Category Archives: Hungary

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17.01.2014 Rroma and the Street Prostitution in Basel

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Laur (2014) explores the street prostitution in Basel. Again, as told earlier about the now closed Zurich Sihlquai, the prostitutes are said to be of mainly Rroma origin. How the author got this information remains unclear. Rroma are a minority of about 800,000 to a million members in Hungary. The identification of ethnic membership is anything but easy, as the case of the blond Rroma girl in Greece has shown. Furthermore, not all members of the minority speak Rromanes. The Rroma membership of the portrayed women has therefore to be critically questioned. Laur states: “Many of these prostitutes come from Hungarian Rroma families. They are usually prepared early for their future profession. An evil fate and yet they appear externally unbroken on the road in Basel [ … ] . None of them moans, not feeling victimized. They do sex work because they see no alternative.” Discussions about Rroma and prostitution are often performed in conjunction with terms such as clan structures or forced prostitution. By stating that it is poverty that leads the portrayed women into prostitution, Laur may be closer to the reality than the estimates of support agencies and the authorities. These ascribe the prostitutes usually a victim status, which neglects the factor of poverty: “As you sell your muscle strength, you can also sell your body”, says Peter Thommen, a bookseller at Rheingasse and connoisseurs of the scene. To get upset about it or to moralize doesn’t bring anything. But he finds the prices scandalous, they are much too cheap. Exploitation can be found in other industries such as in the construction industry or in agriculture too. Furthermore, there is a lot less excitement than about prostitution, while the scandal is in fact the same.” However, when seeing prostitution as a form of work, one should be cautious not to trivialize dangers as the infection with deadly diseases and psychological damages.     

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01.11.2013 Rroma and Poverty

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Mappes-Niediek (2013) takes a look at the overall European situation of Rroma. According to a study by the Soros Foundation Discrimination of Rroma is not the main problem but their blatant poverty is: “Poverty is the main problem, not the discrimination, the researchers found: Of more than a thousand Roma respondents in the four countries, 76 percent in Italy and 66 percent in Spain  felt discriminated against. In Romania, however, there were 40 percent and 34 percent in Bulgaria. In Hungary, where right-wing gangs terrorise and hunt Roma, Roma hardly migrate to western EU countries.” So poverty is an equally important factor in the preventing attending school or to a doctor visit. That discrimination and poverty are not in fact directly related is doubtful. Mappes-Niediek counters the German hysteria about a mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria: Most Rroma remain in their country in spite of poverty.

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01.11.2013 Rroma in Hungary

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Gorondi (2013) reports on a project in north-eastern Hungary, where many Rroma live. In the village of Bodvalenke, Rroma artists from all over Europe have contributed to the production of 33 murals on the outer walls of village houses.  The subjects of the paintings cover both Rroma folklore and religious representations. The aim of the campaign is to strengthen both the self-confidence Rroma  as well as to attract tourists to the small village characterised by high unemployment. The Rroma, according to Gorondi, were particularly affected by the economic crisis: “The Roma have been hit particularly hard by the economic and financial crisis starting in 2008 in Hungary. During the communist era, which ended in 1990, they had mostly guaranteed low-skilled jobs. But since then, many Roma, including those in a village close to the Slovakian border, have had a hard time finding their place in a more competitive society. Half of the residents in Bodvalenke are younger than 18 years, and most of the adults are unemployed and live more badly than well on government support.” The idea of the murals comes from the activist Eszter Pásztor. However, the project is not without controversy. The mayor of the village would much prefer proper jobs. That the murals really will attract tourists is to be hoped, but probably doubtful in view of the widespread prejudice against Rroma.

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25.10.2013 Rroma Between France and Romania

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Delage / Tepeneag (2013) report on a residential project in the Romanian Tinca, a project supported by the municipality of Lyon with 300,000 euro. The aim of subsidised housing for local Rroma is to help them integrate into the labour market. Lyon follows the whishes of the French government to prevent the Rroma migration to France. However, accommodation does not solve the problem of high unemployment among Romanian Rroma, hence their lack of social integration which can only be successful be bridged with a commitment from both sides. Delage / Tepeneag summarize: “Ainsi, pour ce centre imaginé par des ONG françaises et roumaines, et qui accueillera bientôt les Roms les plus démunis de Tinca, Lyon a investi près de 300.000 euros. “Cela va permettre de leur assurer l’accès à des douches, à des lave-linges, pour qu’ils puissent se présenter décemment à d’éventuels entretiens d’embauche, ou à l’école pour les enfants”, explique à BFMTV Monica Suciu, de la Ruhuma Foundation” [Thus, for this centre imagined by French and Romanian NGOs, and which will soon welcome the poorest Rroma in Tinca, Lyon has invested about 300,000 euro. “This will allow them to access to showers to washing machines, so they can look decent for possible job interviews or at school for children”, Monica Suciu, of the Foundation Ruhuma told BFM TV.] France Info (2013) adds that there is a will to build a dignified existence on site among the Romanian Rroma. Often this is very difficult because of the access to the labour market is very restricted. The Romanian Rroma policies, according to the statements of Rroma in Tinca, are ineffective.

Delpla (2013) takes a critical look at the French Rroma policies. He criticises the dominant practice to return Rroma to their reported country of origin. On the one hand one ignores the massive discrimination in countries like Hungary or Romania – now also France – and on the other hand, the fact that they are a European transnational minority and therefore, have no particular homeland. What must be sought is a pan-European integration of Rroma and no back and forth between different  a minority status in nation-states: “La solution du gouvernement français est de renvoyer les Roms non nationaux dans leur pays d’origine, en expliquant que c’est à ces pays d’origine de s’en occuper – avec des fonds européens. C’est une mauvaise idée, car, dans ces pays d’origine, les Roms sont victimes de racisme manifeste […] Il faut traiter ce problème au niveau européen, à la fois parce que les Roms sont le peuple le plus transeuropéen et parce que les solutions nationales ne marchent pas.”[The solution of the French government to send non-French Rroma in their countries of origin, explaining that this is for their country to deal with – with European funds. This is a bad idea, because in the country, Rroma are victims of overt racism […] We must deal with this problem at European level, both because the Rroma are the most transnational people and because national solutions do not work.]  Delpla also argues for making the Rroma citizen of Europe only and not members of a specific state. This would strengthen the EU’s role in the enforcement of their rights massively according to Delpla.

Bouclay (2013) in his article for Valeurs Actuelles pokes fun at the efforts of the community Romeurope. The collective in his brochure simply blends out the prejudice against the Rroma on issues such as begging, theft and prostitution. According to Bouclay, the Rroma are receiving proportionally too much support: “En réalité, loin d’être une communauté soumise à la vindicte de Français xénophobes, les Roms sont soutenus par de puissants lobbys. Le collectif Romeurope compte une quarantaine d’associations financées par l’argent public. Sans viser à l’exhaustivité, un rapide florilège de leurs subventions suffit à donner le vertige.” [In fact, far from being a community subject to the condemnation of French xenophobia, Roma are backed by powerful lobbies. The Romeurope account forty associations funded by public money. Without aiming to be exhaustive, quick flurry through their subsidies is enough to make you dizzy.] He paints a very one-sided picture of support funds distributed to present the French Rroma policies in a good light. The actual points of discussion of the current debate remain virtually untouched.

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18.10.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The ruthless expulsion of a fifteen year old Gypsy girl to Kosovo, a girl who lived with her family for five years in France, drew added attention to the migration policies of that country. The girl was picked up during a school trip by the police and taken directly to the airport. The uncompromising internal politics of the interior minister Valls has led to severe tensions within the Socialist party. Many exponents of the party have accused President Hollande to continue a policy similar to that of his predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy and to tolerate Manual Valls as a “sarkozy like prefect”. Meanwhile in Paris, a demonstration with a few thousand participants demonstrated against the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and French immigration policies (Lehnartz 2013). In an interview with Euro News (2013) Dibrani suggests that Kosovo is not her home now. Her whole life, her future, is in France. She does not understand the migration policy of the socialist government. In spite of the controversial policies, Manuel Valls remains the most popular minister  of the Socialist party according to surveys. The right-wing National Front has seen a massive increase of voters in recent months.

Despic – Popovic (2013) trace the historical context of the relationship of Kosovo and its Rroma, a theme of greater public interest in the background of the expulsion of Leonarda Dibrani. She notes that before the Kosovo War in 1999, about 100,000 Rroma lived there[1], today there are still around 30,000. Unemployment and exclusion are daily occurrences. Rroma are regularly accused of having collaborated with the Serbian regime, because several Rroma buried the victims of the Serbian army as gravediggers. With the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state in 2010, many exiled Kosovars, including many Rroma have been forced to return to Kosovo. The deportees, among them many children, often do not speak either the two official languages ​​of Kosovo (Serbian or Albanian), rendering inclusion in the school system more difficult. In addition, access to the labour market and to health care is far from assured for minorities. The UN High Commission for Refugees and Amnesty International, have called for a permanent international protection for Rroma.

Atlantico (2013) takes a critical look at the social integration of Rroma in Kosovo. Since independence in 2008, Kosovo has been criticised by human rights organizations for its violation of the rights of minorities. Discrimination, its resulting poverty, and internal displacement are widespread. Wanda Troszczynska of Human Rights Watch states: “Les pays européens renvoient les gens les plus vulnérables du Kosovo vers une situation de discrimination, d’exclusion, de pauvreté et de déplacement à l’intérieur de leur propre pays d’origine.” [European countries send most vulnerable people back to Kosovo towards a situation of discrimination, exclusion, poverty and travel within their own country.]

Le Carboulec (2013) adds that the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and her family to the highlights whole question of dealing with asylum seekers in France. Is it appropriate to “surgically” to identify and remove people without papers? The Rroma are therefore once again the focal point of French politics with regard to the treatment of minorities, undocumented migrants and foreigners in general.

Akerman (2013) and thirty other people take the French society made a statement in writing in Mediapart about Manuel Valls’ statements about Rroma. The signatories state their great concern about the denigration of Rroma by the French Minister of the Interior and demand a more respectful handling of the members of this ethnic minority. She herself, as a lesbian, and also gay, bisexual, transsexual or transgender have always had to justify their identity of course wrongly so, in the course of their biography. The Socialist Party should not degenerate into a mere appendage of the UMP but must rely on its socialist values: “Les problèmes roms ont des noms parfaitement connus et nullement originaux : ils s’appellent droit au travail, droit au logement, précarité, stigmatisation, honte et pauvreté. Ce n’est pas nous qui sommes idéalistes, c’est ce gouvernement, son ministre de l’Intérieur, son Premier ministre, et celui qui les a nommés, qui sont racistes.” [Roma problems are well known and not original: they are called right to work, right to housing, insecurity, stigma, shame and poverty. It is not we who are idealistic, it is the government, the Minister of the Interior, the Prime Minister, and he who appointed them, who are racist.]

Francis Chouat (2013), the mayor of Evry takes a position in Le Monde on Valls controversial statements. As mayor, his perspective requires him to take pragmatic solutions about the concerns of his citizens. In the case of Rroma, this means that one must looks straight at the truth. Chouat believes that most of the Rroma living in the illegal settlements live in conditions of exploitation or as part of mafia networks. They therefore have virtually no power to act own or are involved in criminal activities: “La vérité, c’est d’abord la réalité regarder en face. Ce sont les conditions de vie dans les campestratus ment, totalement indignes, les enfants en danger, souvent exploites – comme beaucoup de femmes – par of réseaux mafieux. Ce sont aussi les vols et les Trafics organisés. […] La vérité, c’est donc dire que le claire ment of démantèlement campestratus ment est un impératif. Un pour les impératif Riverains comme pour la roms dignité of populations.”[The truth is, first look at reality. These are the living conditions in the camps, totally unworthy, children at risk, often exploited – like many women – by criminal networks. There is also the trafficking and organized theft. […] The truth is it clear that dismantling these settlements is a must. An imperative for local residents as to the dignity of the Roma population.] Chouat aligns himself to a governmental police way of looking at Rroma, to the eviction of camps which he thus legitimises. The possibility that the Rroma living in camps might simply settle there because of poverty and lack of alternatives is negated. Instead questionable ideas about intra-ethnic clan structures and relations of exploitation are dished to legitimise intervention.

Mouillard (2013) addresses the question of where the EU’s 50 billions earmarked for the Rroma integration went. On one hand, the EU support is divided into three pots: the European Social Fund, the European Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund. From these three funds in turn only a fraction will benefit Rroma. The actual expenditure for the integration of Rroma is difficult to track because the French Household Statistics do not work with ethnic categories. The integration projects named by Mouillard thereafter refer to travellers, people living in ghettoes or marginalised ones as in the case of housing projects. Another problem lies in the fact that EU countries only use a fraction of their assigned money from three funds effectively: “Mêmes faiblesses en Hongrie, où 40% des fonds sont dépensés, ou encore en Bulgarie (20%). Une précision tout de même : cet argent n’est pas perdu. Il retourne dans les caisses de Bruxelles, au titre de la règle du «dégagement d’office.»” [Same weaknesses in Hungary, where 40% of the funds are spent, or in Bulgaria (20%). Accuracy though: the money is not lost. It is returned to the coffers of Brussels, under the rule of “decommitment.”] Another problem lies in the administrative and organizational hurdles, making the access to the funds more difficult.

[1] This figure represents only the visible Rroma. Rroma were very well integrated in Kosovo and often confused with the Turkish minority. The real number was around 250-300,000. Less than 30,000 still live in Kosovo.

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11.10.2013 European Integration of the Rroma

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The Voice of Russia (2013) reports on the EU program ROMACT, in which Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Romania, and Slovakia participate, a program that is mainly intended to promote social and economic integration of the Rroma. Upon these EU plans, Russia’s Minister of Nationalities Vladimir Sorin announced that the Rroma’s lack of economic integration is mainly due to their travelling lifestyle. He reproduces misconceptions – most Rroma being sedentary – but above all, he trivializes the fact that the travelling way of life was the result of social exclusion. From an economic perspective, the 12 million European Rroma represent a largely untapped “worker reserve” that need be tapped. That the will of the European population is also necessary in addition to a better integration into the education system and the labour market, is easy to forget (Iskenderow 2013).

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04.10.2013 Day of Dignity of the Rroma and Sinti

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The 6th of October is the European day of the dignity of the Roma and Sinti. For the first time now Austrian representatives of the minority participated in the action. On this occasion, Romano Centro and fellow SOS organised a rally that will be held in Vienna next to the Burgtheater. Among others, Miklós Rafael, who was the victim of an arson attack in Hungary, will be speaking to the participants of the meeting. The Austrian Press Agency summarises the social context of the rally as motivated by the increasing hatred of Rroma in Hungary and the Czech Republic: “The rally is not randomly taking place close to the Hungarian Embassy. Especially in Hungary, the last years developments are more than questionable: arson and murder series, discrimination in all areas of life and marches of the radical right in Roma settlements have already brought many Hungarian Roma to leave the country. The current developments in the Czech Republic, especially the parades of right-wing groups also create a climate of fear that prompts Roma / Romnja to leave their homes.”  That discrimination against Rroma also takes place in Austria itself, should not be neglected (Austrian Press Agency, 2013).

  • Österreichische Presseagentur (2013) Respekt für Roma und Sinti! – Kundgebung am Sonntag. In: Österreichische Presseagentur (APA) online vom 4.10.2013.

http://www.ots.at/presseaussendung/OTS_20131004_OTS0007/respekt-fuer-roma-und-sinti-kundgebung-am-sonntag

 

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04.10.2013 Rroma in Hungary

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Verseck (2013) discusses again the Rroma murders in Hungary: The relatives of the victims are still inadequately compensated and live in poor conditions. Because of the lack of understanding about missing empathy for the members of the victims family, an anonymous donor from Frankfurt donated a sumptuous tomb for the slain Rroma. In addition, at the urging of civil rights activists, the Hungarian official investigation has announced new investigations into the whereabouts of accomplices involved in the killings which have still not been arrested.

Koob (2013) gives a chronology of the practiced exclusion and discrimination against Rroma in Hungary. He notes that many Rroma leave Hungary or already left because of the situation there since the arrival of the Fidesz Party to power has deteriorated massively. Many Rroma in Hungary are still being segregated and have to overcome serious obstacles in accessing the labour market and education. The minority protection laws are often reinterpreted through the judicial repression of Rroma and the implementation of European Rroma strategy is exploited to exclude Rroma from government subsidies: “For the 13 recognised Hungarian minorities, an extreme discrimination, whose standards are constantly shifting, is normality. This is supported by several judgments in which Roma were sentenced for violence against “ethnic Hungarians”, and with reference to the laws established to protect minorities, the so-called hate crime legislation. Another example are Fidesz’ magnificent inclusion promises on the national implementation of the European Roma framework strategy besides a tremendous forced labour regime and in the context of harsh sanctions countless Roma as non-Roma who are excluded from any government support.”

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20.09.2013 Disputes Between Rroma and Residents in Salzburg

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Clashes between local residents and travelling Rroma in Anthering (Flachgau) and Bischofshofen (Pongau) generated resentment in Austria and encourage the uncritical reproduction of distorted perceptions about Rroma. In Bischofshofen, young people organised via Facebook and subsequently visited travelling Rroma and provoked and insulted them. Police prevented further escalations. A few days earlier in Anthering a farmer tried to chase illegally camping Rroma by splashing them with manure (The Press, 2013). Once more, specific cases become precedents that are applied to Rroma as a whole. Most Rroma are not travellers at all and never were involved in any many illegal activities. Reporting such incidents is part of a tradition of one-sided coverage of Rroma: These reports are in many cases related to crimes or other negative events, which has led to the entrenchment of a negative public image. The proposal by the Greens immigration responsible Martina Berthold to provide an available camping spot for travelling met with strong criticism. There is no real need for it. That the article promotes racist attitudes towards Rroma can be inferred from the comment column. It reads as: “That the R & S [Rroma and Sinti] settlements in Hungary are located several kilometres away from the urban areas has reasons – ask the Hungarians why this is so. And remarkably – this is not new, this is older than the Nazis, but it has apparently proven to work. And proven things you should not be given up!” (Salzburg_24 2013).

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06.09.2013 Segregation of Rroma Children in the Slovak and Hungarian Education Systems

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The Standard (2013) discusses the continuing segregation of Rroma children in Slovak schools. According to a recent report by Amnesty International, 43% of Rroma children are taught in ethnically segregated classes. The Slovak government is responsible for this situation by that tolerating or even promoting segregation practices. The government defends itself by pointing out at the usually very poor Slovak spoken by Rroma, making a separate teaching a necessity. Critics, however, see this as an excuse to comply with the wishes of ethnic Slovaks to teach their children separately from those of the Rroma. Individual judgments, as in Prešov in October 2012, are a sign of the will of a dedicated group within the country to abolish segregation. Currently though, this still seems to be the common practice.

Pester Lloyd (2013) points out in a recent article about similar practices in Hungary: The opening of a new public elementary school was only announced by personal invitation solely to parents of Magyar origin. Rroma parents were intentionally excluded from the welcome letter. The County Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok has, according to the Pester Lloyd, the highest segregation rate in the country. Numerous court decisions condemning ethnic segregation of children in primary schools have changed nothing on the prevalence of this practice. The authors also condemn the distorting representations of the Hungarian Rroma politic by Hungarian Members of the European Parliament: Livia Jaroka, the Fidesz Roma representative in the European Parliament, talks about the immense progress in the integration of the Rroma. But whether this has indeed improved, needs to be critically examined. The Pester Lloyd points out to an issue that is given too little attention: To what extent integration programs actually bear fruit is very little researched and documented. What counts is the public statement that something is being done.

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30.08.2013 Aftermath of the Rroma murders in Hungary

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Verseck (2013) discusses the political aftermath of the Rroma murders in the context of the trials in Hungary. He notes that with the demands of civil rights activists and lawyers, for the first time, there are good prospects for effective compensation of the members of the families of the murdered Rroma. The Hungarian Minister of Human Resources, Zoltan Balog, announced to want to compensate relatives, as the Hungarian State carries a responsibility for the crimes committed. Balog, alluding to the still controversial circumstances, indicates that the Hungarian secret service monitored several of the perpetrators until shortly before the deeds, but for unknown reasons then stopped their investigation. Also, it took a disproportionately long time until the Hungarian authorities recognised the murders as being racist acts and ordered an overall investigation. Rroma activists like Aladar Horvath welcome the efforts of the Hungarian government to finally work out the events of the years 2008 and 2009. After the events, no public official ever took position on the victims.

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23.08.2013 Chronology of anti-gypsyism in Hungary

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Cseko (2013) gives a historical overview of the anti-gypsyism in Hungary. He notes that while it is certainly not a new phenomenon, the series of murders of Rroma between 2008 and 2009 was a new zenith in the hostility towards Rroma. Less well known are historical events such as the engagement of the Rroma for Hungary “during the revolution of 1848/49, against the Habsburgs and more than 100 years later in the uprising against Soviet rule.” Cseko also sees the Rroma like many others before him as the losers of the transition from socialist to capitalist system after 1989. Despite the many drawbacks of socialism, Rroma were then well integrated into the labour market. With the beginning of the post-socialist era, the racism against the Rroma increased once again: right-wing groups were formed, which abused the freedom of speech and press for their purposes. With the establishment of the right-wing Jobbik party in 2003 were terminologies such as “Gypsy crime” or “the Gypsy Question” (a reminder to the “Jewish Question” under the National Socialists) have become common expressions. Cseko also notes that there is a massive discrepancy between the official statements on the integration of the Rroma and its effective implementation. He notes: “The precarious social situation of Roma reflects the failure of the political elite of the country. All sides, left, right and liberals have failed to give the now 800,000-strong Roma population a perspective. Various programs were mostly just discussed, in reality, only a fraction of them were implemented.“

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16.08.2013 Hungarian Rroma and the Zurich Street Prostitution

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Staat (2013) focuses on the lives of Hungarian street prostitutes on the Sihlquai in Zurich. She describes the circumstances that lead young women into prostitution, as being dominated by poverty. But they are not just either victims or they prostitute themselves entirely voluntary: Lack of educational opportunities combined with socio-economic poverty are forcing young Rromnja to prostitute themselves or they are being forced or enticed by relatives or acquaintances to do so. Staat says: “For it is precisely this mix of poverty, lack of education, violence and hope for easy money that drives Hungarian Roma women to Zurich into street prostitution.” This representation may correspond to reality, but it be considered with caution when read in terms of the world of the Rroma. As an example, Staat tells the story of a Rromni who prostitutes herself for her family in Zurich. This may be true of women with similar biographies, but great caution should be taken before interpreting the circumstances portrayed as being a cultural phenomenon, as it is often just done. Poverty is not a cultural phenomenon, even if in the case of Rroma it certainly has cultural causes: the exclusion by the majority society. If one represents or understands poverty resulting from marginalization as being a cultural characteristic of Rroma, one actually ethnicises exclusion. One certainly needs to distance oneself from such a view.

Prostitution is a good example to highlight the complexity of supposedly one-dimensional phenomenon. Liberal representations of prostitution, such as the one, amongst others Mr. Valentin Landmann (Westnetz, 2013), assume a largely voluntary prostitution. Feminist representations in turn see almost all prostitutes as victims of organized trafficking (Schmid 2012). FIZ (2013), in its latest brochure writes that one must distinguish between human trafficking and sex work: The work in prostitution, whether due to lack of alternatives and lack of training is sometimes the only way to make money, but sometimes women also decide for it. It is thus wrong to always see all prostitutes as victims. Not sex, but the violence and exploitation in prostitution should be criminalised: “The distinction between sex work and trafficking is essential for the fight against the trafficking of women. Exactly as the distinction between marriage and domestic violence. Not marriage, but the violence in marriage, not sex, but violence and exploitation in sex must be punished.”

Keywords: Street prostitution, commercial, moral, economic, gender, law, society, prostitution, human trafficking, Switzerland, abroad, Rroma, Hungary, Education, Beobachter, FIZ, Das Magazin, Westnetz

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09.08.2013 Rroma Murders in Hungary: Four Right-Wing Extremists Sentenced to Long Prison Terms

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the judgment in the ongoing process against four right-wing radicals that has been ongoing for several years. The defendants are accused of having deliberately killed six Rroma. The judgments of the judges, three life sentences without parole and one thirteen years sentence, are not yet final because of the defence resource. Theses right wing activists, in a series of attacks, had set fire to the Rroma houses and shot at the people fleeing from the fire. Only by analyzing mobile phone data of the defendants could it be proved that they were at the times in question near the crime scenes. However, the trial does not address the dubious role of the local police. Odehnal comments: “As the German executive following neo-Nazi murders, the Hungarians first investigated feuds amongst the victims. […] In Tatarszentgyörgy the police suspected a faulty heater as a trigger of the fire, although there were shell casings at the scene everywhere.” Representatives of the Fidesz party pushed the responsibility for the lack of investigation on the incumbent Socialist Party in power at that time.

In his comments, Odehnal (2013/II) is sceptical about the social resonance of these sentences. In the Czech Republic, after a similar trial, there were increased marches of right-wing members and incitement against Rroma. Odehnal sees as a problem for the missing results of integration that the political elite of Hungary and other Eastern European states has not been held accountable for not acting against racism in their own countries. Thus, Rroma were sidelined as before, in spite of funding from foundations, the EU, and Switzerland.

Baumann (2013) adds that the victims’ relatives accused the local police of serious corruption in the investigation of the murders. They tried to cover up evidence. Even the racist motives behind these actions were not at all part of the process. The secret service failed to monitor two of the offenders until shortly before the crime. Eng (2013) adds that the perpetrators are supposed to have planned the murders after a dispute with Rroma.

The Basler Zeitung (2013) describes the sentencing more precisely: Two of the four defendants asked the court to not have to listen to the verdict. They were then led back to their cells. The judgment is only the first instance one and can be challenged in higher courts.

Ozsváth (2013) gives a voice to the families of the victims in his report. They are still stunned by the perpetrators lack of repentance and by the dysfunctional police investigation: They even contributed actively to the elimination of proofs.

Civil rights leader Aladar Horvath himself Rrom, see the court’s judgment as appropriate, but states that the crucial issues have not been discussed: the racism that motivated the killings and the objectives in connection therewith: “The sentences have been very high, and that is appropriate for the actions. Unfortunately, however, they were imposed only for simple murder motives. The indictment stated that the killers wanted to spark a civil war. They should have been charged with crimes against humanity and terrorism with the aim of genocide.” While Hungary denies its own past, as Horváth states further, racist murders are possible again. According to Horváth, Hungary’s role in World War II and the crimes of the communist dictatorship were processed insufficiently (Verseck 2013).

Kerenyi (2013) sees the sentences of the four right-wing as being just the tip of the iceberg of a total social phenomenon: According to a new poll, 80 to 85 percent of the population were “overtly or covertly racist against Roma”, 36 percent are committed explicitly to that Roma should be “separated from the rest of society,” that is, should be moved or deported to ghettos. A particular concern is that pejorative comments about Rroma belong to the current fashion educated circles. Kerenyi assessment of Culture Minister Zoltan Balog is also interesting. Balog, who held a flowering lecture on the Hungarian efforts to integrate the Rroma at the beginning of the summer at the University of Zurich, in which in spite of all the eloquence raised serious questions about the congruence of reality and his statements. Kerenyi comments: “Balog is a contradictory personality through and through. He belongs to the temperate wing of Orbán’s team, which does not prevent him to grant regularly honours to racists and anti-Semits.” Also, the condemned right-wing radicals are only a part of the perpetrators, who committed a series of assassinations of Rroma between 2008 and 2009. These offenders were up to now neither identified nor prosecuted.

Balzer (2013) spoke to the Hungarian journalist Szilvia Varró about the social backgrounds of the Rroma murders. A large part of the Hungarians, by far not only right-wing extremists, have great reservations about Rroma. Moreover, it is common to simply ignore radical or controversial events: “Racism and resentment were a problem already earlier. We Hungarians have never dealt with our past. Not with our role in the Second World War, not with the revolution of 1956 and even with the series of murders against Roma.” Most Hungarian media have not reported about the murders. Varró then started a project together with the filmmaker András B. Vágvölgyi: Actors known in Hungary were hired to retell the story of the action and the statements of the relatives. This piqued the interest of the usually apolitical tabloids of Hungary. While the reactions from the right side were understandably negative, the echo of otherwise indifferent people was positive: They started to be interested in the topic and question ethnic categorizations: What if it was her son who had been shot? The state media did not pay any attention to the movies. The above-mentioned films can be watched under the following links:

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HMjVjZDx7ug

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5z9aVB0Ktc

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzc2N9MirPI

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrWahe1pCWY

  • Basler Zeitung (2013) Roma-Mörder verliessen während Urteilsbegründung den Saal. In: Basler Zeitung online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Baumann, Meret (2013) Hohe Strafen für Rechtsextremisten in Ungarn. In: NZZ online von 6.8.2013.
  • Eng, Adrian (2013) Lebenslang für Mordserie an Roma in Ungarn. In: 20 Minunten Schweiz online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Kerényi, Gábor (2013) Auch die feine Gesellschaft schimpft über die “Zigeuner”. In: Berliner Zeitung online vom 9.8.2013.
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) Haft für das rassistische Quartett. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  6.8.2013. 
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013/II) Ungestrafter Rassismus in der Politik. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  7.8.2013. 
  • Ozsváth, Stephan (2013) Ermordet wie auf einer Jagd. In: Tagesschau online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Verseck, Keno (2013) Roma-Mordurteile in Ungarn: “Ein Zigeunerleben ist nicht so viel wert”. In: Spiegel online vom 6.8.2013. 
Hungary News Eastern Europe News Switzerland

09.08.2013 Dispute over Water in the Northern Hungarian Town Ozd

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In the northern Hungarian Town of Ozd, a dispute over drinking water arose. The city administration turned off drinking water to the local Rroma. The reason: they are wasting public commodities. Particular point of contention: the government of Ozd received one and a half million forints for the water supply of the Rroma quarters in qustion by the Swiss Confederation. In Ozd, during summer days, temperatures rise to over 37 degrees in the shade. The Fidesz party, currently ruling in Ozd, is repeatedly accused to promote policies that are against Rroma (Schroeder 2013).

The Tagesanzeiger (2013) adds that the Swiss government planned to finance the building of a water supply for 7 million Swiss francs in the Rroma quarter. We need to note that this is a huge sum by Hungarian standards and that its effective use should be investigated prior to funding. The project was on the verge of implementation: “The Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (EDA) confirmed that Switzerland finances, in the context of the EU enlargement contributions to Hungary, several infrastructure projects, including the drinking water system in Ozd totaling more than 7 million francs. With this project, which stands now just before its implementation phase, Switzerland wants to achieve, among other things, a sustainable water supply for the Roma population, wrote the EDA.”

Human rights activists and social workers on site describe the situation as dramatic: Especially Women and children are particularly affected by limited access to safe drinking water. The Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (EDA) gave to understand that the Hungarian project partners who will create the water supply financed by Switzerland, had assured that all city residents would have access to drinking water. How local circumstances actually look like remains unclear. With some doubts remaining,  one should pay more attention to critical descriptions (Tagesanzeiger,  2013/II).

Baumann (2013) substantiated the charge that the city of Ozd had decided in June to close 27 of the public water sources and to reduce the overall pressure. According to local authorities, it is possible as before, to get free water every 150 meters. The Rroma living in Ozd have no running water in their homes, so they depend on the availability of water at public facilities. The real issue therefore appears to be getting water without payment.

Knopf (2013) clarifies the reports with the note, that the order of Interior Minister Sandor Pinter means that most hydrants were reopened in Ozd. The reopening of the water supply affects all residents of Ozd and not just Rroma. At issue is a redevelopment of the entire water supply system. The EDA stated it awaits the the result of the investigation of Hungarian Ombudsman for fundamental rights.

Odehnal (2013/III) adds in his article dated 9 August, that only 15 of the 27 blocked water pumps were reopened and that the water pressure was reduced from 50 to five litres per minute. Moreover, only the main water pipes of the village were renewed. The connection  of the houses to the water mains has to be paid by the home owners themselves. According to Odehnal, this is a crucial point, as almost none of the Rroma in Ozd have water connections in their homes. They thus will not benefit from the Swiss aid project. In addition to the cost of a private water supply there is the hurdle of mandatory reporting: Many Roma pay rent, but live illegally in their homes. Without registration form, it is not possible to apply for a water connection. Odehnal comments succinctly at the end of the article: “When the steel mill was still in operation, Ozd spent 6 million cubic meters of water a year. Today, it is approximately 1.3 million. The reservoir and the lines are still designed for the old sets. Water shortage? The workers of the water company laugh, “No, that is something that never happened here.”“

  • Baumann, Meret (2013) Streit um Wasserversorgung – EDA wartet ab. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Knopf, Simon (2013) Roma von Ozd sollen wieder Wasser bekommen. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013/III) Wer einen Wasseranschluss will, muss zahlen. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom 9.8.2013.
  • Schröder, Alvin (2013) Trotz Hitzewelle: Ungarische Stadt stoppt Wasserversorgung für Roma. In: Spiegel online vom 5.8.2013.
  • Tagesanzeiger (2013) Kein Wasser für Rroma. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom 5.8.2013.
  • Tagesanzeiger (2013/II) Schweizer Geld für die Stadt, die den Roma die Brunnen stilllegte. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom 6.8.2013. 
Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

26.07.2013 Insufficient Reflection on the Rroma Murders in Hungary

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Verseck (2013) reports on the process of the Rroma murderers of Tatárszentgyörgy that will come to an end shortly after about two years. The defendants, two brothers and other men from the far-right scene since 2008 killed six Rroma and seriously injured  around 60 people, almost exclusively Rroma in a series of racially motivated attacks. Verseck attests to the Hungarian authorities blatant negligence in the investigation of the crimes. The responsible police for Tatárszentgyörgy upon arrival on the scene urinated on the evidence of the murders to cover it up. On political side, no empathy with the victims’ families was ever expressed; so large is the dependence of politicians on voters from the right to the extreme right. Trial observer József Gulyás also reproaches the Hungarian judiciary poor diligence in handling the evidence of the case: “It seems as if the Hungarian government and the Hungarian authorities want to bring this embarrassing affair behind them with the smallest possible hype,” Gulyás said in an opinion. Meanwhile, the relatives of the murdered live in constant fear. Every day they see the ruins of the burned-down house in which the victims lived and fear another attack in which they themselves might be the next victims.

Source:

  • Verseck, Keno (2013) Getötete Roma in Ungarn: Sechs Morde, kein Interesse. In: Spiegel online vom 23.7.2013. 
Bulgaria France Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania

26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The Blick (2013) reported on the controversial statement of the mayor of Cholet, Gilles Bourdouleix, who, while visiting an illegal Rroma camp that was to be evicted made a racist remark to. Bourdouleix is reported to have said: “Hitler may not have killed enough of them.” This occurred after he visited the settlement, consisting of around 150 caravans and after a dispute between himself and the residents. The Rroma are reported to have provoked the mayor with the imitation of the Hitler salute. Bourdouleix, however denied having made the remark. According to him, this is word twisting and a subordination of the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest”, which lost processes against Bourdouleix. The Blick adds that the term “Gens du voyage” refers to the Rroma with French nationality whereas the term “Les Roms” is usually associated with Romanian and Bulgarian ethnic Rroma.

Lehnhartz (2013) adds that the leaders of the Alliance Party “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI), to which Bourdouleix belongs, announced his expulsion from the party. The prefect of Loire-et-Marne has strongly condemned the utterance as a “trivialisation of crimes against humanity.” After Bourdouleix accused the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest” of defamation and manipulation, the newspaper published a recording of the comments on their website in order to legitimize their reporting. Bourdouleix was already noticed in previous years due to defamatory statements against travelling Rroma. But perhaps more frightening than Bourdouleix statement, the fact that 30 percents of the respondents or a survey gave him right to highlight the intentional non integration of Roma with his excessive remarks.

Le Point (2013) reported on 24 July that Bourdouleix resigned from the “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI). The UDI party leaders saw themselves forced to unavoidable and immediate measures following the unambiguous Bourdouleix’ words. Jean Arthuis, chairman of the UDI, further criticised Bourdouleix on the fact that he had not subsequently apologized for the remarks. 20 Minutes (2013) notes that the socio-political topic of Rroma remains controversial and could cause gains for parties of the rights in the upcoming municipal elections of March 2014. La Dépêche (2013) adds that Bourdouleix because of the accusation of “Justification of crimes against humanity” risks up to five years in prison and a fine of up to 45,000 euro.

Lafetter (2013) analyses the debates in France in the context of French Rroma policy of recent years. For Lafetter it is obvious that Rroma, who are increasingly living on the street, are the victims of a failed policy. Although the rigorous practice evicting Rroma from informal camps leads to short-term relief of conflicts with local residents, in the long run, it prevents the integration of Rroma. The leftist government does even more evictions than the previous Sarkozy government: “la gauche démantèle plus que la droite, sans pour autant proposer de solution pérenne de relogement. Selon les chiffres récoltés par Philippe Goossens, de l’AEDH (Association européenne pour la défense des droits de l’homme), 5 482 personnes ont été évacuées de force au deuxième trimestre 2013, contre 2 883 au premier trimestre. Un record depuis 2010.” [The left evicts more than the right, without actually proposing alternative lodging solutions. According to numbers gathered by Philippe Goossens of the AEDH, 5 482 people were forcefully evicted in the second quarter of 2013 against 2 883 during the first quarter. A record since 2010.] The evictions are also almost always done in the name of humanity. One deplores the lack of sanitary conditions in the camps or one orders the removal of the settlements for safety reasons. This, however, renders long-term integration, which should be the ultimate goal, even more difficult.

Moreau (2013) reports on the demolition of informal housing in Bordeaux-Bastide. The competent mayor arranged the eviction and subsequent destruction of residential units to make it impossible to re-use. This was done at the request of the residents, who complained about noise, poor hygiene, verbal attacks, pimping and others. The article reproduces without any reflection derogatory views about Rroma, when he cites: “Après un temps de tolérance, au fil des mois, les pétitions de riverains se sont succédé pour dénoncer des nuisances permanentes occasionnées par cette installation précaire : problème d’hygiène, tapages nocturnes et diurnes, voitures ventouses, sentiment d’impunité, agressions verbales, trafics en tout genre, proxénétisme, fumées noires et odeurs toxiques émanant de feux de métaux volés coulés sur place, etc.” [After a time of tolerance, during the month, petitions from neighbours followed one after the other to denounce the permanent nuisances that this precarious occupation generated: hygiene issues, noise day and night, impunity feeling, verbal aggressions, various traffics, pimping, black smoke and toxic fumes from the fires melting stolen metals on the spot, etc.]

Trossero (2013) reported on the eviction of an informal Rroma camp in Marseille. Due to a large police presence, the eviction generated a lot of public attention. Supporters demonstrated against the removal of the dwellings. The police chief of Marseille Jean-Paul Bonnetain, relativised the large police presence: It was not a confrontation but rather a peaceful eviction.

French Rroma organizations criticize in particular the unilateral practice of evictions: Too little land is made available for the Rroma, thus shifting the problems but not solving them.

Lefebvre (2013) discusses the difficult living conditions in an illegal Rroma camp in Roubaix. Because of the lack of water, residents are forced to tap into the adjacent hydrants, which calls attention of the authorities. Several Rroma were therefore already arrested. The lack of safe water also leads to a marked deterioration of sanitary conditions. Georges Voix, of the League for Human Rights stated: “C’est intolérable, ces gens ne peuvent pas vivre dans ces conditions. Les médecins qui interviennent dans le camp prescrivent la plupart du temps pour des maladies de peau dues à un manque d’hygiène. Et pour cause. Avec cette chaleur, la transpiration, la poussière et l’impossibilité de se laver, tout est réuni pour développer des pathologies cutanées.” [It is intolerable, these people cannot live in these conditions. Doctors who intervene in this camp mostly prescribe medication for skin diseases due to the lack of hygiene. With this heat, sweat, dust, the impossibility to wash oneself, everything is there to develop coetaneous pathologies.]

Moga (2013) reported on an informal camp in Strasbourg, in the district of Saint-Gall. The camp existed for over eight years and is home to around 400 Rroma. Now, the camp is to make way for a set of gardens. According to the responsible persons of Strasbourg, a permanent camp was thought about, especially now that voices were raised for the maintenance of the camp. Marie-Dominique Dreyssé, when she took office in 2008 as the person responsible for Social Affairs, she was shocked by the sometimes precarious conditions in the slums. In response, she founded the project “Place 16”, the only legal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, which opened in 2011. Around 130 people live in fixed caravans, almost all from Romania. Place 16 was to be only an interim station for the families until they have successfully built their own business and integrate. But almost all residents of the facility are there since the beginning. One now hope that with the free movement agreements due in early 2014, their access to the labour market will improve. The organization wants to create more camps that are recognized by the state on the model of the “Place 16” camp. The goal is to build in Cronenbourg and in Port du Rhin camps on which the Rroma can build their own houses, using reclaimed wood. However, regular objections from residents of the projected areas are creating a problem.

The French newspaper L’Express (2013) reports on a special art project in the village Bodvalenke in Hungary. On the initiative of one resident, paintings were mounted on the facades of many houses in the village. The subjects of the images cover the Rroma culture, with the aim to attract tourists and at the same time contribute to greater tolerance towards the Rroma. Bodvalenke has no tourist infrastructure, so engaged residents take care of the tourists themselves.

Sources:

  • 20 minutes (2013) Son dérapage sur les Roms risque de lui coûter cher. In: 20 minutes Suisse online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Blick (2013) Bürgermeister sorgt mit Roma-Beschimpfung für Empörung. In: Blick online vom 22.7.2013.
  • La Depêche (2013) Dérapage sur Hitler et les Roms : Bourdouleix menacé de poursuites pénales. In: La Depêche online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lafetter, Anne (2013) Les Roms poussés à la rue. In: Les Inrocks online vom 24.7.2013.
  • L’express (2013) Des fresques artistiques pour aider les Roms. In: L’express online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lehnhartz, Sascha (2013) Bürgermeister hetzt in Frankreich gegen Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gilles Bourdouleix démissionne suite à ses propos sur Hitler et les Roms. In: Le Point online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Lefebvre, Robert (2013) Roubaix: Coup de chaud pour les Roms du quai d’Anvers. In: La Voix du Nord online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Moreau, Florence (2013) Le squat de Roms se vide. In: Sud Ouest online vom 26.7.2013.
  • Moga, Nathalie (2013) Strasbourg : l’impossible camp rom. In: Rue 89 Strasbourg online vom 25.7.2013.
  • Trossero, Denis (2013) Marseille : expulsion de familles Roms, les associations protestent. In: La Provence online vom 24.7.2013. 
Hungary News Americas News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

19.07.2013 «Just the Wind» highlights Anti-Rroma Pogroms in Hungary

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Bence Fliegauf film “Just the Wind”, which won a Silver Bear at the 2012 Berlinale, currently runs since the 18th July of this year in German cinemas. The film explores the marginalization of Rroma by the Hungarian majority society, which in the case of the story – based on true events – led to the racist murder of several Rroma families. Rother (2013) of the FAZ interpreted the film as a plea for the right of existence of Rroma: “’Csak a szél’ is not the first film from Hungary, which deals with the fate of the Rroma or, as we say here, Cigány. While formerly the integration stood at the centre, as in one of the best known examples, in Pál Schiffer documentary movie “Gyuri Cseplö” from 1978, it seems the situation has gone so far now that movies have to defend the mere right of existence of these citizen.”

Assheuer (2013) interprets the film as an indictment of a latent state racism, which deems Rroma to be outside of the law and so they deliver into the hands of racist mobs. For these economically-racists arguments, Rroma are just useless bodies that do not contribute to the increase of national wealth: “The moment where the state singles Rroma out of the universe of civil rights, he declares them to be outlaws – he delivers them to the hatred of the society allows them to be shot as Misu, the errant pig, in the forest. […] Fascism therefore does not mean that the state built camps. It means that it takes the Rroma the right to have rights, and leaves them to the mob.”

Taszman (2013) emphasizes that the film became a political issue prior to its presentation at the Berlin Film Festival. The Hungarian Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, and the Secretariat of State for social integration issued a leaflet handed out to journalist, which represented the attitude of the Hungarian society and the Hungarian state towards Rroma as being open-minded. The letter repeatedly stressed the massive efforts of the Hungarian government made to successfully integrate Rroma.

Schnelle (2013) describes the film as an allegory about the omnipresent fear of something that is not visible. The invisible in this case is represented by the sudden arrival of the murderers, which, while the Rroma family indeed suspects will happen, cannot be articulated exactly. The father of the family now dwells in Canada, which one would like to follow on as soon as possible. Schnelle notes: “Fliegauf hardly tells of actual events. It is more of a film centred quite directly on fear. The family, threatened by racist terror and abandoned by a silent majority, is trying to survive the day after the last attack. And in the evening, as darkness falls over the village, one moves in bed together even more closely than usual.”

Krings (2013) describes the film as an oppressive portrait of repressed social reality: “Bence Fliegauf created a tremendously haunting film with “Just the Wind”, a laconic drama that accuses simply by showing a social reality that is often overlooked in Europe. Of course, such a film is no pleasure, though he builds tension like only a few thriller can. It is the cold power of horror. It is also about what Europe has to hide.”

Peitz (2013) sees the film as a portrait of people who were declared outlaws and must constantly reckon with death. In this “Tropic of Fear,” as it was called by the jury of the Berlinale, only extreme restraint and going for invisibility offers some protection: “[The film] is a snapshot from the lives of vulnerable people, almost unbearable du to fear. Bence Fliegauf glossed over nothing, many a Rrom in the film breaks his back with had work , some are just broken existences. But you can see the causes of the destruction, can feel the pogrom atmosphere with one’s hands. “There is no political film in Hungary, no more socially committed cinema” the director stated in a recent interview, self-critical of his own profession.”

Rebhandl (2013) emphasizes that the film genuinely shows the transition between nature and civilization, institutions, and vulnerability and tries to show, in which social atmosphere  ideological murders can happen: “A few weeks ago, a news went through the press that the Hungarian case against four men who allegedly killed six Roma in 2008 and 2009 is not progressing. They are still sitting in custody and whether there will be a process is unclear. “Just the Wind” leads a compelling indictment in a process that goes far beyond juridical concerns.”

Sources:

  • Assheuer, Thomas (2013) Und am Abend bist du tot. In: Die Zeit online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Krings, Dorothee (2013) eklemmendes Roma-Drama “Just the Wind”. In: RP online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Peitz, Christiane (2013) Menschenjagd als Spielfilmthema. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Rebhandl, Bert (2013) In der Hitze des Tages. In: TAZ online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Rother, Hans-Jörg (2013) Der lange Lauf dieses Tages. In: Frankurter Allgemeine Zeitung online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Schnelle, Josef (2013) Brillantes Gesellschaftsporträt: Benedek Fliegaufs Kinofilm “Just the Wind” über Roma in Ungarn. In: Deutschlandfunk online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Taszman, Jörg (2013) Ungarns Angst vor der eigenen Realität. In: Die Welt online vom 18.7.2013. 
Bulgaria Hungary News Eastern Europe News Switzerland Romania

28.06.2013 Human Trafficking, Rroma, and Switzerland

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The Swiss TV (2013) interviewed Jean-Luc Vez, Director of the Federal Office of Police (Fedpol). According to Fedpol’s Annual Report 2012, during the year, 5’055 reports of human trafficking were logged. According Vez, the clear increase in reports is due to the introduction of the witness protection program for victims of human trafficking. According to the report, 69% of those affected are from Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria and are members of the Rroma minority.

Source:

  • Schweizer Fernsehen (2013) Menschenhandel – es kommt Licht ins Dunkel. In: Schweizer Fernsehen online vom 25.6.2013. 
Hungary News Americas News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

21.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Canada

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Donath (2013) reports on the court case of the Hungarian Rroma activist Victoria Mohácsi who has applied for political asylum in Canada. Her court case was postponed for another month. Mohácsi had stated that she would be subject to threats by hate groups and persecuted by the authorities in Hungary. The Hungarian government denies that there is any danger for Mohácsi. Mohácsi case happens in the context of tighter asylum policies in Canada on immigrants from the EU, especially Hungary. Proponents of stricter immigration policy argue that in the past few months, there has been a wave of political asylum applications from the EU meant to take advantage of Canada’s social assistance. Applications from Hungary are the most frequent. Many of the asylum seekers are also Rroma.

Source:

  • Donath, Mirjam (2013) Canada asylum hearing delayed in closely watched Roma case. In: Swissinfo vom 20.6.2013.  
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