citation, Proudhon a écrit en parlant des juifs: « cette race qui envenime tout, en se fourrant partout, sans jamais se fondre avec aucun peuple »[1] ce qui n’est pas forcément loin de vos propos sur l’intégration des Roms. Même Jaurès dit à leur propos « Dans les villes, ce qui exaspère le gros de la population française contre les Juifs, c’est que, par l’usure, par l’infatigable activité commerciale et par l’abus des influences politiques, ils accaparent peu à peu la fortune, le commerce, les emplois lucratifs, les fonctions administratives, la puissance publique »[2] ce qui n’est pas sans rappeler la litanie des maux que l’on attribue en France en ce moment aux Roms.

Il y a des Roms visibles, ceux qui se conforment à l’idée que vous en avez, ceux qui voyagent, qui vivent dans la pauvreté, ont beaucoup d’enfants, et qui dans vos pensés sont sans aucun doute aussi des voleurs et des mendiants; et il y a des Roms moins visibles, ceux qui sont intégrés. Et il y en a beaucoup et depuis très longtemps. Plus que les quelque 15,000 qui campent dans des bidonvilles en France. Après tout, si 12 millions de Roms en Europe se conformaient à vos stéréotypes, ils seraient un peu plus à camper autour des villes de France.

De dire en plus qu’ils « ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles » va beaucoup plus loin. Il y a d’abord ceux qui sont intégrés et que vous ne voyez même pas, et, parmi les Roms qui campent dans des bidonvilles, beaucoup souhaitent une vie meilleure, un travail, veulent que leurs enfants aillent à l’école, et c’est même la raison principale de leur départ de leur patrie. Les Roms ont démontré, un fait historiquement établi, qu’ils se sont intégrés partout où on leur en a donné la possibilité. Il faut malheureusement bien dire que la France ne fait pas partie de ces pays, les ayant pourchassés, déportés et tués rendant la France presque « Zigeunerfrei » pour utiliser un terme plus récent et ce déjà au 16eme siècle et jusqu’à l’arrivée des Sinti allemands (manouches) avec les armées allemandes vers 1870. Ceux-ci ne sont encore que tolérés en France.

Que vous ne désiriez pas d’immigration de masse, que vous ne tolériez pas de campements illégaux est une chose. Que vous assimiliez des problèmes sociaux comme la pauvreté, la mendicité, la criminalité etc. à ceux d’une ethnie en est une autre. La première est une politique – votre choix. La seconde est tout simplement du racisme et n’est par conséquent pas acceptable de la part d’un ministre de la république.

Contrairement à ce que vous dites, l’intégration est la solution. Et ce, dans toute l’Europe. Les Roms sont une minorité transnationale Européenne, et toute solution, si problème il y a, l’est forcément aussi. 

Généraliser le problème social d’un petit pourcentage d’une ethnie et en faire un problème de race, comme vous l’avez fait dans vos propos n’a jamais créé aucune solution durable, et au contraire pousse au nettoyage ethnique et au génocide.  Que vous vouliez faire respecter les lois peut être compréhensible, mais la connotation implicite de vos propos ne l’est pas.

Si vous désirez de plus amples informations moins teintées de préjudices, nous sommes bien évidemment à votre disposition.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Ministre, l’expression de mes salutations respectueuses.

 

[1] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, 24 décembre 1847, dans Carnets de Proudhon N° 6 p. 178 Journal personnel, non destiné à être publié, paru chez Marcel Rivière (TOME II), 1961, p.337, publié sous la direction de Pierre Haubtmann.

[2] Jean Jaurès, 1898, Discours au Tivoli, dans Un journal des journaux, paru chez Créer, 1997, p.87, Pierre Feuerstein.

 

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04.10.2013 Day of Dignity of the Rroma and Sinti

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The 6th of October is the European day of the dignity of the Roma and Sinti. For the first time now Austrian representatives of the minority participated in the action. On this occasion, Romano Centro and fellow SOS organised a rally that will be held in Vienna next to the Burgtheater. Among others, Miklós Rafael, who was the victim of an arson attack in Hungary, will be speaking to the participants of the meeting. The Austrian Press Agency summarises the social context of the rally as motivated by the increasing hatred of Rroma in Hungary and the Czech Republic: “The rally is not randomly taking place close to the Hungarian Embassy. Especially in Hungary, the last years developments are more than questionable: arson and murder series, discrimination in all areas of life and marches of the radical right in Roma settlements have already brought many Hungarian Roma to leave the country. The current developments in the Czech Republic, especially the parades of right-wing groups also create a climate of fear that prompts Roma / Romnja to leave their homes.”  That discrimination against Rroma also takes place in Austria itself, should not be neglected (Austrian Press Agency, 2013).

  • Österreichische Presseagentur (2013) Respekt für Roma und Sinti! – Kundgebung am Sonntag. In: Österreichische Presseagentur (APA) online vom 4.10.2013.

http://www.ots.at/presseaussendung/OTS_20131004_OTS0007/respekt-fuer-roma-und-sinti-kundgebung-am-sonntag

 

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04.10.2013 Rroma Polemic in France

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Francois Hollande, in a public statement, asked his ministers decidedly to end the controversy on Rroma. According to the government spokesman Najat Vallaud Belkacem,  Hollande pointed out that “solidarity, unity and responsibility” was expected from the ministers. Hollande also considered it unworthy that he had to point out the problematic of this issue to the deputies. The home minister Duflot had asked Hollande for a statement after Valls racist abuse (TAZ 2013).

ORF (2013) points out that the criticism of the EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding on the French Rroma policies led to strong expressions of antipathy towards the European Union. The President of the French National Assembly, Claude Bartolone, called, Viviane Reding the “Mother with the whip.” Even before Reding’s criticism, a spokesman for the EU Commissions had pointed out that violations by France of EU law, in this case of the non-compliance to the freedom of movement, would not be tolerated. The behaviour of some EU countries towards Rroma is not worthy of the 21st Century. Manuel Valls, who is clearly belonging to the right wing of the socialist party, had to endure heavy criticism from his own party. Valls meanwhile insists on a rigorous order policy. He stated: “It is our responsibility to ensure that the centre of our cities, in the middle of residential areas and in the middle of the capital no such camps and misery housing does not occur.”

Radio Dreyeckland (2013) spoke with Marion Cadier who wrote a report for Amnesty International on the forced evictions of Rroma camps in France. The report concludes that since the last review in 2012, the situation of Rroma has not improved. The number of evictions of informal camps has even increased. This practice is also contrary to human rights conventions, since they violate the right to housing, as people living there are made homeless. Although the circular of August 2012 is a progress, it had only been applied very poorly. The evictions render the Rroma integration more difficult and has produced many more homeless people. Temporary lodging in hotel rooms is also a poor alternative because they usually lie in the periphery of the cities and make schooling and social networking difficult. Among more positive points, one notes the abolition of a hiring fee for Romanians and Bulgarians and the provision of funds for integration projects. She also emphasizes that expulsion are falsely referring to the nomadic lifestyle of the Rroma.

Hopquin (2013) reports on a trial of seven Croatian Rroma indicted in France for child trafficking and incitement to crimes. The case reinforces widespread stereotypes about organised delinquency among the Rroma. The defendants had acted under the leadership of a 66 year old woman and dealt in groups of children were to commit thefts for the buyer in France. Hopquin makes no effort to relate the events real events, but uses the presumptuous “cultural reproduction”, in which organized crime which the defendant had assimilated is presented as part of the Rroma culture.

Manuel Valls statements about, in his opinion, non-integration capabilities of Rroma led to different statements by government officials. While the rightist deputies showed great sympathy for Valls and his Rroma policies, in his own party, the socialist party his statements are controversial. But not to all. Significant parts of the left is in favour of a repressive policy towards the Rroma. Valls himself, meanwhile, has never apologised for his remarks, but merely regretted how they had been interpreted (Le Parisien).

In a linguistically brilliant letter, Lefort (2013) appeals to Manuel Valls. Lefort descends from Spanish Kale. He asks Valls to remind himself that he immigrated with his family to France and became a French citizen in 1982, and that many French have an immigrant background. That migration usually occurs for a valid reason and is not a lifestyle. He pleads that Valls should not abandon the historical responsibility that one has towards the Rroma as victims of National Socialism. In addition, many French Rroma fought in the resistance against the Nazis and the Franco regime. This also should not be forgotten. To assign them a “tendency” towards return to Romania and Bulgaria, negates the reason for their arrival: The lack of recognition as a minority of Statea and populationa. Lefort observes: “La guerre mondiale est venue. Et les camps nazis se sont aussi ouverts aux Tziganes. Tu le sais. Mais un nombre énorme de Manouches, de Gitans et d’Espagnols se sont engagés dans la Résistance sur le sol français. Ton père aurait pu en être […] je te demande le respect absolu pour celles et ceux qui se sont engagés dans la Résistance contre le franquisme, puis ensuite contre le nazisme et le fascisme. Contre ceux qui avaient fait Guernica. Et pourtant, à te suivre, ils avaient «vocation» à retourner ou à rester dans leur pays d’origine, ces «étrangers, et nos frères pourtant…»” [World War came. And Nazi camps were also opened for Gypsies. You know it. But a huge number of Manouche, Gypsies and Spaniards enrolled in the Resistance on the French soil. Your father could have been among them […] I ask you for absolute respect for those who were engaged in the resistance against Franco, then against Nazism and fascism. Against those who did Guernica. Yet, to listen to you, they have a  “vocation” to return to or remain in their country of origin, these “strangers, and yet our brothers…”]

Conan (2013) points out that Valls statements are almost exactly the same as the ones made last August by Louis Souchal, the confidant of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault. Louis Souchal is also convinced that many of the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma do not want to integrate in France, but only came here to improve their financial situation as stated in an interview: “Les migrants roumains sont en effet sur des migrations pendulaires organisées. Leur but est de venir en France pour gagner de l’argent puis de rentrer en Roumanie construire une maison (…) D’ailleurs, il faut éviter de penser qu’il s’agit “d’intégrer les Roms”, on intègre seulement “des familles”. On s’en aperçoit lors des diagnostics sur les campements avant les expulsions. Récemment, sur un terrain où il y avait 22 familles, seules deux présentaient vraiment des signes de projets en France.” [Romanian migrants are indeed engaged in pendular migration. Their goal is to come to France to earn money and then return to Romania to build a house (…) Indeed, we must avoid thinking that it is about “to integrate Roma”, one only integrates “families”. This can be seen in the diagnostics in the camps before the evictions. Recently, in an place where there were 22 families, only two really showed signs of having projects in France.]  It is still unclear on which sources Souchal bases his statements. They stand in contrast to statements made by engaged people such as Lefort, who observe a migration due to lack of integration and lack of future prospects. At the same time it is also known that transnational relations with the home country can lead to a better integration in the host country and is not simply, as is now represented,  an evidence of a lack of willingness to integrate.

The Mayor of Lille, Martine Aubry, meanwhile, calls for a consistent way of applying the circular of August 2012, requesting a timely information of the stakeholders, the organisation of alternative accommodation options and a better distribution of Rroma across the country. To put the people on the street, Aubry criticises, bring nothing and complicates the integration (Pagura 2013).

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04.10.2013 Rroma in Hungary

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Verseck (2013) discusses again the Rroma murders in Hungary: The relatives of the victims are still inadequately compensated and live in poor conditions. Because of the lack of understanding about missing empathy for the members of the victims family, an anonymous donor from Frankfurt donated a sumptuous tomb for the slain Rroma. In addition, at the urging of civil rights activists, the Hungarian official investigation has announced new investigations into the whereabouts of accomplices involved in the killings which have still not been arrested.

Koob (2013) gives a chronology of the practiced exclusion and discrimination against Rroma in Hungary. He notes that many Rroma leave Hungary or already left because of the situation there since the arrival of the Fidesz Party to power has deteriorated massively. Many Rroma in Hungary are still being segregated and have to overcome serious obstacles in accessing the labour market and education. The minority protection laws are often reinterpreted through the judicial repression of Rroma and the implementation of European Rroma strategy is exploited to exclude Rroma from government subsidies: “For the 13 recognised Hungarian minorities, an extreme discrimination, whose standards are constantly shifting, is normality. This is supported by several judgments in which Roma were sentenced for violence against “ethnic Hungarians”, and with reference to the laws established to protect minorities, the so-called hate crime legislation. Another example are Fidesz’ magnificent inclusion promises on the national implementation of the European Roma framework strategy besides a tremendous forced labour regime and in the context of harsh sanctions countless Roma as non-Roma who are excluded from any government support.”

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04.10.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reich (2013) discusses the problems and hardships of migrants in their new home using the fate of a Rroma family from Romania who emigrated to Berlin Rroma. The author estimates the number of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in Berlin, although she de facto talks only about Romanians and Bulgarians, to around 22,000, and not a few are living in their cars. Many families are also suspected to live in basements and attics, a larger part camps in parks. The action plan adopted by the Berlin administration to integrate foreign Rroma, is meant to improve their access to the labour market, education, health care and housing options. However, discrimination by teachers, passers-by, and the society as a whole in everyday life remains normality. Statistics paint the bleak picture of 40 % of the population who would have a problem with Rroma as neighbours.

Yordanova (2013) looks for reasons for the lagging results in terms of the integration of Rroma in the European education system. Joachim Brenner of the association the Förderverein Roma in Frankfurt am Main, that poverty among a large part of European Rroma reduces education to an afterthought, something that comes after accommodation, food, and health. At a two-day conference on the educational situation of European Rroma in Bonn, experts discussed the problems in the implementation of a better integration of this ethnic group. The Bulgarian Ilona Tomova sees a reason to the serious reservations of broad sections of the population against the Rroma. The EU funding is perceived as an unfair advantage for the Rroma: “The integration programs are very difficult to accept in Bulgarian society, because many other people – not just Roma – have no access to the labour market. Especially young and older people find difficult to get a job.” A representative of the Roma Education Fund criticized the focus of many NGOs, and schools to only solve short-term problems.

Ulrich (2013) discussed the ongoing tensions between the German Federal States and the Federal Government with regards to the integration of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria. The federal States of Berlin demand massively more support, which is not granted by the Federal Government. The problem lies in a market-based screening of immigrants: “Since the EU accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, the influx of job seekers from both countries has greatly increased. Whereas well skilled have access to the labour market, unskilled immigrants in this country fall through the grid of the welfare state. As EU citizens, they will not get assistance, such as the one granted to asylum seekers, they can work, except as a self-employed. The only benefit that they can get are child benefits.” Try to remedy this, individual Federal States such as Berlin started they own development programs. In Berlin, welcoming classes for children without knowledge of German were established. The costs for the children care, for example also in catching up on vaccinations, exceed the budget of the state by far. In addition, the concentration of many immigrants create social tensions in a place that one simply can not ignore.

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27.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Martens (2013) casts a sober look at the predicted mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria when the treaty on the free movement of people becomes a reality in January 2014. He criticises the dire prophecies by pointing to the admissions of other Eastern European countries where similar predictions were made. After Poles were allowed free establishment in Europe, it did not come to the predicted mass exodus. A standard objection is usually that one strives to better the situation of Rroma in their countries of origin with regard to access to education and the labour market. At the meeting “For educational situation of Roma in (and out of) Southeastern Europe” different social scientists and politicians spoke about their experiences and insights. Martens criticises how these subjective views are presented as objective truths, and in turn reproduce stereotypes, despite the good intentions behind it. For example, the green politician Franz Romeo in his speech uncritically reproduces the prejudice “Serbs and Bulgarians, refer to Roma children as “brown gold”” because they are abused for the benefit of organ trafficking.

Deutsche Welle (2013) reports, as many other media previously did, about angered residents over new Rroma migrants in Duisburg. Indignant voices about what are deemed Rroma insults convey an image of the incompatibility of the Rroma and German way of life. Such debates are as old as the history of migration itself. Immigrants’ cultural characteristics are exploited in order to channel the fears of the people associated with a changing situation. Debates on migration and immigrants always reproduce ideas about ethnic unity in the sense of ethnic nationalism. That migration can also be enriching, is, however, often like negated. Instead, the media attention focuses on problem cases. That these represent the norm rather than the exception is highly doubtful.

The preconceived notion that most Rroma have none or a very poor education is also reproduced by Aufderheide (2013) in her article on programs for Rroma in Duisburg. For better integration, immigrants will be tested on language skills, education and work experience. Aufderheide, not wrongly but very uncritically, speaks generally of a low education level and writes them off as welfare recipients. This supports conservative voices who fear a massive impact of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria on the German social welfare system: “When the complete freedom of movement enters in force in the coming year, people will stand in line in front of the job centres to submit applications for Hartz IV. Skilled workers, which employers are clamouring for, will only be found in this population with a magnifying glass. Which of course does not necessarily mean that these people can’t do anything.” The idea that successful integration can be promoted by encouraging people, seems to be completely alien to her.

On the immigration debate, Grunau (2013) gives an closer look at the issue of poverty. He notes with a reference to Mappes-Niediek that it is often the poverty of immigrants, which is perceived by residents as being undesirable. This is then mixed with a cultural background: “They are just as rejected as poor people all over the world. The problem is poverty, not Roma, which the author proves with many examples.” Also forgotten in the polemics debate about poverty immigrants is that in the 1960s and 1970s, tens of thousands of Rroma arrived as guest workers from Yugoslavia to Germany and live there well integrated. What one can observe, therefore, is the ethnicization of a poverty problem. Ignoring the integrated, invisible Rroma, many of whom they fear to be publicly recognised as Rroma and named as such so because they fear that they could be excluded from their social environment is associated with this phenomenon: “This is also an investigation on Roma who came as guest workers in the 60s, 70s, and have noted: “We are perceived as Italians, as Turks, Yugoslavs we’re doing much better here if we are not perceived as Roma..” They have kept their identity secret, with the consequence that they have made ​​a career, are integrated, are established” (Grunau 2013/II). Barbara Lochbihler, Member of the European Parliament, sees the lack of integration of Rroma in the education system in most European countries as an important factor for the persistence of poverty and the remaining low enrolment rates. The experience with education, which parents could be pass on to their children is lacking.

Arbutina (2013) analyses the Rroma political participation ability. He notes with a reference to Zeljko Jovanovic of the Open Society Foundation, that for many Rroma, due to the blatant poverty, politics constitutes an incidental phenomenon. Moreover, in several Eastern European countries the will to let Rroma really to participate in the country’s politics is lacking. Socially widespread nationalist views hinder the implementation of political multiethnic states in which all voices are allowed to speak. As an example of the political and social integration, Macedonia can be identified: there are well-established parties representing the interests of the Rroma and Rromanes can be studied as a language in the universities. Jovanovic stresses, however, that Rroma should not only build on the integration will of governments but should also put more efforts themselves towards a successful integration.

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27.09.2013 Anti-Rroma Pogroms in Poland

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A seemingly harmless incident between a 16-year-old Rroma and a 13-year-old ethnic Poles in the city Andrychow led to massive tensions. A petition and a now-banned Facebook group called for the expulsion of around 140 Rroma from this city of 20,000 inhabitants. The case is symptomatic of the continued segregation of Rroma in Poland according to Focus (2013), as well as in the neighbouring Slovakia. Low education rates and poor integration led to a persistence of poverty and exclusion: “Many Slovak and Polish Roma are illiterate, unemployed and on welfare. Because despite compulsory education, not all children go to school – partly out of fear of discrimination, partly out of fear of assimilation – the way the next generation is poised to misery.”

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