Monthly Archives: October 2014

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17.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and the prostitutes’ patch in Zurich – “Victoria – A Tale of Grace and Greed“

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Holtz (2014) discusses the feature film “Victoria – A Tale of Greed and Grace” by Swiss director Men Lareida. It discusses the fate of a Hungarian Rromni prostitute on the former prostitutes’ patch on the Sihlquai in Zurich. Lareida and his wife, who regularly commute between Switzerland and Hungary, became aware of the topic during their train trips between Zurich and Budapest, when they started conversations with the prostitutes. The film is not a moral discussion of prostitution, but tries to show the fate and the motives of the protagonist: “Emphatically and subjective but nonetheless soberly and realistically, „Viktoriá – A Tale of Grace and Greed“ tells the story of the young Hungarian Roma girl Viktoria, who leaves her hometown of Budapest in the hope of earning a lot of money as soon as possible, to work in Zurich as a prostitute. Here, night after night, she stands at the side of the road, under pale lamplight, waiting for the next punter, whom she satisfies in his car on some dark parking lot. What keeps Viktoria alive, are the thoughts of home and the opportunities that the money will bring to her. Thus, among the world of the fast sex, characterized by violence, disgust and humiliation, she also finds love and friendship – and herself. […] Actually, Lareida does not want to accuse. “Viktoria – A tale of Grace and Greed” does not want to caution the viewers or be an instructive parable about the dangers of the sex trade, but shows the things as they are. The director is not in favour of criminalising the sex industry, because: “You have at least to consider that prostitution is a possibility for these women.” However, he asks to increase the security for the sex workers and to offer alternatives to prostitution to the women, also in the countries of origin.”  

It seems that the film is not critically addressing the Rroma origin of the protagonist. Is the protagonist just Rroma by change, or is this discussed as a specific feature? Are the stereotypes associated with Rroma, as notions of strong-hierarchical clans, patriarchal family structures etc., discussed? Are they critically commented on? This does not become evident in Holtz’s article. Therefore, it is important to point out that not only Hungarian Rromnja are affected by poverty, and thus find their way into prostitution, but that this also affects ethnic Hungarians. Furthermore, Rroma should not be equated to an underclass, as they belong to all social strata. Moreover, only a few Rromnja are effectively working as prostitutes, a fact distorted by the strong media attention. Therefore, the film indirectly reproduces stereotypes about Rroma, even if it wants to give a voice to those affected and address social misery.

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17.10.2014 People in Need Slovakia: segregated Rroma particularly affected by human trafficking

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The Slovak Spectator (2014) reports on a new study by the Slovak organization “People in Need Slovakia”. According to the research of the organisation, segregated Rroma in Slovakia, aged between 16 and 25 as well as 25 and 35 years are particularly affected by human trafficking for forced labour, organised begging and forced prostitution: “According to Timea Stránska, head of the organisation, Roma are abused, especially for forced labour, mostly in countries like Great Britain, the Czech Republic and Germany. “In Great Britain this concerns especially cities like Peterborough, Sheffield, Leicester, Derby and Birmingham,” Stránska said, as quoted by the TASR newswire. Another revelation shows that victims of human trafficking are lured while in the settlements after meeting with traffickers. “Often it also happens that the victim is recruited by their distance relatives or someone from their surroundings,” Stránska added. Except for forced labour, the human trafficking victims are also abused for prostitution and begging. In cases of children, there are mostly cases when young Roma girls are forced to be prostitutes.” The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are being questionned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied but their manifestation, their numbers, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies are brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma in this context. Regarding the de facto human trafficking, social science studies convey a more complex notion of the subject. These studies point out the analysis of crimes such as incitement to beg and steal and forced migration for indentured labour is often permeated by various definitions and morals in and assessment by authorities and aid organizations, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating persons, and instead force on them their own ideas about organised begging, criminal networks or human trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration, as well as the agency of migrants themselves (compare Augustin 2007, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).

  • Augustin, Laura Maria (2007) Sex at the Margins: Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry. London/New York: Zed Books.
  • Oude Breuil, B.C., Siegel, D., Reenen, P. van, Beijer, A. & Roos, Y.B. (2011) Human trafficking revisited: Legal,  enforcement and ethnographic narratives on sex trafficking to Western Europe. In: Trends in organized crime, 14, 30-46.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
  • The Slowak Spectator (2014) Segregated Roma the most frequent victims of human trafficking. In: The Slowak Spectator online vom 14.10.2014. http://spectator.sme.sk/articles/view/55563/10/segregated_roma_the_most_frequent_victims_of_human_trafficking.html
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17.10.2014 Information event: correct and incorrect knowledge much about Rroma in France

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Ouest-France (2014) reports on an information event for residents of the Nantes agglomeration. The towns of Saint-Sébastien et Saint-Jacques Saint organized the event to inform the residents of the municipalities on local Rroma. However, the focus was only on recently immigrated Rroma families, who enjoy strong public visibility. Already integrated Rroma were not discussed. In the municipalities, around 60 families live in rented housing units and are supported by measures aimed at integrating them into the professional and social life. A further 38 persons live in illegal settlements. While the conveyed information is correct, it nevertheless distorts the view on Rroma. For example, it was incorrectly said that Rroma, Manouche and Gitans are three different Rroma groups: “The Roma are one of three European gypsy groups arriving from Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia… They differ from the Manouches and the Gypsies, who are called “travellers” by the administration. Originally from India, the Roma arrived in Europe in the 14th century. Protected by the kings of Bohemia in the 17th century, they are sometimes called Bohemians. […] After 1989, they were attracted by the mirage of the West. 1,500 of the 20,000 in France live in the agglomeration of Nantes, all coming from the south-east of Romania.” However, the differentiation between Rroma and Sinti, called Manouche in France, is a political one. The Rroma all have the same migration history and linguistic background. The term “Gitans” in turn is among some familiar as the name of the Rroma from the Iberian Peninsula. However, they also build part of the Rroma, and are historically and linguistically no separate category. Also the finding that only 20,000 Rroma live in France, and that they come exclusively from Romania, is wrong. Moreover, Rroma arrived in Eastern Europe in the 9th century, not only in the 14th century, which is true for Western Europe. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, i 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. The majority of them are integrated, work, are fluent in French and send their children to school. Many have lived in France for generations, and not just since 1989, and come from all over Europe, not only from Romania. The recently immigrated Rroma, who enjoy strong public visibility, therefore constitute only a minority of the minority.

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17.10.2014 France: Thirty civil rights organizations calling for a respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements

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Amnesty International France (2014) reports on a new collective charter of thirty French civil rights organisations, which is currently being elaborated. In it, the initiators demand a more respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements by the French authorities, especially Rroma: “It [the charter] has the goal to change the mentalities and opinions with which one meets the residents of the sites, by communicating the recognition and respect of their fundamental rights and dignity. The illicit nature of an occupation does not allow use illegal means to end the situation; numerous rules shall limit the scope of the public authorities and the owners [of the occupied land]. Once made ​​public, one will be able to distribute it on the sites and slums in different languages, depending on the people present (French, English, Romanian or Bulgarian). To know ones’ rights is essential in order to assert them and to be protected, or to protect ones family.” It is in fact essential that a fair balance between the right to property, which in France has constitutional status, and the fundamental rights of the residents is ensured, not least their right to accommodation.” The charter on the fundamental rights of the residents of informal settlements will, in addition to the residents themselves, also be distributed to political deputies, bailiffs, police authorities, and other public authorities, in order to enforce its compliance, if somehow possible. One should add to Amnesty International’s remarks that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. The evictions don’t solve the existing problems and the question of integration, but simply push them from one location to the next. Particularly affected are the children, who often visit local schools and are hindered by the evictions at a successful education. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums only constitute a minority of the minority in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle class or even the upper class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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17.10.2014 Antiziganism study: statistics versus historical research on prejudices

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Zern (2014) discusses the debate initiated by Der Spiegel, questioning the reliability of the antiziganism study published by the German anti-discrimination agency. Fleischhauer/Petrovich (2014) criticised that the anti-discrimination agency added one field of the middle scale values in its statistical analysis, which the researchers had not assigned to the “negative” category. Zern, in her article for the MiGAZIN, points out that the criticism of Fleischhauer and Witsch is besides the point: it is not the statistical evaluation that is decisive, but rather, the emergence and adherence of prejudices against Rroma. This topic was not addressed satisfactorily by the study: “What problems does the finding that not more than 30 percent, but 20.4 percent of the German majority society don’t want to have Sinti and Roma as their neighbours solve? Should we not rather ask what such a survey says us about our society that rather relies on numbers rathere than ask about the origin of antiziganism? […] It would be important to put the attitudes of the majority society towards the Sinti and Roma into the proper context – and vice versa, because a majority of society cannot be conceived without its minorities. What circumstances have contributed to the mentioned attitudes of the majority society? For what reasons people began to think in stereotypical ways about Sinti and Roma? And how do Sinti and Roma perceive the majority society?” Zern thus addresses an important topic of research on prejudices: how do prejudices emerge and how are they maintained? In the case of Rroma, the negative stereotypes find their origin in the confrontation of the first immigrant Rroma with the rigid feudal order of medieval Europe. The Rroma with their ambiguous status raised this clear order to question, and with it existing power relations. Soon “gypsies” were equated with all those population groups, which were regarded as maladjusted, antisocial or seditious. However, these mechanisms of demarcation are not only a historical process, but also play an important role in the synchronous social sciences.  

At the intercultural weeks of Offenburg, stereotypes against Rroma also played a crucial role. In the opening ceremony, politicians and Rroma discussed about the perception problems of the minority: “Daniel Strauss, from Mannheim and chairman of the state association of German Sinti and Roma, said in the panel discussion that the “construction of the gypsy” is the problem, Sinti and Roma should be protected against this construction. “Gypsy depictions have nothing to do with Sinti and Roma.” However, with the money this cannot be resolved. “This is not a financial problem”, said Strauss” (Rudolf 2014).

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15.10.2014 Racist hatred after “Rroma attacks” in a school of Sheffield

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Several British newspapers report on violence at the Hinde House School in Sheffield. Various students were victims of severe physical attacks in the last few weeks and months, for which Rroma youth from Slovakia are made responsible. While the school management states to get the situation under control, a group of parents calls for harder sanctions against the school violence. The school administration is deemed to show too much tolerance towards the “gang-like culture” of the Rroma community. In the case described here, problems that also exist at other schools are made in​​to ethnic issues. There is no “gang-like culture” of violence among Rroma. What the newspapers report are the actions of individuals, who could also belong to any other ethnic group. The cited parents, who accuse the school principal of Hinde House to do nothing against the Rroma adolescents for fear of racism accusations, see this differently: “Parents have accused an inner-city head teacher of turning a blind eye towards violent gangs of Roma pupils for fear of being labelled a racist. More than 1,600 people have signed an online petition claiming ‘children have been stabbed, mugged and nearly kicked to death’ at the school. It urges the head not to ‘be afraid’ to tackle the issue – and suggests he is failing to do so for fear of appearing racist because the majority of the perpetrators are of Slovakian Roma origin. […] The petition was launched after an attack last Thursday that left pupil Rhys Larkings, 14, battered and bruised with a broken nose after being allegedly punched to the ground by three Roma Slovak teenagers.” The adolescents responsible for the violence were excluded of the school as a consequence, and the police have launched an investigation against them. The complaint of the parents saying that the school administration does nothing for fear of racism accusations is therefore unfounded. Rather, the outrage of the parents cited seem to be influenced by the nationalism fuelled by UKIP, as one can read in the article’s comments section. Excessive ethnic divisions only occur when people are willing to be manipulated by nationalist rhetoric. Rroma are not more violent than other ethnic groups (compare BBC News 2014, Daily Express 2014, Lawton 2014, The Star 2014).

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15.10.2014 Photo reportage on homeless Rroma: illustration of misery or favouring their exclusion?

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Mediapart (2014) comments critically on the photo-reportages of the French photographer Marc Melki. He portrayed homeless Rroma in the streets of Paris for two years, and published the photographs on the Internet, in exhibitions and in picture books. Mediapart criticises that the resulting photographs miss the intended aim of the photographer, without him acknowledging this aspect. Melki wanted to draw attention to the failure of the state and the public institutions that allow such misery, but at the same time he enables authorities and right-wing groups to identify the depicted persons and pursue them. In addition, the photographer does not get the consent of the portrayed families, but relies on the right to photograph in public: “According to several consistent testimonies of those managing the emergency shelters in France, they have repeatedly rejected the pleas of Roma families, who referred to the abandonment of an earlier accommodation, because of the publication of undated photos … In Brussels, families who were photographed without their knowledge, found themselves on right-wing extremist internet pages of their homeland. One can therefore completely wonder if these photos do not come to the aid of the police that comes at regular intervals to seize the impacts [possessions?] of the families, to throw them in waste containers and to drive them to their destruction…” Mediapart thus addresses an important point that is at times lost in the journalistic desire to document the “unvarnished truth”. Portraits and documentations are presented in a variety of contexts and with different intentions, whereby they are often given new meanings that do not need to correspond to the original photographer’s intent. For people who are heavily influenced by stereotypes about Rroma, the photographs of homeless Rroma can confirm their prejudices, rather than encourage them to inquiry and empathy, as the photographer intended. A discerning photographer should reflect upon the possible uses and interpretations of photos that can be used to the detriment of the portrayed persons. In France, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation. The majority of them are integrated, go to work, speak French and have their own houses. Many of them have lived in France for several generations. The photographer negates these invisible Rroma  in his will to portray the “unvarnished truth”.

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15.10.2014 Ozd: new Jobbik mayor demands of Rroma assimilation or emigration

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In the northern Hungarian city of Ozd, a representative of the right-wing extremist Jobbik party has become the new mayor after the local elections of October the 12th. Although the party is known for its strong anti-Rroma rhetoric, the new, only 27-year-old city mayor presented himself diplomatically in his first public statement. His oral statements are in contradiction to his campaign manifesto, in which he promised an uncompromising policy towards the Rroma: “He said he would crack down on crime and poverty on behalf of all residents, whatever their ethnic background. Yet the programme on which Janiczak ran in the election is explicit in singling out the Roma community. The manifesto, posted on the Jobbik Internet site next to a photograph of Janiczak, states: “We think there are two ways to solve the Gypsy question… The first one is based on peaceful consent, the second on radical exclusion.” “Our party wishes to offer one last chance to the destructive minority that lives here, so first it will consider peaceful consent. If that agreement fails, then and only then the radical solution can follow.” The programme threatens to “chase off people who are unable to conform”” (Irish Independent 2014). What the new Jobbik mayor is completely silent about in his call for assimilation is that most Rroma have been trying to integrate for a long time, but were hindered to so by economic and social exclusion. The continued segregation of Hungarian Rroma is therefore above all the result of the unwillingness of many Magyars to overcome their prejudices against the Rroma, and to facilitate their access to the labour market, to housing and public schools (compare Dunai 2014).

Aladar Horvath, a Hungarian Rroma activist, comments on the largely unchanged situation of the Rroma in Europe that development funds were often not accessed or landed in the wrong places. He adds that the economic crisis of 2008 has exacerbated social inequality: “Social injustice has risen markedly in the majority of EU countries since the economic crisis began in 2008, according to a recent study by the Bertelsmann Foundation. Discrimination and social divisions have increased especially quickly in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, where the Roma face “systemic discrimination.” In Slovakia and the Czech Republic, enrolling Roma children into classes or separate schools for students with “special needs” remains a significant problem despite recent landmark court rulings against segregation in both countries. Hungary in particular appears to be moving in the wrong direction. Observers say that’s because the popularity of anti-Roma rhetoric and policies outweigh influence from Brussels. The number of segregated, Roma-only schools has increased from 128 in 1997 to more than 300 today, Horvath says. Geographical segregation has also increased as the deteriorating job market and cuts to social spending have combined to drive Roma into isolated “islands of poverty,” says Budapest-based researcher Attila Agh, who worked on the Bertelsmann study” (Overdorf 2014). Of the 600,000 to one million Rroma living in Hungary, there are indeed many affected by poverty and exclusion. However, there are also numerous integrated Rroma, who do not live in segregated settlements and belong to the middle or even upper-class.

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15.10.2014 Nanterre: 30 immigrated Rroma evicted from pavilion

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Brahmi Howton (2014) reports on the expulsion of about 30 immigrant Rroma, who had settled in an abandoned pavilion in Nanterre. A large contingent of riot police was deployed to expel the group from its new site. The Rroma families were evicted in May this year, following a court verdict, from the grounds of the infrastructure company of Seine Arche (Epadesa), and have since wandered about the city from one place to the next: “This building has been unoccupied for over a year, and we decided to seize it as long as there is no solution found to host the families again”, said a member of the committee that was initiated in last spring to support them. In mid-afternoon, the families finally accepted to leave the place quietly, in the rain, and without knowing where to go.” In France, according to the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, speaks French and has its own accommodations. Many of them have lived in France for several generations. These invisible Rroma are not perceived by the media, the politicians and the public, they are even denied existence. On the opposite side, there is a minority of the minority, approximately 17,000 recently immigrated Rroma, who get all the media attention, as in the report. They live in informal settlements and are affected by extreme poverty, but also only want one thing: to integrate. Also in Saint André-lez-Lille, a group Rroma was evicted of their place. They had been camping next to the football stadium Sainte-Hélène since a year and a half (North Eclair 2014).

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15.10.2014 Miskolc: “Declared war to the Roma”

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Like other newspapers last week, Schulz-Ojala (2014) from the Tagesspiegel reports on the eviction of a Rroma settlement in Miskolc. Around 600 Rroma are affected by this initiative. The journalist focuses his article on the political context of the action: the instrumentalised and reinforced exclusion and discrimination against Rroma by politics. On October the 12th, local elections were held in Hungary; as expected, the national-conservative Fidesz emerged as the strongest force from the ballot. Also in the future, the party will have most of the mayors. As the second strongest party, the right-wing extremist Jobbik party reinforces its position, taking the second place in share of votes in 17 of 19 constituencies and winning 13 mayoral races in 9 counties. A very worrying trend, since Jobbik has repeatedly distinguished itself with Rroma-hostile slogans (Pester Lloyd 2014, Pusztaranger 2014). Beside Aranka Majoros, a Rromni effected by the eviction, Schulz-Ojala portrays the Rrom and human rights activists Attila Tomas: “Only an hour’s drive it is from Miskolc to the Slovak, Ukrainian and Romanian border; there peacefully undemocratic conditions can grow, away from the core of European attention and also in the isolated fields of understanding of the Hungarian language. Is it a silence before the storm? Attila Tomas lists the symptoms by name. Permanent crisis and growing impoverishment of the population shape everyday life of the former steelwork metropolis Miskolc, where in the 80’s 200,000 people still lived. The Roma, with almost exactly the national average of ten percent of the city’s population, then had work like everyone else. The collapse of communism and the closure of many factories made the Roma the first unemployed, Tomas states. The Roma who have a job nowadays work for the community, in order to avert the reductions in social assistance – well below the legal minimum wage. An unemployed family with three children gets to around 250 Euros of social welfare, including child benefit, half of what the low-income earners receive – a durable envy-breeding ground for the next poorer among the non-Roma. On the other hand, the area of Miskolc is just over a kind of war against the Roma. A few years ago, a spectacular series of Roma murders raged in particular within the vicinity of this city [….]. Downright ghostly it seems that now, scarcely five years later, the three most promising candidates for mayor campaign with anti-Roma propaganda for votes.” Schulz-Ojala conclusion is bleak: despite the increasingly established Rroma party Magyarországi Cigány Part (MCP), the minority continues to be a plaything of the leading forces in the country that don’t have integration and equal opportunities as the highest goals, but the maintain of power and nationalism.

Kacsóh (2014) also covers the forced expulsion of Rroma in Miskolc. He, like Schulz-Ojala, points out that the Rroma with an unlimited lease contract can apply for compensation of up to two million forints, attached to the condition of a voluntary relocation into one of the surrounding communities of the city. It is also requested that they will stay for at least five years at the new location. Adjacent communities as Sátoraljaújhely have in turn responded to these rules with limitations themselves: those who make use of this offer are not entitled to receive social funds for the first five years and may not acquire or rent any apartment from communal ownership. They are also excluded from the local work program for three years. Although these rules are illegal, the government of Sátoraljaújhely takes the change of a lawsuit and has therefore adopted the rules nonetheless. This is further evidence of the continuing prejudice against Rroma.

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10.10.2014 The excluded Rroma of Miskolc

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Molnar (2014) reports, as Odehnal (2014) already did at the beginning of this week, on the eviction of a Rroma settlement in the eastern-Hungarian city of Miskolc. While those families who have a lease can apply for a replacement payment of up to 7’200 francs, all those who are in arrears for their rent or don’t have any official papers for their house, will not receive any compensation. The Rroma residents of this settlement in Miskolc were particularly affected by the decline of state-owned factories, Molnar states, where many of them worked. But the object of their anger are the reasons for the settlement’s eviction: the creation of a bus parking area for a football stadium, and the openly racial policies of the Fidesz and Jobbik parties, which even run campaign with the topic of “Gypsy crime”. Some of those affected hope for a better life in Western Europe, including in Switzerland: “We are poor, but we have rights. We urge the European Union, of which Hungary is a member, to take care of our case”, demands a Roma leader during a recently organised demonstration in Miskolc. “Our houses were not ruins, they were perfectly habitable”, confirms another, whose property was also destroyed. Witnesses, among them Barbora Cernušáková, of Amnesty International, share this opinion: “Gypsy Town” deserves not at all to be considered as a slum, they state. Many Roma have announced to want to leave Hungary. A group of several families is interested in Switzerland, “particularly known for its low unemployment rate”, one of them announced, who is close to Swiss Roma.” In Hungary, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 600,000 to one million Rroma. While many of them are affected by poverty and exclusion, there are also many well integrated Rroma, who belong to the middle or even upper-class. These are not perceived as Rroma.

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10.10.2014 Swedish Member of European Parliament wants special taskforce for Rroma issues

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EurActiv (2014) spoke with Soraya Post, Swedish Member of European Parliament for the social democrats and a Rromni. Post wants to establish a special taskforce for Rroma issues, in order to put emphasis on these topics and to be able to better sanction nations which don’t adhere to antidiscrimination laws. In EurActiv, she presents her objectives in more detail: “Needless to say that as a Roma MEP, I will work on having strong language on Roma issues in every piece of legislation the Parliament will be adopting. Secondly, I will make a suggestion to include Roma history and culture in the EU countries’ national curriculum. Apart from that, it is important to ensure that every event about Roma in Europe should offer translation into Romani. At conferences and meetings, it is often the case that Roma cannot contribute to discussions because of a lack of translation services. Lastly, my two main goals during this parliamentary term are to work towards appointing a EU Special Representative for Roma, and creating a Roma Platform. The EU Special Representative for Roma should coordinate the work that is done in the EU institutions on this issue. The person in charge should serve as a bridge between the Romani, civil society and politicians.” Using the example of Sweden, Post explained further who important a close collaboration between Rroma-representatives and government authorities is: for the White Paper that documents the history of the minority in Sweden for the period of 1900 till 2000, they hold intense talks for several months. The White Paper is now builds the basis for school materials and for the deconstruction of stereotypes.

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Lichtensteiger (2014) provides information on a group of around 100 travelling Rroma, who had rented an empty meadow from a private citizen in Maischhausen. The community, which the journalist calls “clan”, had therefore settled legally on a private land and paid for it. Nevertheless, their presence led to turmoil and the engagement of the police: “They talk to each other in a Roma dialect, but with us in fluent German and French. Apparently, they are from the Alsace, which the number plates also indicate. “We are Roma, but not Romanian, write that! And we work here, not right here, but also in Zurich and the region”, says a traveller with a firm voice. On his red T-shirt emblazons the Swiss cross. They have a residency permit for one year and can work three months, it is said. […] The emergence of the strangers is perceived and commented on differently by the inhabitants. The opinions range from understanding, to indifference, to scepticism, to resentment and rejection. […] However, the landowner leased his land without the consent of the local authority. For this purpose, however, a building permit would have been required. […] Mayor Bruno Lüscher is on holiday. That’s why his deputy Roman Engelermeer took care of the matter. He did an on-site inspection and came to the conclusion that the stay was not tolerable in that way. Given the legal situation, the travelling community was asked to leave the place. They did this on the same day.” Lichtensteiger’s article clearly shows that Rroma often encounter massive resistance and are not be treated with kindness, despite the will to cooperate. Slightly more negotiating skills would have made the expulsion of the group unnecessary. It has also to be commented that the majority of Rroma are sedentary. Only a minority of the minority are in fact travelling (compare 20 Minuten, St.Galler Tageblatt 2014).

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10.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma clans and prostitution

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Szenogrady (2014) reports on a former employee of a money office. The 35-year-old was sentenced by the Zurich district court to a prison sentence of two years on probation, since he had forced a Hungarian Rromni into prostitution on the Zurich Sihlquai. The defendant, who is also indicted for the theft of 100,000 francs from his former workplace, which he admitted, denied the allegation of pimping: “According to the indictment, the defendant had operated in the fall of 2010 as a pimp and had regularly pressured and financially exploited a Hungarian prostitute. If the woman resisted, the resident of Bülach used brute force, by giving her fist blows to the head or kicks. The defendant is thought to have been a subordinate to a Roma leader, who had forced several of his countrywomen to hustle. The arrested Hungarian citizen has since been sentenced. […] The judge relied on the testimony of the witnesses for the prosecution. Accordingly, the Swiss had executed seamlessly the instructions of the boss, as a newcomer in the red-light scene. Therefore, a promotion of prostitution is said to be proven.” The background of the case described here cannot be critically evaluated, because reliable information is missing. However, it has to be critically remarked that the assertion of a connection between patriarchal Rroma clans and prostitution is wrong. Hierarchical clans are not a cultural peculiarity of the Rroma, as it is often claimed. In this case, it is a false equation of criminal organisations with Rroma, which is based on prejudices. Few Rromni are effectively working as prostitutes, but the media, who give this topic a lot of attention, distorts this fact.

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10.10.2014 Rroma, role models and education in Greece

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Sutton (2014) reports on the Rroma community of a suburb of Thessaloniki. According to the author’s opinion, the access to education for the local Rroma is still very limited. Women and girls are particularly affected as they often get married early due to traditional role models, she states. Sutton tries to show the discrimination against Rroma, but also reproduces one-sided stereotypes about the minority, especially by focusing on marginalised Rroma that are, contrary to her assertion, not representative of all Rroma, but rather a visible minority of the minority: “Statistics on Roma women make for depressing reading. They have on average 10 years lower life expectancy than the rest of the EU’s populations, higher infant mortality, less access to healthcare, limited access to information, extremely high levels of illiteracy, far higher rates of addiction, far, far lower rates of employment, voting and education, poorer housing and sanitation. In addition, girls are married off at 13 and generally start having children immediately, most without any knowledge of material health, infant nutrition or how to read. Despite giving birth in hospitals, the medical system doesn’t work on their behalf. Greek doctors don’t inform social services for a 13-year-old Roma girl in labour, even though this is one place where the vicious cycles of bad health, poverty and disempowerment could be broken.”

The continuing discrimination against Rroma as well as role models and traditions that impede or prevent an individual conduct of life are massive problems, which must be decidedly fought. However, the image of Rroma that is conveyed here which portrays them as a mass of uneducated and illiterate persons, who bear children while themselves in childhood, represents only a part of reality. They are visible Rroma, who live mostly in segregated settlements and are therefore easy to reach for statistical surveys or aid organisations. The integrated Rroma, who have good education, belong to all strata of society and also form part of the minority, are hidden by this account. This is problematic, especially when starting from the liberal premise that the life situation of poor people results from a lack of individual initiative, or even connects the characteristics described here in a fallacy with the culture of the Rroma. Poverty and exclusion have nothing to do with the Rroma culture. The general assertion that Rroma girls are married of at the age of 13, applies only to traditional families and certain groups. Many Rroma want a good education for their children and question traditional role models and early marriages. Sutton also implies this, when she asks the portrayed girls about their own wishes for the future. Nevertheless, a more critical and differentiated presentation of the background and the heterogeneity of the minority would have been very appropriate.

Sutton, Ruth (2014) The young Roma women who are changing their communities. In: Open Democracy online vom 8.10.2014. https://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/ruth-sutton/young-roma-women-who-are-changing-their-communities

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10.10.2014 Rroma, Pentecostals churches and ambivalent morals

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Quambry (2014) reports on the increasing popularity of Pentecostal churches among Rroma communities in the UK and in continental Europe. With the example of the Appleby horse fair in Cumbria, in the north of Britain, she explains the effect of the Christian movement on the community: the “Life and Light Gypsy Church” recruits actively new members there, strengthens the social cohesion of the community and tries to overcome the discrimination against the minority: “There have been religious services at Appleby from the 1930s till the 1970s, according to local historian and town mayor, Andy Connell, but they were led by local Methodist or “Assemblies of God” ministers, rather than Gypsy pastors. Life and Light, by contrast, is a church for the Gypsy people, led by them. It is changing everything that we think we know about the communities, reinventing and redrawing the image of the Roma, Gypsy and Traveller people throughout Europe. They are presenting a new face to the outside world – one of forceful moral and political authority, as they seek to free their people from prejudice and poverty. This is a story of emancipation, similar to that of the Baptist church in the American Deep South, led by civil rights and religious leader, Martin Luther King. The movement has spread from Brittany throughout France, into Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Holland, South America, Scandinavia, Britain and Eastern Europe. Around one third of all French Gypsies are now thought to be Pentecostal Christians – with about the same proportion in Spain and Portugal. Further east, in the former communist bloc, many Roma are Pentecostals […].” The self-empowerment of Rroma through the Pentecostal church can indeed be seen as something positive, if one focuses on the aspect of the strengthening of civil rights. However, one should be cautious when the Pentecostal morality is said to be superior to other social values. Many Pentecostal churches forbid contraception for their members, to abort and diabolise homosexuals as being possessed by demons. Such a morality is not based on an enlightened understanding of the world and independent critical thinking, but on Christian traditions, which in case of contradictions, put themselves above the traditions of the Rroma. An uncritical subjection to conservative role models and values should be questioned. They can also severely hinder a real self-determination.

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10.10.2014 Jean-Marie Le Pen in court again because of racist remarks

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Paris Normandie (2014) reports that Jean-Marie Le Pen, founder of the rightwing-nationalist Front National, is again set to appear in court on October the 9th. Le Pen had claimed at a party congress in 2012 that the Rroma steal as naturally as birds fly. In French, the word “voler” means both “to fly” and “to steal”. Le Pen was subsequently sentenced by the criminal court of Paris on December the 19th, 2013, in the first instance, to a fine of 5000 Euros. Since he has appealed against the judgment, he must now appear before the court of appeal of Paris: “The attorney for the MEP, Mr. Wallerand de Saint-Just, refers among others to the “right to humour”. A law which “contains limits, and which must stop at the point where violations of human dignity and personal attacks begin”, the tribunal had reminded. If the last “has in no way has spoken about humour or word games of good taste”, the judges estimate that the controversial statements indicate to a willingness to stigmatisation, which degrade the Roma “with a comprehensive and severely insulting stereotype.”” Pierre Mairat, co-president of the anti-racism organization MRAP, which had filed the lawsuit against Le Pen, condemned his remarks as a disparaging and demagogic. The the court of appeal will communicate its verdict on November the 20th (compare 20 Minutes 2014, BFM TV 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014).

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10.10.2014 European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) wants to foster the civil society integration of the Rroma

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EurActic (2014) reports on the plan of the European Economic and Social Committee to better foster the civil society integration of Rroma. It recommends that the governments and aid organisations of the European member states should provide more social housing for marginalised families and should improve the cooperation with the minority representatives. The evaluation of the integration efforts of the different countries varies considerably. While the committee gives very good grades to for example Finland, the assessment of the Romanian Rroma-policy is very mediocre. Valeria Atzori, the EESC Representative for Rroma issues, states: ““Roma are not travellers by choice. They are obliged to leave because they are thrown out of their settlements,” she said. “When they have houses, they stay.” This is one of the first EESC conclusions following visits to countries with Roma minorities over the last few months. EESC experts met with the Roma community, NGOs and national authorities in Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, and Spain. Through these meetings, the EESC aims at exploring civil society initiatives in the Roma integration process, and provide recommendations to EU institutions in November. According to Atzori, the situations vary considerably between countries. […] In Romania, the government still lacks political will to help the Roma, despite the creation of a National Agency for Roma Integration. NGOs and the Roma were defensive in their meetings with the EESC, and blamed both the government and the EU for not doing enough. Romania is also confronting deeply rooted stereotypes about Roma. Atzori said that due to a few Roma that are exploiting the system, a lot of Romanians believe that the minority deserves the deplorable situation they are in now.” What is not mentioned in the analysis is that the different EU-countries are dealing with very different conditions. The economic situation and political stability in the states are not equal, and difficult economic situations facilitate mechanisms of social exclusion. On the other hand, the will of political and civil society to integrate the minority is without doubt a critical factor to a better integration of the Rroma. In Mid-October, the European Economic and Social Committee will be rewarding eight organisations that have been particularly committed to a better social integration of the Rroma.

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10.10.2014 Centuries-old prejudices exacerbate integration

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Petersen (2014) reports on the integration of recently immigrated Rroma families in Berlin. According to the journalist and the CDU (Christian Democratic Union), the findings are sobering. As reasons for the supposedly difficult integration, the journalist refers to common prejudices about Rroma, which are thoughtlessly reproduced: „According to the CDU, the integration of Roma in Berlin is threatened to fail! Meanwhile, approximately 10,000 Roma live in the capital, tendency increasing. However, often they cannot be integrated: centuries-old traditions and clan structures can rarely be influenced by western strategies of integration.“ Petersen conveys the notion of a culture as corset, to which all Rroma subject to. Tellingly he doesn’t mention the prejudices, which exist since centuries and essentially contribute to their marginalisation. A worldview that builds on prototypical conceptions of men, and reduces the possibilities of a person to his or her will to act, is very reductionist. Apart from the prejudices and discriminations that impede an integration, the following measures are supposed to be applied to better include the immigrant Rroma: „Representatives from the youth welfare and the public health office, the school board and the police from Berlin and Rumania shall together visit the Roma-families. In the process, proposals shall be made to the families and on the other hand, there shall be sanctions, if for instance the children don’t go to school. Only with decisive actions can the integration succeed, the youth and health town councillor of Neukölln, Falko Liecke (41), stated. “So far, the plan of action of the senate is a paper tiger.” Liecke developed the seven-point plan together with Christina Schwarzer (38, CDU), MP of Neukölln, after a trip to Rumania.“ The plan of action also includes registering the Rroma, not an unproblematic plan, as this would be an ethnic register, and the creation of more day schools and support in health insurance. According to the Rroma Foundation, an estimated 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. The majority of them are well integrated, work, send their children to school, and have their own apartments.

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08.10.2014 Wolfgang Benz: „The return of enemy stereotypes“

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The German historian and researcher on prejudices Wolfgang Benz has published a new book in which he thoroughly investigates the mechanisms of prejudices towards Rroma. Benz tries to comprehend the reasons for the emergence and adherence of the negative stereotypes, which are consciously instrumentalised politically by various protagonists. In his article for the Tagesspiegel, he conveys the most important theses of his book. Part of these are self-appointed experts, who blame Rroma living in misery for their own fate, by playing off liberal self-reliance against societal injustices: „Sinti and Roma are rejected and despised, because they are poor, are regarded as placeless and without culture. Cherished through fears of foreign domination, enemy stereotypes are being reactivated. Self-appointed experts argue that they have to blame themselves for their misery in Slovakia, in Hungary, in the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Rumania or Serbia and the Kosovo. The situation of the Roma in Southeast Europe has become a tourist attraction, topic of hypocritical sensitive reports, which are being created with the point of view of master men – and confirm the majority in their rejection of the minority. Roma-foes call the object of their interest unashamed once more “Zigeuner”, even though (or because) it is hurtful. By the use of generalisations, fears are fuelled, and dubious knowledge about Sinti and Roma is spread, fears are evoked, which allegedly threaten us. The unpleasant characteristics, which are projected sweepingly on all Roma from Southeast Europe, are welcomed reasons for discrimination. Immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania are seen as the incarnation of a threat, which is usually equated with Sinti and Roma. The traditional stereotypes of the “gypsy” have sowed the seeds for generations, the new images of the slums from which they come, and the poverty in which they live, are seamlessly compatible. […] Xenophobia, racism, petty-bourgeois fears for their property and identity weaknesses condense into an enemy image of poverty migrants, whose feared attack on social funds, bourgeois order and the German way of life must be resisted. Right-wing populists and -extremists benefit from it, and operate their enemy image with success – in the middle of society.” The perpetuation of prejudices has become a vicious circle which is difficult to break. A possible way out is a public, media-catchy discussion of the integrated Rroma, the “invisible Rroma”. However, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret, for fear of discrimination among friends and colleagues, at work or in the housing market. Here again, there exists a vicious circle of legitimate fears that cannot be so easily overcome (compare Benz 2014).

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