Monthly Archives: May 2014

France News Western Europe

30.05.2014 Persistent evictions in the Île-de-France

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Several French newspapers report on forced evictions of informal Rroma settlements in Île-de-France. Around ten settlements in Corbeil, situated on the Francilienne road ring, were evicted by the police forces and then destroyed by excavators: “Ten informal settlements, with about 300 people and situated in the middle of a junction of the Francilienne [traffic ring] and along this infrastructure, located in the municipality Corbeil-Essonnes and sited near the hospital Sud-Francilien, were evacuated on this day by the use of a court order and a municipal decree”, confirms the prefecture of Essonne. According to the organizations in support of the Roma, who were present at the sites, “numerous families preferred to leave at night, since they had been harassed by the police. Only a few dozen people remained” (Le Parisien 2014/I). According to the authorities, a “social diagnosis” was made and the needy were offered alternative accommodation options. However, this does not change the ongoing problem of regularly scheduled evictions that impede a successful integration of immigrant Rroma. In particular, children enrolled in school are disturbed by the evictions in their school careers. Laurent Lurton, from the Catholic aid of Essonne criticized in particular that numerous mothers with infants were affected by the forced evictions (compare Didio 2014, Essonne Info 2014, Libération 2014, Le Monde 2014, Le Parisien 2014/II, Le Républicain, Ménage 2014).

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30.05.2014 Immigration policy and Rroma in Canada

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Farber (2014) reports on the immigration case of a Hungarian Rroma family. The father of the family, Jozsef Pusuma, worked in Hungary in the movement against segregation as an investigator of hate crimes. In July 2009, according to the family, a serious incident took place: they were on a walk, when they were brutally beaten up by right-wing extremists, the daughter was unharmed thanks to her father’s sacrifice, he protected her by putting her below himself. The attackers announced that this would not be the last attack if József did not stop his activities. Then, the family migrated to Canada: “Sadly, when he and his family sought refugee protection here, a lawyer hoping to make a quick buck latched on to them. They believed he would help, but he made matters worse. Though armed with evidence of Jozsef’s human rights work and the danger he faced if returned to Hungary, the lawyer never submitted that documentation to the Immigration and Refugee Board. In fact, at their hearing, the lawyer never appeared, sending only an interpreter/consultant. Unrepresented and without documentation of their claim, they were handed an order of deportation. The Pusumas will have to return to Hungary, perhaps to their deaths.” The family has been living in the shelter of a church in Toronto since two years. Out of fear to be deported, they never leave the refuge. Farber criticizes the Canadian government for its deficient asylum policy that does not recognize such evident cases of political persecution. Based on the case described, one sees once more how difficult it is for victims to prove their individual fates. Typically, the decisive factors are the official country reports that evaluate the security and political situation in a country.

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30.05.2014 German court decision: Serbia not a safe country of origin for Roma

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The administrative court of Stuttgart, in what is perhaps a landmark ruling, recognized the refugee status of two Rroma from Serbia. Thus, it challenged the views of the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, which at the end of last year came to the conclusion that no persecution of Rroma could be established in Serbia and deportation was therefore justified: “As reasoning, the judges said that the Roma were experiencing extreme disadvantages in their home country and were forced to live on the margins of society, as a spokeswoman for the court said on Monday. The main reason for the judgment was the restriction of the free movement of Roma in the southeast European country. For Roma, under certain circumstances, it is punishable under Serbian law to apply for asylum in another country. This equals a persecution, the court judged.” The verdict has the character of a precedent insofar, because the Rroma are not persecuted in Serbia, according to a federal decree that will be adopted shortly. Thus, the discussion about the discrimination against Rroma in former Yugoslavia and their status as refugees is once more opened. The decision also highlights that the assessment of discrimination against a minority is far from evident and easy. While some assessment are based on the legal foundations of a country, other evaluations are based on everyday practices, such as discrimination in the labour market and the education system, that are far more difficult to prove than law-related disadvantages (see Focus online 2014/I, SWR 2014).

The federal government wants to take a completely different direction. According to the daily newspaper Neues Deutschland (2014) the government wants declare Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina as safe countries of origin. German interior minister Thomas de Maizière stated that Cabinet would discuss the bill on April the 30th. De Maizière had previously proposed, to also take Albania and Montenegro onto the list of safe countries of origin, but this proposal failed because of the criticism of the SPD: “SPD and the Union had approved in the coalition agreement, to take the three states of Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina onto the list. Asylum applications from people from these Balkan countries can then be processed faster – and are usually rejected. […] De Maizière said that Serbia had candidate status as a member state of the European Union. Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina went for it. “From these states one must expect that they deal well with their own citizens”, de Maizière said.” This contrasts with a perspective that emphasizes the individual destinies of those affected. For the German Institute for Human Rights, the concept of safe countries of origin is problematic in itself, because it greatly complicates the presentation and verification of individual persecutions (compare Focus online 2014/II).

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30.05.2014 “Central Council of Sinti and Roma sues Pro NRW”

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Publikative.org (2014) reports on a lawsuit filed by the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma against the right-wing nationalist party Pro Nordrhein-Westfalen (Pro NRW). On the occasion of the European Council elections, the party produced a commercial that openly and with one-sided, emotional means, presents propaganda against the Rroma. The complaint reads, among others: “In the movie, pictures of streets and residential areas that are littered, of aggressive people and of a man in the street with a large knife, this with superimposed slogans like “quickly identify asylum fraudsters” and “seethe with anger, let it out”, are complemented with a rap song, in which the repeated refrain “like a gypsy” (as a gipsy ) is highlighted” (Pulikative.org 2014). The Central Council decidedly denies that the campaign video can be classified under the category of freedom of the press or freedom of expression. Rather, the video explicitly agitates against the Rroma, by portraying the minority sweepingly as benefit scroungers and criminals. This is contrary to the principles of German law and therefore must be decidedly condemned. This assessment is fully to be agreed with. To campaign at the expense of a minority that has been marginalized for centuries, can only be described as a shameless and foolish (compare PRO NRW SPOT Europawahl 2014, Ruhrbarone 2014).

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30.05.2014 Celebration of Saint Sara in Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer

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Dunlop (2014) reports the annual procession in honour of Saint Sara in Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer, taking place on the 24th and 25th of May. According to legend, Sara was the servant of the three holy Marys who came to France as a result of the persecution of the Christians and founded a Christian community there. Another explanation is that Sarah-la-Kali, as Saint Sara is also called, is a Christian modification of the Hindu Goddess Kali. This hypothesis is supported by the Indian origin of Rroma. During the procession, a statue of the saint is carried from the church to the sea. The ceremony attracts thousands of tourists and goes against the usual negative image of the Rroma. For the incumbent mayor of Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer, Roland Chassain of the UMP, this is not a contradiction. Nicolas Sarkozy is said to appreciate riding and the music of the Rroma very much. Immigration policy is another matter, he states. With this, Dunlop points to a contradiction that is insufficiently discussed. When it comes to economic incentives, such as the famous St. Sara festival, the prejudices are happily laid aside for once. However, this tolerance disappears quickly when it comes to the removal of informal settlements, when the Rroma are again the hated minority: “Gitanes, Tigani, Roma, Gypsies – call them what you will, this is one day a year when, in the remote marshlands of the Camargue, they shed their minority status and become the majority. The sleepy seaside town, a stronghold of the National Front but ruled by the centre-right UMP, is transformed, the locals are outnumbered. “I am not anti-Gypsy”, protests Mayor Roland, “but their young are not disciplined, it has changed. It was different 40 years ago.”” However, Roland neglects in his explanation important historical and political upheavals. Not the young generation, the continued marginalization of the minority and economic crises lead to an escalation of the conflict between the minority and right-wing nationalist groups.

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30.05.2014 Bild newspaper portrays Rroma as traffickers

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Engelberg (2014) reported on a case of forced marriage between a German and a Belgian Rroma family. A fifty-year-old, German Rromni – Esma J. – is said to have looked for a bride for her twenty-five year old son in Belgium. Thereupon, according to Engelberg, a seventeen year old, Belgian Rromni was married to the son of the mother. For the bride, the family is said to have had paid 16,000 Euros as a bride price. After the wedding, the young Rromni, which according to her testimony did not agree with the marriage, was forced to   have sex with the groom several times so as to produce offspring. After about seven months, the bride was able to free herself from her husband’s family and she phoned her sister. The groom’s mother was accused of sexual abuse, as she arranged the marriage and is said to have urged the daughter-in-law to have sexual intercourse with her son. For lack of evidence, she was discharged. The presentation of Engelberg leaves many ambiguities open and gives space for questionable cultural explanations. For example, Engelberg claims a clear link between forced marriages and the culture of the Rroma at the beginning of the article, which does not correspond to reality: “Esma J. (50) hides behind her red criminal record an does not want to be recognized. The charge against her is severe and enables a deep look into the culture of the Roma. Esma J. is accused of sexual abuse.” If it is in fact a forced marriage in the sense of modern human trafficking, this should not be trivialized. However, given the unclear background of the events, one should be careful with hasty accusations. In any case, the association of Rroma and forced marriages has to be put into perspective. Although arranged marriages do indeed exist among the Rroma, these should be by no means be equated with forced marriages nor are they the norm.

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28.05.2014 School enrolment of Rroma children in France

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Moritz (2014) reports on the school integration program “Classes” in Lyon, which is fostering school attendance of Rroma children since 2006. The focus are children of families who have no fixed residence because they are living in illegal settlements. Through the strong promotion of French language skills, they are supposed to be successfully integrated into the French school system. To this end, they visit intensive courses of up to eighteen hours of French a week, with other foreign-language children: “The French school system is arranged to include foreign-language children. There are special French courses and also welcoming classes at secondary schools for children who have never been to school. Up to 18 hours of French per week, plus one hour of each of math, music, art and sports together with French students. The further integration into the lessons should then be individualized, depending on the language level of the students. Most of the students are children of immigrants from former French colonies – Algeria, Cambodia or Mali – only about a third are Roma, says Andrea Rölke. The citizen of Hamburg is a French teacher at the Collège Gabriel Rossetti where she supervises the lessons for non-native speakers.” However, a major problem remains the uncertain residence and living status of families from informal settlements. The continuous struggle to provide enough food and money degrades the importance of education. The ongoing evictions of settlements make it difficult or impossible to continuously attend a school at same place. Moritz emphasizes at the beginning of the article that the majority of the approximately 400,000 Rroma in France are integrated. The slum dwellers are therefore a minority of the minority. This is an important reference. However, it doesn’t really change anything about the problem of the continuing expulsion policy towards immigrant Rroma. Most of the immigration children will not attend a college, according to the findings of the school project. This is exactly what would be needed to break the vicious circle of exclusion and to enable successful integration.

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28.05.2014 Rroma migrants in the Paris region

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Radio Dreyeckland (2014 I/II) reports about Rroma-migrants on the Île-de-France, from the perspective of the collective Romeurope du Val Maubuée. The activist François Loret talks in the interview about his experiences during the relief work in Champs-sur-Marne: about routine evictions of informal settlements, about human dignity, problems of everyday life and the exploitation of Rroma in the informal economy. The collective, which consists of about a hundred activists, advocates for the integration of immigrant Rroma. François Loret has an awareness of the political instrumentalisation of the Rroma through politics and its campaigning. But he neglects the integrated, invisible Rroma. Loret regrets the big reservations of many politicians towards the Rroma, who are often also uncritically solid against the Rroma because of the bias in the electorate. Therefore, many evictions are politically motivated, and not the result of safety defects or other deficits. At the same time, it is amazing how little anger can be found among Rroma, he states. Loret sees the evictions as counterproductive to a successful, long-term integration.

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28.05.2014 Rroma, elections and political double standards in Eastern Europe

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Jovanovic (2014) addresses the problem that Rroma concerns are implemented only very rarely in politics. Jovanovic attributes this to the highly widespread corruption in Eastern Europe. Yet, he doesn’t really search for the reasons of favouritism but presupposes it as a fact. This leads to few new insights as to which things would have to change in order to improve the situation of the Rroma. Instead, Jovanobic conveys a too simple notion of illiterate Rroma, living in debt and poverty, who cannot get out of their misery cycle. Illiteracy among poor Rroma must clearly be identified as a phenomenon of educational alienation that has nothing to do with cultural traditions. The reason for the ongoing, unsatisfying status quo of the European Rroma policy, Jovanovic sees in a corrupt political system that urges the Rroma to vote for certain candidates in exchange for support: “Each election season, politicians across Eastern Europe manipulate, bribe, extort and threaten the Roma community into selling their vote to local gangsters in the pocket of political parties. Some voters select multiple candidates so as not to show any favouritism, thus spoiling their ballots. But most Roma voters are pressed to sell their ballots for a sack of flour or surrender them in the face of intimidation from creditors, or mafiosi who endanger their families. This leads to voter apathy, disillusionment and a sense of political powerlessness. […] Some are threatened with dismissal from work if they don’t vote a certain way. Buoyed by these kinds of manipulation, politicians elected in this way sit in national parliaments with little regard for the plight of the Roma who elected them.” Jovanovic’s denunciation of corruption and nepotism is important. However, he conveys a too simple notion of the social and political conditions in Eastern Europe. He doesn’t mention that the Rroma, although they contribute important votes, ultimately only represent a minority of voters. In Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Macedonia where the largest Rroma minorities live, Rroma represent eight to ten percent of the total population. It is therefore not only corruption, but also the unwillingness of the established parties to do something about the marginalization of Rroma that must be denounced.

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28.05.2014 No new transit site for travellers in Leisach

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Several Austrian daily newspapers report on the failed project of a new transit site for travellers, which are usually mistakenly equated with Rroma in the articles. Most Rroma are not travellers, but are sedentary. Furthermore, other ethnic groups, such as the Yeniche, also have a minority of travellers. The new transit site failed because of the high costs due to the necessary adaptations, as well because of a stop of the ground planning in Leisach. In addition, the project manager, regional minister Christine Bauer, was criticized for not directly seeking dialogue with the mayor, the deputy mayor or the council of Leisach. The owner of the property in question will continue to receive travellers on his site despite the negative decision. A commendable attitude, as he had to cope with hostilities of many other residents. No representative of the community participated to the press conference: “The landowners was praised by [Bauer] for his great civil courage” – even in the face of harsh headwind that was blowing against him in this sensitive issue – to openly advocate for travellers. Holzer also assured to continue to provide Roma, Sinti, and Yeniche families with a transit site for their caravans if asked for. In legal terms, nobody can prohibit him to do this, said the regional minister. Baur stated: “It should not be understood as defiance, but as an act of human solidarity” (Kleine Zeitung 2014). Again it must be stressed that travellers and Rroma are not synonyms, and therefore one should not speak of “travelling tribes”. Only a minority of the Rroma are travellers, some of them only seasonally (compare Egger 2014, Kurier 2014, ORF 2014, Reichkendler 2014, Tiroler Tageszeitung 2014).

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28.05.2014 Flooding in ex-Yugoslavia: Rroma are particularly affected

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Radio Dreyeckland (2014) reports on the impacts on Rroma of the floods in former Yugoslavia. The problem is that Rroma who lived in destroyed informal settlements have no rights to insurance money, as they violated current law practices. Socially disadvantaged Rroma are therefore particularly affected by the floods. Accordingly, many German refugee councils call for a deportation stop of planned expulsions to the Balkans. These deportations are not reasonable due to the current situation. The refugee council of Lower Saxony further states: “Given the devastating floods in the Western Balkans and the thereby once again extremely difficult living conditions of members of minorities in these countries, the refugee councils of Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony, Berlin and Brandenburg demand an official ban on deportation to Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia. […] Even without flooding the situation for Roma in the Western Balkans is extremely difficult. After the deportation, many Roma do not know where they should live, what they should live from and how they will pay for needed medicine. Given the current situation, deportations to Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia are totally irresponsible. […] In addition, the provisional Roma settlements, particularly in Bosnia and Serbia, were especially affected by the destruction caused by floods and landslides. Some settlements were completely washed away or cut off from supply routes. They also fear that Roma living in informal settlements will not receive compensation for their destroyed homes and tens of thousands of people remain permanently homeless. The desolate situation which prohibits deportations will thus persist in the period after the water has dropped” (Flüchtlingsrat Niedersachen 2014). Tesanovic (2014) points out that the Rroma are not only victims of the flood disaster, but also actively participate in assistance programs. The Rroma offered rescue workers their help, including the breast feeding of infants by Rroma mothers.

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28.05.2014 Adoption of Rroma children in England: child removal justified?

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Several British newspapers report on an adoption case, which raised quite a few tensions among those involved. The focus of reporting centres on the adoption of two young Rroma boys – two and four years old – by a homosexual couple. The media now hash over the opposition of the parents against the adoption of their sons by a same-sex couple. However, the resistance of the biological parents seems to have mainly to do with the fact that their children were taken away from them by the children welfare organisation. The child removal was justified by poor parenting: the older siblings of the boys are said to have missed school regularly and the children were too often left alone and beaten. This crucial point, the reasons for the child removal, is not discussed critically by the newspapers. In return, the opposition of the parents towards the adoption of their children by a homosexual couple is debated in detail and the impression is given that Rroma in general have something against homosexuals and their influence on children. However, they seem not so much concerned with the homosexuality of the adoptive parents chosen than with the removal of the children removal. The parents criticized in the court: “The Catholic couple, who are of Roma origin, argued their two young children would grow up alienated from their family and community. Taking the case to the High Court, they accused the local authority of social engineering by attempting to turn the children white and middle class. […] “If as expected our children will try to find us and their siblings and roots, then they will discover huge differences between our culture and the way they’ve been brought up,” they said in statements to the court.”” The context of the child removal should be discussed as critically in this adoption case as the homophobia attributed to the parents and their dislike of the English middle class. Since the parents are Catholics, the relationship of Catholicism and homosexuality must also be critically debated on and not only be seen in the context of Rroma origin. The statement of the parents that Rroma worldwide don’t recognise homosexuality is their specific viewpoint and does not represent the opinion of all Rroma in any way. Many enlightened Rroma have no reservations towards homosexuals. This raises the impression that the central problem – the child removal and its legitimacy – is not adequately addressed in the articles. The natural parents want to take the case to the European Court of Human Rights (compare BBC 2014, Berg 2014, Doughty 2014, Porter 2014, Simpson 2014).

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25.05.2014 The rise of Jobbik and the Rroma

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Baer (2014 I/II) reports on the rise of right-wing nationalist party Jobbik in Hungary and their relation to the Rroma. The party has been able to claim a new record of votes at the last elections. More than 20% of the electorate votes in Hungary now go to this party, which bases its policy on nationalism, isolationism and xenophobia. Jobbik now reigns in ten communities where it enforces a restrictive policy towards the Rroma. For example in Gyöngyöspata, in north-eastern Hungary, where the new Jobbik mayor is monitoring the Rroma with cameras and has compelled them to compulsory community work in return for social welfare. Jobbik has recently gained a new image: it is said to act less aggressively than at the beginning and to have stopped working with obviously racist slogans, in order to have a greater appeal. The party recently changed its slogan on the Rroma from an open rejection of Rroma to “Roma who do not want to integrate” (Legrand 2014). However, this has to be interpreted rather as clever propaganda, than as a departure from the actual party program, as stated by the human rights activist Sandor Czöke. The head of the Rroma community of Gyöngyöspata, Janos Farkas, is harassed more often and defamed since the takeover by Jobbik: “If, for example, you go into the forest to collect branches for heating and you get caught, you get fined and maybe even come into prison. Their principle is that all Rroma are criminal, that all Gypsies are bad. In 2012, they set fire to my house. Our only tort is to be Roma” (Baer 2014/II). Baer’s concerns towards the increase of rightwing-nationalist ideas in Hungary are completely to agree with. However it is surprising that not a single word is said about the discrimination against Rroma in France. Also there, nationalist politics are done at the expense of the Rroma.

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25.05.2014 Integration of Rroma in France remains difficult

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Mouillard (2014) reports on a Rroma integration village in the Indre that was initiated by the former mayor in cooperation with the local aid organization Romsi (Rencontre Ouverture Métissage Solidarité à Indre). The flagship project, which shows mostly positive results, is now probably drawing to an end. The reason: at the last local elections, a populist candidate replaced the incumbent mayor. During the election campaign, he promised to take action against immigrant Rroma. At the same time, the integration project showed how they created positive experiences for all parties involved, by offering French courses, the enrolment of the children in school and other help. The employees of Romsi are particularly disappointed, since they are aware that integration is a long process that would be set back by the closure of the project: “For the activist of Romsi, the track record of the solidarity village still remains “positive”. “The children are enrolled in school, the rate of delinquency in the community has not risen. But people continue to talk [about it]. That is exasperating…” Jean-Luc Le Drenn [the former mayor] tries to remain optimistic: “To close this village would be really a failure. In any case, maybe the prefect will intervene to oppose to it? The experience works and the costs of the community are low.” A rather rare mix in France, where the about 18,000 Roma are often forced to wander from one camp to the next” (Mouillard 2014). A distinctive feature of the integration project is the finding that those who were actively involved with the Rroma, clearly show less reservations about the minority than those who only speak about the Rroma or are bothered about the sight of informal settlements. Director Sophie Averty, who made a documentary about the integration village in Indre, shares this insight. Of the original fifty families, only five could finally stay in the integration project, but in return were actively assisted in looking for a job, the enrolment of the children in school, and in learning French: “The hateful and violent suggestions, you heard them primarily during the arrival of the fifty Roma, above all when the parents of the children protested and spoke of the risks of transmission of scrabies and fleas … as if the little Frenchman had no fleas! […] Some people were very hesitant, often through ignorance. Those who complain are those who have never set foot into the village” (Mouillard 2014/II). The problem of integration projects that are specifically designed for Rroma is that they cause resentments about the special treatment of a specific group. It is therefore important to generally help people in difficult situations and not to talk always of a “Rroma problem” or the “Rroma question”. Such a focus fuels resentments among groups who are also in economically difficult situations, as one can see by means of the dubious success of the Front National, who repeatedly abuses the Rroma as scapegoats for general societal grievances in France. Consequently, Marine Le Pen calls for an isolation of France after the model of Switzerland. A very questionable development (compare Dumazert 2014, Le Monde 2014).

EurActiv (2014) draws a first balance in respect to the projected mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania. So far, no increase of Rroma in Île-de-France region could be observed, says Laure Lechatellier, Vice-President of the regional council. Due to fears of a mass migration to Western Europe, seven years of transitional provisions in 2007 were imposed on Romania and Bulgaria after their EU-accession. The free movement of workers since January 2014 now guarantees all Romanians and Bulgarians, including the Rroma, free access to the labour markets of the EU-member states. Because of structural problems, the Rroma have benefited only minimally from this opening: “The free circulation of workers has put an end to this system and opens another right: the one to enrol oneself at the employment office. But the population of Roma from Romania and Bulgaria on the Île-de-France has not yet benefited from this possibility, due to structural discrimination. In France, the anti-Roma sentiment has reached unprecedented levels. According to a study by the U.S. think tank Pew Research Center, 66% of French respondents declare a negative opinion towards the Roma.” EurActiv thus points to the important fact that for a successful integration of the Rroma, not only a legal but also a social and societal equality is necessary. Such a one is still far from a reality, due to the negative attitudes towards the minority.

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25.05.2014 Damian Drăghici: “The Rroma are not the problem, they are the solution”

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Avaline / Zacharie (2014) spoke with the Romanian Rroma-politician Damian Drăghici on the European integration of Rroma and the barriers to a successful integration of this minority. Drăghici sees the need for a broader education of the Roma, both in terms of school education as well as what social skills are concerned. However, he emphasizes that Rroma who are publicly visible and are incorrectly seen by many as representative of all Rroma, represent only a small minority of the minority. Many Rroma rather seek a successful integration and a better future for themselves and their families: The Rroma are therefore the solution for Europe, Drăghici states, their integration into the European economies means more workers for a rapidly aging society. Drăghici hopes that the marginalization of the minority will be a thing of the past in fifty years: “Damian Drăghici does not want to see the Roma as a problem. Despite the signing of an agreement with Manuel Valls, as he was the Minister of the Interior, the senator estimates that the situation “has not changed”. If he does, above all, question the “individualistic vision of the states towards the question”, he confirms that the marginalization of the Roma will be “far behind us in 50 years.” “No one will remember that previously to be Roma meant to be set aside.” The challenge remains not only to integrate the minority generally into the national economies, but to do so at all levels, in all sectors of the economy, and not only in construction or agriculture. It is to be hoped that Drăghici will be right with his very optimistic future prospect.

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25.05.2014 “A People Uncounted” gives Rroma and Holocaust survivors a voice

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Various American newspapers report about the new movie by Aaron Yeger, which focuses on the marginalization of the Rroma in Europe. In an interview with NPR (2014), Yeger explores the question of why no exact figures on murdered Rroma exist as well what the marginalization and destruction of the minority meant for the former communities. As for the number of victims, the lack of written documentation by Rroma themselves as well as the absence of official documents is probably the main reason. The film focuses on the aspects of exclusion and persecution that are recapitulated by eyewitnesses. Language and traditions are only briefly touched upon. The New York Times comments: “While travelling to Budapest, Vienna, Montreal, Ukraine, Romania and Germany, the film, the first feature by Aaron Yeger, presents a range of lucid commentators, some of whom touch upon distant Roma history. But the primary focus here is on the disenfranchisement and ruthless persecution the Roma have long suffered in Europe: in Romania in the mid-1400s, by the Habsburgs in 1500, by Henry VIII and again by the Habsburgs in 1721. […] The darkest hour was the Holocaust, in which hundreds of thousands of Roma perished in concentration camps. Much of this movie is composed of survivors who give harrowing accounts of their experiences, and their warnings about rising ethnic hatred in Europe should not be ignored” (Webster 2014). Miller (2014) also points out that the image of the Rroma in the United States is shaped by stupendous reality TV shows such as Gypsy Sisters and My Big Fat American Gypsy Wedding. These convey a stereotypical, one-sided picture of the Rroma. “A People Uncounted” tries to live up to the complexity of the fate of the Rroma (compare Broadway World 2014, Documentary Trailers 2011, Scheck 2014).   

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21.05.2014 The political schizophrenia of the acid attack perpetrator

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=The forty-year-old man, who had doused the mattresses of homeless Rroma in Paris with an unknown liquid was acquitted. The court came to the conclusion that there was no clear evidence that it was actually acid. Rather, one assumes that it had been a mixture of soft soap and Javel, as the special hospital for poisoning confirmed. Therefore, the charge of deliberate use of force was not met. The victims had recorded that their mattress was showing traces of corrosion and therefore assumed it to be acid. This version was endorsed by the charity organisation, which supported the Rroma: “A few weeks before this process Laurent P. told his story to Libération: he was only 10 years old when in 1983, he participated in his first demonstration together with his parents, a pair of the militant syndicate: the Beurs’ March, from which later SOS racism emerged. Laurent P. graduated in 1994 in political science, three years he joined the PS (Parti Socialiste) and spent the next ten years in public service, including some time as special representative of the treasury department. Before the judges, Laurent P. displayed a form of political schizophrenia that surrounds his gesture and said that he understood to “have set a very strong symbol, which I did not ascribe any importance and what I’m sorry for. Wanting to hurt these people would be in total contradiction to my education” (Le Monde 2014, Tassel 2014).

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21.05.2014 Rroma and the Jobbik in Tiszavasvári

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Legrand (2014) reports about the Rroma policy of the Hungarian city Tiszavasvári, in north-eastern Hungary. In October 2010, the right-wing nationalist Jobbik gained most of the votes and appointed a mayor from the party. However, this did not lead to any significant change regarding the segregation and oppression of Rroma in Tiszavasvári, Legrand concludes. Already before, the minority had been marginalized and ostracized. Under the new Jobbik mayor, Erik Fülöp, no significant change has occurred in this regard, Legrand states. He didn’t destroy their homes or tried to evict them, as he had promised during the election campaign, however in return, the social exclusion has increased dramatically: The Rroma are more often harassed by the police, some even from the local doctor. The social assistance counter is located at the other end of town, so that Rroma have to go as far as possible. Their district is sealed off like a contaminated zone. In 2011, an attempt was made to revive the militia of the city, but failed due to the intervention of the Fidesz government. It was declared illegal. The local militia “Tiszavasvári Csendőrség” was involved in the deportation of Jews and Rroma under National Socialism. The “big Rroma Plan” of the new mayor is designed not to evict the minority openly, but to isolate them more systematically in their quarters and harass them: “In the first phase, the party organized a massive clean-up campaign in the neighbourhood Valak. “Now, if someone is throwing away garbage in the outside, he has to hand in social assistance”, says Anna, who fears an excuse “to confiscate the last incomes of the families.” The following stages are kept secret and the mayor and his assistants reject any media stress. Before the community centre, funded by the European Union, [is] a big house with exposed bricks, Anna sighs: “Even that comes to us, everything is done to avoid that one get out of here.” On can therefore question whether Legrand’s assessment is correct, when she concludes that the policy of the Jobbik mayor is a continuation of the earlier policy of exclusion. Rather, it seems that he brings the marginalization of the minority to a whole new level.

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21.05.2014 Once more: north migration is an economic and not a Rroma phenomenon

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Peters (2014) reports on Rroma in Sofia and Berlin. She portrays the famous image of marginalized Rroma below the poverty level, for which the conditions in Germany represent a major development step, even if it is only by receiving a minimum wage. Thereby, she characterizes a fairly accurate picture of the economic causes of migration, but mixes these too imprudently with ascribed characteristics of the Rroma. Although she also mentions the large proportion of well-qualified immigrants and the discrimination against Rroma in Germany itself, she only covers these issues very marginally. The reductionist, defamatory statements of the Bulgarian deputy prime minister, Zinaida Zlatanova, are cited as evidence for the strong marginalization of the Rroma in Bulgaria, what is identified by Peters as the main reason for the northern migration of the minority: “Bulgaria is home to many different ethnic groups. We have problems only with Roma”, says Zlatanova. “And these problems exist in every country that is home to Roma. This is not a Bulgarian problem. In France, Hungary – the same.” The exclusion of Roma children in ghettos and their own schools? “We should not tear the Rroma from their natural environment. Better they go to segregated schools than never.” Whether Germany benefits from identifying the phenomenon “poverty migration” as a “Rroma problem”, is very questionable. Also in Germany the Rroma are exposed top exclusion. The exclusion of the Rroma must not be concealed that is out of question. However, the marking of migrants as Rroma migrants creates more problems than it solves. The Rroma want to integrate and not undergo special treatment, which excludes them additionally. This only creates new resentments, as can be read in Peters’ own assessment: “We must take care of the Roma, who come to us”, says Giffey [councillor for education in Neukölln]. The dilemma is this: If you do that – then more and more come.”

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21.05.2014 Memory of Rroma revolt in Auschwitz-Birkenau

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On May 16th 1944, the prisoners of camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau actively rebelled. Rroma detained there were supposed to be led into the gas chambers by SS: “Armed with stones and tools, they barricaded themselves in the barracks. They managed to escape extermination for the time being. […] The uprising in the camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the “Gypsy camp”, was a highlight of the resistance that Sinti and Roma actively held in many ways against the persecution and extermination by the Nazis. But their resistance was broken: after the selection of all prisoners capable of working, the “Gypsy camp” was dismantled in early August. The remaining 2900 people died in the gas chambers.” In Auschwitz-Birkenau, around 23,000 Rroma were detained, half of them younger than 14 years old. Almost all of them were murdered. On the occasion of the commemoration, Deutschlandradio Kultur spoke with Silvio Peritore, from the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma. Peritore complains about the lacking reappraisal of the genocide in the post-war period, the detentions were legitimized as “crime prevention” in continuity with the Nazis policies, and the continuing tolerance of racist slogans under the guise of freedom of expression, which reveals ambivalence towards ones own history. The Administrative Court of Kassel decided in September 2013 that the posters of the NPD with the slogan “Money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma” had to be tolerated under the paragraph on the freedom of expression. The statement of facts didn’t qualify as demagoguery: “How can it be that after a recognition of the genocide – with exhibitions, with monuments, educational events – again today, people continue to be defamed with a similar language. Last year before the federal election campaign, now for the European elections again, these NPD election posters are tolerated under the guise of party protection and freedom of expression. The state or the judiciary does not evaluate this form of misanthropy as demagoguery and regularly slams complaints from citizens, from people affected, and from Sinti and Roma, who don’t want to put with that. On one side one has the historic confrontation in the form of monuments – which are important, which are essential – but on the other side, one has this contradiction that allows populist parties, right-wing extremists, to do their propaganda against minorities, especially against Sinti and Roma.  They use them as scapegoats for perceived or real nuisances, which is very frightening.” On one side, Peritore speaks about a legal loophole, the tolerance of discrimination by the rule of law under the freedom of speech and press, on the other hand, the problem of the social tolerance of these hostilities. It is therefore every single citizen responsibility to work and pursue a just society (compare Barbezat 2014, Deutschlandradio Kultur 2014, Die Presse 2014, Stoll 2014, Von Billerbeck 2014).

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