Category Archives: News Eastern Europe

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28.05.2014 Rroma migrants in the Paris region

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Radio Dreyeckland (2014 I/II) reports about Rroma-migrants on the Île-de-France, from the perspective of the collective Romeurope du Val Maubuée. The activist François Loret talks in the interview about his experiences during the relief work in Champs-sur-Marne: about routine evictions of informal settlements, about human dignity, problems of everyday life and the exploitation of Rroma in the informal economy. The collective, which consists of about a hundred activists, advocates for the integration of immigrant Rroma. François Loret has an awareness of the political instrumentalisation of the Rroma through politics and its campaigning. But he neglects the integrated, invisible Rroma. Loret regrets the big reservations of many politicians towards the Rroma, who are often also uncritically solid against the Rroma because of the bias in the electorate. Therefore, many evictions are politically motivated, and not the result of safety defects or other deficits. At the same time, it is amazing how little anger can be found among Rroma, he states. Loret sees the evictions as counterproductive to a successful, long-term integration.

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28.05.2014 Adoption of Rroma children in England: child removal justified?

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Several British newspapers report on an adoption case, which raised quite a few tensions among those involved. The focus of reporting centres on the adoption of two young Rroma boys – two and four years old – by a homosexual couple. The media now hash over the opposition of the parents against the adoption of their sons by a same-sex couple. However, the resistance of the biological parents seems to have mainly to do with the fact that their children were taken away from them by the children welfare organisation. The child removal was justified by poor parenting: the older siblings of the boys are said to have missed school regularly and the children were too often left alone and beaten. This crucial point, the reasons for the child removal, is not discussed critically by the newspapers. In return, the opposition of the parents towards the adoption of their children by a homosexual couple is debated in detail and the impression is given that Rroma in general have something against homosexuals and their influence on children. However, they seem not so much concerned with the homosexuality of the adoptive parents chosen than with the removal of the children removal. The parents criticized in the court: “The Catholic couple, who are of Roma origin, argued their two young children would grow up alienated from their family and community. Taking the case to the High Court, they accused the local authority of social engineering by attempting to turn the children white and middle class. […] “If as expected our children will try to find us and their siblings and roots, then they will discover huge differences between our culture and the way they’ve been brought up,” they said in statements to the court.”” The context of the child removal should be discussed as critically in this adoption case as the homophobia attributed to the parents and their dislike of the English middle class. Since the parents are Catholics, the relationship of Catholicism and homosexuality must also be critically debated on and not only be seen in the context of Rroma origin. The statement of the parents that Rroma worldwide don’t recognise homosexuality is their specific viewpoint and does not represent the opinion of all Rroma in any way. Many enlightened Rroma have no reservations towards homosexuals. This raises the impression that the central problem – the child removal and its legitimacy – is not adequately addressed in the articles. The natural parents want to take the case to the European Court of Human Rights (compare BBC 2014, Berg 2014, Doughty 2014, Porter 2014, Simpson 2014).

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28.05.2014 Flooding in ex-Yugoslavia: Rroma are particularly affected

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Radio Dreyeckland (2014) reports on the impacts on Rroma of the floods in former Yugoslavia. The problem is that Rroma who lived in destroyed informal settlements have no rights to insurance money, as they violated current law practices. Socially disadvantaged Rroma are therefore particularly affected by the floods. Accordingly, many German refugee councils call for a deportation stop of planned expulsions to the Balkans. These deportations are not reasonable due to the current situation. The refugee council of Lower Saxony further states: “Given the devastating floods in the Western Balkans and the thereby once again extremely difficult living conditions of members of minorities in these countries, the refugee councils of Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony, Berlin and Brandenburg demand an official ban on deportation to Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia. […] Even without flooding the situation for Roma in the Western Balkans is extremely difficult. After the deportation, many Roma do not know where they should live, what they should live from and how they will pay for needed medicine. Given the current situation, deportations to Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia are totally irresponsible. […] In addition, the provisional Roma settlements, particularly in Bosnia and Serbia, were especially affected by the destruction caused by floods and landslides. Some settlements were completely washed away or cut off from supply routes. They also fear that Roma living in informal settlements will not receive compensation for their destroyed homes and tens of thousands of people remain permanently homeless. The desolate situation which prohibits deportations will thus persist in the period after the water has dropped” (Flüchtlingsrat Niedersachen 2014). Tesanovic (2014) points out that the Rroma are not only victims of the flood disaster, but also actively participate in assistance programs. The Rroma offered rescue workers their help, including the breast feeding of infants by Rroma mothers.

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28.05.2014 No new transit site for travellers in Leisach

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Several Austrian daily newspapers report on the failed project of a new transit site for travellers, which are usually mistakenly equated with Rroma in the articles. Most Rroma are not travellers, but are sedentary. Furthermore, other ethnic groups, such as the Yeniche, also have a minority of travellers. The new transit site failed because of the high costs due to the necessary adaptations, as well because of a stop of the ground planning in Leisach. In addition, the project manager, regional minister Christine Bauer, was criticized for not directly seeking dialogue with the mayor, the deputy mayor or the council of Leisach. The owner of the property in question will continue to receive travellers on his site despite the negative decision. A commendable attitude, as he had to cope with hostilities of many other residents. No representative of the community participated to the press conference: “The landowners was praised by [Bauer] for his great civil courage” – even in the face of harsh headwind that was blowing against him in this sensitive issue – to openly advocate for travellers. Holzer also assured to continue to provide Roma, Sinti, and Yeniche families with a transit site for their caravans if asked for. In legal terms, nobody can prohibit him to do this, said the regional minister. Baur stated: “It should not be understood as defiance, but as an act of human solidarity” (Kleine Zeitung 2014). Again it must be stressed that travellers and Rroma are not synonyms, and therefore one should not speak of “travelling tribes”. Only a minority of the Rroma are travellers, some of them only seasonally (compare Egger 2014, Kurier 2014, ORF 2014, Reichkendler 2014, Tiroler Tageszeitung 2014).

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28.05.2014 Rroma, elections and political double standards in Eastern Europe

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Jovanovic (2014) addresses the problem that Rroma concerns are implemented only very rarely in politics. Jovanovic attributes this to the highly widespread corruption in Eastern Europe. Yet, he doesn’t really search for the reasons of favouritism but presupposes it as a fact. This leads to few new insights as to which things would have to change in order to improve the situation of the Rroma. Instead, Jovanobic conveys a too simple notion of illiterate Rroma, living in debt and poverty, who cannot get out of their misery cycle. Illiteracy among poor Rroma must clearly be identified as a phenomenon of educational alienation that has nothing to do with cultural traditions. The reason for the ongoing, unsatisfying status quo of the European Rroma policy, Jovanovic sees in a corrupt political system that urges the Rroma to vote for certain candidates in exchange for support: “Each election season, politicians across Eastern Europe manipulate, bribe, extort and threaten the Roma community into selling their vote to local gangsters in the pocket of political parties. Some voters select multiple candidates so as not to show any favouritism, thus spoiling their ballots. But most Roma voters are pressed to sell their ballots for a sack of flour or surrender them in the face of intimidation from creditors, or mafiosi who endanger their families. This leads to voter apathy, disillusionment and a sense of political powerlessness. […] Some are threatened with dismissal from work if they don’t vote a certain way. Buoyed by these kinds of manipulation, politicians elected in this way sit in national parliaments with little regard for the plight of the Roma who elected them.” Jovanovic’s denunciation of corruption and nepotism is important. However, he conveys a too simple notion of the social and political conditions in Eastern Europe. He doesn’t mention that the Rroma, although they contribute important votes, ultimately only represent a minority of voters. In Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Macedonia where the largest Rroma minorities live, Rroma represent eight to ten percent of the total population. It is therefore not only corruption, but also the unwillingness of the established parties to do something about the marginalization of Rroma that must be denounced.

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25.05.2014 “A People Uncounted” gives Rroma and Holocaust survivors a voice

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Various American newspapers report about the new movie by Aaron Yeger, which focuses on the marginalization of the Rroma in Europe. In an interview with NPR (2014), Yeger explores the question of why no exact figures on murdered Rroma exist as well what the marginalization and destruction of the minority meant for the former communities. As for the number of victims, the lack of written documentation by Rroma themselves as well as the absence of official documents is probably the main reason. The film focuses on the aspects of exclusion and persecution that are recapitulated by eyewitnesses. Language and traditions are only briefly touched upon. The New York Times comments: “While travelling to Budapest, Vienna, Montreal, Ukraine, Romania and Germany, the film, the first feature by Aaron Yeger, presents a range of lucid commentators, some of whom touch upon distant Roma history. But the primary focus here is on the disenfranchisement and ruthless persecution the Roma have long suffered in Europe: in Romania in the mid-1400s, by the Habsburgs in 1500, by Henry VIII and again by the Habsburgs in 1721. […] The darkest hour was the Holocaust, in which hundreds of thousands of Roma perished in concentration camps. Much of this movie is composed of survivors who give harrowing accounts of their experiences, and their warnings about rising ethnic hatred in Europe should not be ignored” (Webster 2014). Miller (2014) also points out that the image of the Rroma in the United States is shaped by stupendous reality TV shows such as Gypsy Sisters and My Big Fat American Gypsy Wedding. These convey a stereotypical, one-sided picture of the Rroma. “A People Uncounted” tries to live up to the complexity of the fate of the Rroma (compare Broadway World 2014, Documentary Trailers 2011, Scheck 2014).   

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25.05.2014 Damian Drăghici: “The Rroma are not the problem, they are the solution”

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Avaline / Zacharie (2014) spoke with the Romanian Rroma-politician Damian Drăghici on the European integration of Rroma and the barriers to a successful integration of this minority. Drăghici sees the need for a broader education of the Roma, both in terms of school education as well as what social skills are concerned. However, he emphasizes that Rroma who are publicly visible and are incorrectly seen by many as representative of all Rroma, represent only a small minority of the minority. Many Rroma rather seek a successful integration and a better future for themselves and their families: The Rroma are therefore the solution for Europe, Drăghici states, their integration into the European economies means more workers for a rapidly aging society. Drăghici hopes that the marginalization of the minority will be a thing of the past in fifty years: “Damian Drăghici does not want to see the Roma as a problem. Despite the signing of an agreement with Manuel Valls, as he was the Minister of the Interior, the senator estimates that the situation “has not changed”. If he does, above all, question the “individualistic vision of the states towards the question”, he confirms that the marginalization of the Roma will be “far behind us in 50 years.” “No one will remember that previously to be Roma meant to be set aside.” The challenge remains not only to integrate the minority generally into the national economies, but to do so at all levels, in all sectors of the economy, and not only in construction or agriculture. It is to be hoped that Drăghici will be right with his very optimistic future prospect.

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25.05.2014 Integration of Rroma in France remains difficult

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Mouillard (2014) reports on a Rroma integration village in the Indre that was initiated by the former mayor in cooperation with the local aid organization Romsi (Rencontre Ouverture Métissage Solidarité à Indre). The flagship project, which shows mostly positive results, is now probably drawing to an end. The reason: at the last local elections, a populist candidate replaced the incumbent mayor. During the election campaign, he promised to take action against immigrant Rroma. At the same time, the integration project showed how they created positive experiences for all parties involved, by offering French courses, the enrolment of the children in school and other help. The employees of Romsi are particularly disappointed, since they are aware that integration is a long process that would be set back by the closure of the project: “For the activist of Romsi, the track record of the solidarity village still remains “positive”. “The children are enrolled in school, the rate of delinquency in the community has not risen. But people continue to talk [about it]. That is exasperating…” Jean-Luc Le Drenn [the former mayor] tries to remain optimistic: “To close this village would be really a failure. In any case, maybe the prefect will intervene to oppose to it? The experience works and the costs of the community are low.” A rather rare mix in France, where the about 18,000 Roma are often forced to wander from one camp to the next” (Mouillard 2014). A distinctive feature of the integration project is the finding that those who were actively involved with the Rroma, clearly show less reservations about the minority than those who only speak about the Rroma or are bothered about the sight of informal settlements. Director Sophie Averty, who made a documentary about the integration village in Indre, shares this insight. Of the original fifty families, only five could finally stay in the integration project, but in return were actively assisted in looking for a job, the enrolment of the children in school, and in learning French: “The hateful and violent suggestions, you heard them primarily during the arrival of the fifty Roma, above all when the parents of the children protested and spoke of the risks of transmission of scrabies and fleas … as if the little Frenchman had no fleas! […] Some people were very hesitant, often through ignorance. Those who complain are those who have never set foot into the village” (Mouillard 2014/II). The problem of integration projects that are specifically designed for Rroma is that they cause resentments about the special treatment of a specific group. It is therefore important to generally help people in difficult situations and not to talk always of a “Rroma problem” or the “Rroma question”. Such a focus fuels resentments among groups who are also in economically difficult situations, as one can see by means of the dubious success of the Front National, who repeatedly abuses the Rroma as scapegoats for general societal grievances in France. Consequently, Marine Le Pen calls for an isolation of France after the model of Switzerland. A very questionable development (compare Dumazert 2014, Le Monde 2014).

EurActiv (2014) draws a first balance in respect to the projected mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania. So far, no increase of Rroma in Île-de-France region could be observed, says Laure Lechatellier, Vice-President of the regional council. Due to fears of a mass migration to Western Europe, seven years of transitional provisions in 2007 were imposed on Romania and Bulgaria after their EU-accession. The free movement of workers since January 2014 now guarantees all Romanians and Bulgarians, including the Rroma, free access to the labour markets of the EU-member states. Because of structural problems, the Rroma have benefited only minimally from this opening: “The free circulation of workers has put an end to this system and opens another right: the one to enrol oneself at the employment office. But the population of Roma from Romania and Bulgaria on the Île-de-France has not yet benefited from this possibility, due to structural discrimination. In France, the anti-Roma sentiment has reached unprecedented levels. According to a study by the U.S. think tank Pew Research Center, 66% of French respondents declare a negative opinion towards the Roma.” EurActiv thus points to the important fact that for a successful integration of the Rroma, not only a legal but also a social and societal equality is necessary. Such a one is still far from a reality, due to the negative attitudes towards the minority.

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25.05.2014 The rise of Jobbik and the Rroma

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Baer (2014 I/II) reports on the rise of right-wing nationalist party Jobbik in Hungary and their relation to the Rroma. The party has been able to claim a new record of votes at the last elections. More than 20% of the electorate votes in Hungary now go to this party, which bases its policy on nationalism, isolationism and xenophobia. Jobbik now reigns in ten communities where it enforces a restrictive policy towards the Rroma. For example in Gyöngyöspata, in north-eastern Hungary, where the new Jobbik mayor is monitoring the Rroma with cameras and has compelled them to compulsory community work in return for social welfare. Jobbik has recently gained a new image: it is said to act less aggressively than at the beginning and to have stopped working with obviously racist slogans, in order to have a greater appeal. The party recently changed its slogan on the Rroma from an open rejection of Rroma to “Roma who do not want to integrate” (Legrand 2014). However, this has to be interpreted rather as clever propaganda, than as a departure from the actual party program, as stated by the human rights activist Sandor Czöke. The head of the Rroma community of Gyöngyöspata, Janos Farkas, is harassed more often and defamed since the takeover by Jobbik: “If, for example, you go into the forest to collect branches for heating and you get caught, you get fined and maybe even come into prison. Their principle is that all Rroma are criminal, that all Gypsies are bad. In 2012, they set fire to my house. Our only tort is to be Roma” (Baer 2014/II). Baer’s concerns towards the increase of rightwing-nationalist ideas in Hungary are completely to agree with. However it is surprising that not a single word is said about the discrimination against Rroma in France. Also there, nationalist politics are done at the expense of the Rroma.

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21.05.2014 Daily Mail portrays Rroma as unscrupulous traffickers

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With his one-sided reporting, Enoch (2014) confirms a pejorative image of Rroma as unscrupulous traffickers. Without wanting to trivialise real human trafficking, which must be fought by all means, mixing different topics and the ideological instrumentalization of the event raises questions. On one hand, Enoch reports about a Polish Rroma family, who is said to have lured several Polish families to England, where they were forced into slave labour. The situations described are awful, and range from repeated use of force to sexual assault and modern slavery. On the other hand, it is sufficient for Enoch to describe the perpetrators as Rroma. Other motives for the crime are not mentioned. Nor how the Poles were lured to England. Instead, the ethnicity of the perpetrators is cited as a self-explanatory motive for the crime. Thus Enoch suggests a clear link between the ethnicity of the perpetrators and the offences committed by them, what is openly racist. Mentioning of an ethnic group in connection with criminal offences is extremely problematic, because it promotes a highly one-sided picture of the portrayed group. This does not conform with the lifestyle of a vast majority of the minority. That Enoch’s article is also biased by ideological and political values can be seen from the terminology used and the reasoning of the journalist. He states: “A family of Roma gypsies tricked three fellow Poles into moving to London, where one was forced into slavery and subjected to beatings – and all had their National Insurance numbers used to rip off the benefits system, a court heard.” The accusation that all Rroma from Eastern Europe want to apply for social benefits in England in order to enrich themselves, can often be read in the newspaper (compare Reid 2014, Reilly 2014, Jay 2014). Through these articles it becomes evident that the newspaper is not interested in a factual, scientific treatment of the events, but willingly mixes these with stereotypes and ideological opinions.

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21.05.2014 Fire of Rroma settlement in Villeneuve d’Ascq

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In the night from 17th to the 18th of May, a Rroma settlement in Villeneuve d’ Ascq was the scene of a fire. Fourteen barracks were destroyed by the flames. One of the residents died in the fire. The fire had originated inside his hut. It is assumed that the incident is an accident: “The victim, whose age could not be clarified, passed away after a fire had started inside of his shack, at about two clock in the morning, in the night of Saturday to Sunday, the fire fighters stated [ … ] “It was not criminal, as it seems, but purely accidental. The man supposedly went to bed with a candle, Father Arthur Hervet, a priest from Lille who helps the inhabitants and was on location Sunday midday, told AFP.” Before the investigations are complete, one should not jump to conclusions. A special feature of the settlement of Villeneuve d’Ascq is that it is not illegal. The local Rroma live on the premises in agreement with the municipality of Lille. The settlement is equipped with running water and toilets. The children go to local schools (Le Figaro 2014, Hardy 2014, Libération 2014, RTL France 2014).

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21.05.2014 Memory of Rroma revolt in Auschwitz-Birkenau

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On May 16th 1944, the prisoners of camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau actively rebelled. Rroma detained there were supposed to be led into the gas chambers by SS: “Armed with stones and tools, they barricaded themselves in the barracks. They managed to escape extermination for the time being. […] The uprising in the camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the “Gypsy camp”, was a highlight of the resistance that Sinti and Roma actively held in many ways against the persecution and extermination by the Nazis. But their resistance was broken: after the selection of all prisoners capable of working, the “Gypsy camp” was dismantled in early August. The remaining 2900 people died in the gas chambers.” In Auschwitz-Birkenau, around 23,000 Rroma were detained, half of them younger than 14 years old. Almost all of them were murdered. On the occasion of the commemoration, Deutschlandradio Kultur spoke with Silvio Peritore, from the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma. Peritore complains about the lacking reappraisal of the genocide in the post-war period, the detentions were legitimized as “crime prevention” in continuity with the Nazis policies, and the continuing tolerance of racist slogans under the guise of freedom of expression, which reveals ambivalence towards ones own history. The Administrative Court of Kassel decided in September 2013 that the posters of the NPD with the slogan “Money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma” had to be tolerated under the paragraph on the freedom of expression. The statement of facts didn’t qualify as demagoguery: “How can it be that after a recognition of the genocide – with exhibitions, with monuments, educational events – again today, people continue to be defamed with a similar language. Last year before the federal election campaign, now for the European elections again, these NPD election posters are tolerated under the guise of party protection and freedom of expression. The state or the judiciary does not evaluate this form of misanthropy as demagoguery and regularly slams complaints from citizens, from people affected, and from Sinti and Roma, who don’t want to put with that. On one side one has the historic confrontation in the form of monuments – which are important, which are essential – but on the other side, one has this contradiction that allows populist parties, right-wing extremists, to do their propaganda against minorities, especially against Sinti and Roma.  They use them as scapegoats for perceived or real nuisances, which is very frightening.” On one side, Peritore speaks about a legal loophole, the tolerance of discrimination by the rule of law under the freedom of speech and press, on the other hand, the problem of the social tolerance of these hostilities. It is therefore every single citizen responsibility to work and pursue a just society (compare Barbezat 2014, Deutschlandradio Kultur 2014, Die Presse 2014, Stoll 2014, Von Billerbeck 2014).

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21.05.2014 Once more: north migration is an economic and not a Rroma phenomenon

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Peters (2014) reports on Rroma in Sofia and Berlin. She portrays the famous image of marginalized Rroma below the poverty level, for which the conditions in Germany represent a major development step, even if it is only by receiving a minimum wage. Thereby, she characterizes a fairly accurate picture of the economic causes of migration, but mixes these too imprudently with ascribed characteristics of the Rroma. Although she also mentions the large proportion of well-qualified immigrants and the discrimination against Rroma in Germany itself, she only covers these issues very marginally. The reductionist, defamatory statements of the Bulgarian deputy prime minister, Zinaida Zlatanova, are cited as evidence for the strong marginalization of the Rroma in Bulgaria, what is identified by Peters as the main reason for the northern migration of the minority: “Bulgaria is home to many different ethnic groups. We have problems only with Roma”, says Zlatanova. “And these problems exist in every country that is home to Roma. This is not a Bulgarian problem. In France, Hungary – the same.” The exclusion of Roma children in ghettos and their own schools? “We should not tear the Rroma from their natural environment. Better they go to segregated schools than never.” Whether Germany benefits from identifying the phenomenon “poverty migration” as a “Rroma problem”, is very questionable. Also in Germany the Rroma are exposed top exclusion. The exclusion of the Rroma must not be concealed that is out of question. However, the marking of migrants as Rroma migrants creates more problems than it solves. The Rroma want to integrate and not undergo special treatment, which excludes them additionally. This only creates new resentments, as can be read in Peters’ own assessment: “We must take care of the Roma, who come to us”, says Giffey [councillor for education in Neukölln]. The dilemma is this: If you do that – then more and more come.”

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21.05.2014 Rroma and the Jobbik in Tiszavasvári

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Legrand (2014) reports about the Rroma policy of the Hungarian city Tiszavasvári, in north-eastern Hungary. In October 2010, the right-wing nationalist Jobbik gained most of the votes and appointed a mayor from the party. However, this did not lead to any significant change regarding the segregation and oppression of Rroma in Tiszavasvári, Legrand concludes. Already before, the minority had been marginalized and ostracized. Under the new Jobbik mayor, Erik Fülöp, no significant change has occurred in this regard, Legrand states. He didn’t destroy their homes or tried to evict them, as he had promised during the election campaign, however in return, the social exclusion has increased dramatically: The Rroma are more often harassed by the police, some even from the local doctor. The social assistance counter is located at the other end of town, so that Rroma have to go as far as possible. Their district is sealed off like a contaminated zone. In 2011, an attempt was made to revive the militia of the city, but failed due to the intervention of the Fidesz government. It was declared illegal. The local militia “Tiszavasvári Csendőrség” was involved in the deportation of Jews and Rroma under National Socialism. The “big Rroma Plan” of the new mayor is designed not to evict the minority openly, but to isolate them more systematically in their quarters and harass them: “In the first phase, the party organized a massive clean-up campaign in the neighbourhood Valak. “Now, if someone is throwing away garbage in the outside, he has to hand in social assistance”, says Anna, who fears an excuse “to confiscate the last incomes of the families.” The following stages are kept secret and the mayor and his assistants reject any media stress. Before the community centre, funded by the European Union, [is] a big house with exposed bricks, Anna sighs: “Even that comes to us, everything is done to avoid that one get out of here.” On can therefore question whether Legrand’s assessment is correct, when she concludes that the policy of the Jobbik mayor is a continuation of the earlier policy of exclusion. Rather, it seems that he brings the marginalization of the minority to a whole new level.

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21.05.2014 The political schizophrenia of the acid attack perpetrator

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=The forty-year-old man, who had doused the mattresses of homeless Rroma in Paris with an unknown liquid was acquitted. The court came to the conclusion that there was no clear evidence that it was actually acid. Rather, one assumes that it had been a mixture of soft soap and Javel, as the special hospital for poisoning confirmed. Therefore, the charge of deliberate use of force was not met. The victims had recorded that their mattress was showing traces of corrosion and therefore assumed it to be acid. This version was endorsed by the charity organisation, which supported the Rroma: “A few weeks before this process Laurent P. told his story to Libération: he was only 10 years old when in 1983, he participated in his first demonstration together with his parents, a pair of the militant syndicate: the Beurs’ March, from which later SOS racism emerged. Laurent P. graduated in 1994 in political science, three years he joined the PS (Parti Socialiste) and spent the next ten years in public service, including some time as special representative of the treasury department. Before the judges, Laurent P. displayed a form of political schizophrenia that surrounds his gesture and said that he understood to “have set a very strong symbol, which I did not ascribe any importance and what I’m sorry for. Wanting to hurt these people would be in total contradiction to my education” (Le Monde 2014, Tassel 2014).

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16.05.2014 Romeo Franz criticizes the German and European Rroma policy

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EurActiv (2014) gives a voice to the German European Parliament candidate Romeo Franz. Franz is a German Sinto who has campaigned for the social recognition of the minority for many years. In 2011, he joined the Green Party. Franz criticizes in the interview both the German and the European Rroma policy. Too little is done and many things only half-heartedly, he criticizes. Many journalists have no sense of the discrimination that takes place due to naming ethnicity: “I have been discriminated my whole life as a Sinto. But as a 14-year-old, I was already demonstrating for our rights. It is my duty, as a German Sinto, to get involved and fight racism. […] There are deep-seated clichés and prejudices, which are being passed along within German families. […] such racist prejudice can even be stirred up in the media and politics. In daily local reporting, for example. If someone is a criminal, their ethnic affiliation is not mentioned in the news report – except regarding Sinti and Roma. In that regard, there is no sensitivity at all among journalists.” He sees is as particularly concerning that also Germany consciously promotes the segregation of the Rroma: in his constituency Ludwigsburg, a Rroma container village is under construction that wilfully marginalizes the Rroma. These double standards are also found in the German migration policy: While Angela Merkel just announced plans to better integrate the Rroma in Germany, at the same time the cabinet declared Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia to safe countries of origin. This allows the deportation of immigrant Rroma: “The German government wants to make it easier to deport people from the countries mentioned. At the same time, the Roma situation in Serbia is even worse than here – no access to running water, education or healthcare. They are constantly suffering from racist encroachment. Their life is in danger. In Brussels far to little for the social acceptance and integration of minorities is done, Franz criticizes. He wants to change this by pursuing a policy of human rights.

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16.05.2014 Status report about Neukölln: Rroma are exposed to exploitation

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The current, fourth Roma status report on the district of Neukölln comes to a sober finding regarding the social integration of Rroma. Members of the minority are exposed to abuse and exploitation, the study concludes. Many are said to work for dumping wages as cleaners and under inadequate working conditions in the building sector. In addition, they are exposed to exploitation in the housing market through the rental of junk properties to unreasonable prices: “People attracted to Neukölln, mainly come from precarious conditions into precarious conditions”, says the study. Nationwide averages of highly skilled migrants from Romania and Bulgaria are not very helpful, when one has to decide what to do on the actual site, the authors note critically. […] “Debt and lack of housing” are mentioned as most urgent problems. Around 40 percent of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants in Neukölln receive social benefits.” The argumentation repeatedly makes use of statistics, which are cited at the same time approvingly for the authentication of receiving social benefits, however perceived critically regarding the proportion of highly skilled immigrants. This reasoning shows that statistical findings can be interpreted in different ways, depending on the need, and this is also done so here. Interesting is also the title of the study as “Rroma Status Report”, as it is explained that the vast majority of immigrants are Romanians and Bulgarians. This finding is important because in German statistics ethnicity is not captured. Rroma politicians like Romeo Franz argue the exact opposite: only just 10% of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants are Rroma. Nevertheless, the problems described should not to be negated. It is important to address them. However, it is very problematic to identify them as specific “Rroma issues”. Thereby, poverty problems are ethnicized (see Flatau 2014, Lombard 2014, Vogt 2014).

The district councillor of Neukölln, Franziska Giffey, notes critically that it is not the high- skilled immigrants who are coming to Neukölln, but mostly poorly educated immigrants, who are marginalized in their countries of origin. To foster their successful integration, more funding is needed: “There are various measures that should be implemented, but in reality we are missing financial resources and personnel”, said the SPD politician. Only 500,000 Euros for language and cultural mediators were allocated, which should then be inplace throughout the city – far too little, Giffey thinks. “Of course, in a 3 1/2-million city, leaving out the fact that we have over 10,000 Romanians and Bulgarians Roma alone here in Neukölln, with such numbers and sizes there is of course not a lot you can do.” Regarding the promtion of integration, the politician is absolutely right that combating nuisances contributes nothing to improve the situations. However, also here the dictum applies that the problems should not be treated as specific Rroma-problems (compare Runfunk Berlin Brandenburg 2014).

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16.05.2014 700 Rroma in Seine-Saint-Denis are evicted from their settlement

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In Seine-Saint-Denis, the largest illegal Rroma-settlement is being evicted. Located next to the A3 motorway, the settlement included more than 700 people. The majority of the inhabitants had left the camp prior to the arrival of the police forces, as the prefect of Seine-Saint-Denis announced. On the site, about 200 huts had been built, which are now being demolished. Accommodation has been organised for a dozen ill persons. A representative of the local Rroma organization criticised the eviction as hasty and as the result of a politics and change of camp in the communities involved: “According to Anaïs, a member of the support group of Rroma in Blanc-Mesnil, who did not want to state her name, the families  “hastily packed their bundles on Sunday.” “When we visited them on Sunday, many were already gone and many others were hastily on the move. This rash evacuation is the result of a political change in the two communities”, she regretted.” Both newly elected mayors of Blanc-Mesnil and Aulnay-sous-Bois thus continue a rigorous eviction policy as demanded repeatedly by Manuel Valls. Although this expulsion policy corresponds to the legislation, as the Rroma were residing illegally on the premises, it prevents and hinders a long-term integration of Rroma, which should be aspired (compare Dumontier 2014, Le Figaro 2014, Le Monde 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014, Metronews 2014).

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16.05.2014 Diocese of Lille cannot accommodate the displaced Rroma of Roncq

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Several French newspapers report on the fate of a group of displaced Rroma in Roncq. They were expelled last week from their accommodation without having been offered any alternative place to stay. Some families settled on the site of the church Notre-Dame-des-Victoires. The diocese of Lille has now announced that it does not possess the means and possibilities to accommodate the Rroma in reasonable terms: “The church has neither the necessary human nor the financial resources to find long-term, stable solutions for these families”, said the archdiocese in a press release. “That does not mean that we are indifferent to their fate! We have a team that could accompany the families.” “We cannot protect them. It is not an absence of charity (…) One seeks solutions for land and one doesn’t have any” the archbishop of Lille announced.” According to local Rroma organizations, the eviction of 700 to 800 Rroma in Lille is planned for July, following a court’s decision. Likely, there will be no alternative accommodation provided to them either. Around twenty Rroma, who settled near the church, can pitch their tents on a private estate in Haubourdin, through the mediation of ATD Fourth World. Another twenty have joined other illegal settlements in Lille (compare Belaïd 2014, France 3 Nord Pas-de-Calais 2014 I/II, Le Monde 2014, Le Parisien 2014, La Voix du Nord 2014 I/II). 

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16.05.2014 Pew-polling institute: Rroma are the most despised minority

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On the occasion of the upcoming European parliamentary elections, the Pew polling institute examined the opinions of the French, Germans, Greeks, Italians, Poles, Spanish, and English about the European Union, as well as on general social topics. The opinion research institute came, among others, to the finding that Rroma are the most despised minority in Europe, with prejudices in Italy, France and Greece being the greatest: “The most negative views in Europe aren’t directed toward Muslims or Jews. Rather, it’s Roma. [The] chart is really quite remarkable, showing that Spain is the only nation where more people hold positive views of Roma than negative. In Italy, just 10 percent have positive views about Roma, while 85 percent have negative views. Unfortunately, it’s not entirely surprising. Roma, often dismissively referred to as “gypsies” in Europe, have suffered discrimination in Europe for centuries, and some estimates suggest that 70 percent of their European population was killed during the Holocaust.” The study can also be interpreted as meaning that in countries with strong ideological debates about the minority, more people rejecting. Moreover, in the countries with the highest rejection – Italy and France – the media only report about Rroma living in Slums, which promotes a biased view.

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