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22.10.2014 Stereotypes: escalated violence in a Rroma settlement in Toulouse

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Numerous French newspapers report an escalated conflict between two Rroma families, in an illegal settlement of Toulouse. The members of the two families, originally from the Romanian village Blaj and of Timisoara, quarrelled about the theft of electricity. At the beginning, the conflict let to a brawl that then escalated further: a 35-year-old Rrom of the Blaj family fell, victim of the dispute. Six members of Timisoara family were arrested on suspicion of premeditated murder: “A man of 35 years died in the hospital of Rangueil. Despite an urgently undertaken intervention, the doctors could not save him. His autopsy could not yet be performed, but the man had been hit by several projectiles, bullets or, and (?) lead. Another 24 years old casualty remains hospitalised, but is outside danger. Five other injured people who were taken to hospital to receive treatment could go home. During the hearing of the ten people arrested on Friday (two minors were released yesterday), the suspects were not very precise. Although some admitted having used weapons, these were “only” used to shoot in the air. The investigative judge, Mrs Larrieu, will have to narrow down the responsibilities of both parties involved” (Cohadon 2014). In this case, the coverage of the violence in the informal settlement of Toulouse concerns only Rroma themselves. Nevertheless, caution should be exercised in the contextualization of the events: the notion of ​​Rroma-gangs, who exploit primarily other Rroma, is wrong. There is no culture of crime and violence among the minority, as repeatedly suggested by the media. Expressions such as “family businesses of crime” therefore build on massive prejudices. Rroma are not more criminal or more violent than other ethnic groups. The mayor of Toulose, Jean-Luc Moudenc, has announced that the camp, which accommodates 200 to 250 persons, will be evicted as soon as possible (compare 20 Minutes France 2014, Allen 2014, Boffet 2014, Le Parisien 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014, Libération 2014).

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17.10.2014 France: Thirty civil rights organizations calling for a respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements

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Amnesty International France (2014) reports on a new collective charter of thirty French civil rights organisations, which is currently being elaborated. In it, the initiators demand a more respectful treatment of the residents of informal settlements by the French authorities, especially Rroma: “It [the charter] has the goal to change the mentalities and opinions with which one meets the residents of the sites, by communicating the recognition and respect of their fundamental rights and dignity. The illicit nature of an occupation does not allow use illegal means to end the situation; numerous rules shall limit the scope of the public authorities and the owners [of the occupied land]. Once made ​​public, one will be able to distribute it on the sites and slums in different languages, depending on the people present (French, English, Romanian or Bulgarian). To know ones’ rights is essential in order to assert them and to be protected, or to protect ones family.” It is in fact essential that a fair balance between the right to property, which in France has constitutional status, and the fundamental rights of the residents is ensured, not least their right to accommodation.” The charter on the fundamental rights of the residents of informal settlements will, in addition to the residents themselves, also be distributed to political deputies, bailiffs, police authorities, and other public authorities, in order to enforce its compliance, if somehow possible. One should add to Amnesty International’s remarks that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of Rroma immigrants. The evictions don’t solve the existing problems and the question of integration, but simply push them from one location to the next. Particularly affected are the children, who often visit local schools and are hindered by the evictions at a successful education. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Furthermore, by the one-sided media focus on the informal settlements it is suggested that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, which are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the slums only constitute a minority of the minority in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle class or even the upper class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. For fear of discrimination, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret.

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17.10.2014 Information event: correct and incorrect knowledge much about Rroma in France

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Ouest-France (2014) reports on an information event for residents of the Nantes agglomeration. The towns of Saint-Sébastien et Saint-Jacques Saint organized the event to inform the residents of the municipalities on local Rroma. However, the focus was only on recently immigrated Rroma families, who enjoy strong public visibility. Already integrated Rroma were not discussed. In the municipalities, around 60 families live in rented housing units and are supported by measures aimed at integrating them into the professional and social life. A further 38 persons live in illegal settlements. While the conveyed information is correct, it nevertheless distorts the view on Rroma. For example, it was incorrectly said that Rroma, Manouche and Gitans are three different Rroma groups: “The Roma are one of three European gypsy groups arriving from Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia… They differ from the Manouches and the Gypsies, who are called “travellers” by the administration. Originally from India, the Roma arrived in Europe in the 14th century. Protected by the kings of Bohemia in the 17th century, they are sometimes called Bohemians. […] After 1989, they were attracted by the mirage of the West. 1,500 of the 20,000 in France live in the agglomeration of Nantes, all coming from the south-east of Romania.” However, the differentiation between Rroma and Sinti, called Manouche in France, is a political one. The Rroma all have the same migration history and linguistic background. The term “Gitans” in turn is among some familiar as the name of the Rroma from the Iberian Peninsula. However, they also build part of the Rroma, and are historically and linguistically no separate category. Also the finding that only 20,000 Rroma live in France, and that they come exclusively from Romania, is wrong. Moreover, Rroma arrived in Eastern Europe in the 9th century, not only in the 14th century, which is true for Western Europe. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, i 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma live in France. The majority of them are integrated, work, are fluent in French and send their children to school. Many have lived in France for generations, and not just since 1989, and come from all over Europe, not only from Romania. The recently immigrated Rroma, who enjoy strong public visibility, therefore constitute only a minority of the minority.

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15.10.2014 Miskolc: “Declared war to the Roma”

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Like other newspapers last week, Schulz-Ojala (2014) from the Tagesspiegel reports on the eviction of a Rroma settlement in Miskolc. Around 600 Rroma are affected by this initiative. The journalist focuses his article on the political context of the action: the instrumentalised and reinforced exclusion and discrimination against Rroma by politics. On October the 12th, local elections were held in Hungary; as expected, the national-conservative Fidesz emerged as the strongest force from the ballot. Also in the future, the party will have most of the mayors. As the second strongest party, the right-wing extremist Jobbik party reinforces its position, taking the second place in share of votes in 17 of 19 constituencies and winning 13 mayoral races in 9 counties. A very worrying trend, since Jobbik has repeatedly distinguished itself with Rroma-hostile slogans (Pester Lloyd 2014, Pusztaranger 2014). Beside Aranka Majoros, a Rromni effected by the eviction, Schulz-Ojala portrays the Rrom and human rights activists Attila Tomas: “Only an hour’s drive it is from Miskolc to the Slovak, Ukrainian and Romanian border; there peacefully undemocratic conditions can grow, away from the core of European attention and also in the isolated fields of understanding of the Hungarian language. Is it a silence before the storm? Attila Tomas lists the symptoms by name. Permanent crisis and growing impoverishment of the population shape everyday life of the former steelwork metropolis Miskolc, where in the 80’s 200,000 people still lived. The Roma, with almost exactly the national average of ten percent of the city’s population, then had work like everyone else. The collapse of communism and the closure of many factories made the Roma the first unemployed, Tomas states. The Roma who have a job nowadays work for the community, in order to avert the reductions in social assistance – well below the legal minimum wage. An unemployed family with three children gets to around 250 Euros of social welfare, including child benefit, half of what the low-income earners receive – a durable envy-breeding ground for the next poorer among the non-Roma. On the other hand, the area of Miskolc is just over a kind of war against the Roma. A few years ago, a spectacular series of Roma murders raged in particular within the vicinity of this city [….]. Downright ghostly it seems that now, scarcely five years later, the three most promising candidates for mayor campaign with anti-Roma propaganda for votes.” Schulz-Ojala conclusion is bleak: despite the increasingly established Rroma party Magyarországi Cigány Part (MCP), the minority continues to be a plaything of the leading forces in the country that don’t have integration and equal opportunities as the highest goals, but the maintain of power and nationalism.

Kacsóh (2014) also covers the forced expulsion of Rroma in Miskolc. He, like Schulz-Ojala, points out that the Rroma with an unlimited lease contract can apply for compensation of up to two million forints, attached to the condition of a voluntary relocation into one of the surrounding communities of the city. It is also requested that they will stay for at least five years at the new location. Adjacent communities as Sátoraljaújhely have in turn responded to these rules with limitations themselves: those who make use of this offer are not entitled to receive social funds for the first five years and may not acquire or rent any apartment from communal ownership. They are also excluded from the local work program for three years. Although these rules are illegal, the government of Sátoraljaújhely takes the change of a lawsuit and has therefore adopted the rules nonetheless. This is further evidence of the continuing prejudice against Rroma.

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10.10.2014 European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) wants to foster the civil society integration of the Rroma

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EurActic (2014) reports on the plan of the European Economic and Social Committee to better foster the civil society integration of Rroma. It recommends that the governments and aid organisations of the European member states should provide more social housing for marginalised families and should improve the cooperation with the minority representatives. The evaluation of the integration efforts of the different countries varies considerably. While the committee gives very good grades to for example Finland, the assessment of the Romanian Rroma-policy is very mediocre. Valeria Atzori, the EESC Representative for Rroma issues, states: ““Roma are not travellers by choice. They are obliged to leave because they are thrown out of their settlements,” she said. “When they have houses, they stay.” This is one of the first EESC conclusions following visits to countries with Roma minorities over the last few months. EESC experts met with the Roma community, NGOs and national authorities in Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, and Spain. Through these meetings, the EESC aims at exploring civil society initiatives in the Roma integration process, and provide recommendations to EU institutions in November. According to Atzori, the situations vary considerably between countries. […] In Romania, the government still lacks political will to help the Roma, despite the creation of a National Agency for Roma Integration. NGOs and the Roma were defensive in their meetings with the EESC, and blamed both the government and the EU for not doing enough. Romania is also confronting deeply rooted stereotypes about Roma. Atzori said that due to a few Roma that are exploiting the system, a lot of Romanians believe that the minority deserves the deplorable situation they are in now.” What is not mentioned in the analysis is that the different EU-countries are dealing with very different conditions. The economic situation and political stability in the states are not equal, and difficult economic situations facilitate mechanisms of social exclusion. On the other hand, the will of political and civil society to integrate the minority is without doubt a critical factor to a better integration of the Rroma. In Mid-October, the European Economic and Social Committee will be rewarding eight organisations that have been particularly committed to a better social integration of the Rroma.

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Lichtensteiger (2014) provides information on a group of around 100 travelling Rroma, who had rented an empty meadow from a private citizen in Maischhausen. The community, which the journalist calls “clan”, had therefore settled legally on a private land and paid for it. Nevertheless, their presence led to turmoil and the engagement of the police: “They talk to each other in a Roma dialect, but with us in fluent German and French. Apparently, they are from the Alsace, which the number plates also indicate. “We are Roma, but not Romanian, write that! And we work here, not right here, but also in Zurich and the region”, says a traveller with a firm voice. On his red T-shirt emblazons the Swiss cross. They have a residency permit for one year and can work three months, it is said. […] The emergence of the strangers is perceived and commented on differently by the inhabitants. The opinions range from understanding, to indifference, to scepticism, to resentment and rejection. […] However, the landowner leased his land without the consent of the local authority. For this purpose, however, a building permit would have been required. […] Mayor Bruno Lüscher is on holiday. That’s why his deputy Roman Engelermeer took care of the matter. He did an on-site inspection and came to the conclusion that the stay was not tolerable in that way. Given the legal situation, the travelling community was asked to leave the place. They did this on the same day.” Lichtensteiger’s article clearly shows that Rroma often encounter massive resistance and are not be treated with kindness, despite the will to cooperate. Slightly more negotiating skills would have made the expulsion of the group unnecessary. It has also to be commented that the majority of Rroma are sedentary. Only a minority of the minority are in fact travelling (compare 20 Minuten, St.Galler Tageblatt 2014).

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08.10.2014 Wolfgang Benz: „The return of enemy stereotypes“

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The German historian and researcher on prejudices Wolfgang Benz has published a new book in which he thoroughly investigates the mechanisms of prejudices towards Rroma. Benz tries to comprehend the reasons for the emergence and adherence of the negative stereotypes, which are consciously instrumentalised politically by various protagonists. In his article for the Tagesspiegel, he conveys the most important theses of his book. Part of these are self-appointed experts, who blame Rroma living in misery for their own fate, by playing off liberal self-reliance against societal injustices: „Sinti and Roma are rejected and despised, because they are poor, are regarded as placeless and without culture. Cherished through fears of foreign domination, enemy stereotypes are being reactivated. Self-appointed experts argue that they have to blame themselves for their misery in Slovakia, in Hungary, in the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Rumania or Serbia and the Kosovo. The situation of the Roma in Southeast Europe has become a tourist attraction, topic of hypocritical sensitive reports, which are being created with the point of view of master men – and confirm the majority in their rejection of the minority. Roma-foes call the object of their interest unashamed once more “Zigeuner”, even though (or because) it is hurtful. By the use of generalisations, fears are fuelled, and dubious knowledge about Sinti and Roma is spread, fears are evoked, which allegedly threaten us. The unpleasant characteristics, which are projected sweepingly on all Roma from Southeast Europe, are welcomed reasons for discrimination. Immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania are seen as the incarnation of a threat, which is usually equated with Sinti and Roma. The traditional stereotypes of the “gypsy” have sowed the seeds for generations, the new images of the slums from which they come, and the poverty in which they live, are seamlessly compatible. […] Xenophobia, racism, petty-bourgeois fears for their property and identity weaknesses condense into an enemy image of poverty migrants, whose feared attack on social funds, bourgeois order and the German way of life must be resisted. Right-wing populists and -extremists benefit from it, and operate their enemy image with success – in the middle of society.” The perpetuation of prejudices has become a vicious circle which is difficult to break. A possible way out is a public, media-catchy discussion of the integrated Rroma, the “invisible Rroma”. However, many of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret, for fear of discrimination among friends and colleagues, at work or in the housing market. Here again, there exists a vicious circle of legitimate fears that cannot be so easily overcome (compare Benz 2014).

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03.10.2014 Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne: different notions of equality

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Kaps (2014/I) reports on immigrated Rroma in Champs-sur-Marne and Noisy-le-Grand, two suburbs, 20 kilometres north of Paris. In the cities, many informal settlements were created, which are not tolerated by Maud Tallet, the communist mayor of Champs-sur-Marne. Astonishingly, as a communist she has extreme views on equality, which categorically exclude any special treatment of immigrant Rroma. Since they have settled on private and on public land, she sees no reason why she should help them with services such as water or sanitary facilities. Rather, she demands their eviction. She also doesn’t foster the enrolment of the children, but hinders it: children of Rroma immigrants, such as those of Christian Bumbai, a Rrom from Romania, are usually only enrolled in school after the assistance by locals. Otherwise, it is difficult for them to attend school, because the Rroma families do not meet the minimum regulatory requirements, such as a permanent residency. Maud Tallet conveys very one-sided, stereotypical ideas about the Rroma minority: she calls them “travelling people”, who require empty space and enough trash containers, where bulky waste and household items can be found. She does not seem to understand that poverty and exclusion have nothing to do with the Rroma culture. Nor that Rroma are not travellers. Therefore, the mayor demands for equal treatment cannot be met by the immigrant Rroma and thereby, as a communist mayor, she creates inequality. Despite these obstacles, the portrayed Rroma families Bumbai and Lucan try to successfully integrate, to find work, to send their children to school, and to find an own apartment. In France, according to the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma. The majority of them is integrated, goes to work, speaks French and has its own accommodations. Many of them have lived in France for several generations. These invisible Rroma are not perceived by the media, the politicians, and the public, they are even denied existence. On the opposite side, there is a minority of the minority, approximately 17,000 recently immigrated Rroma, who get all the media attention, as in the report by Kaps. They live in informal settlements and are affected by extreme poverty, but also they only want to integrate, “to get out of the slum” (compare Kaps 2014/II).

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26.09.2014 Dammarie-les-Lys: informal settlement Rroma being evicted

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The Rroma of an informal settlement in Dammarie-les-Lys, on the Île-de-France, will have to leave their dwellings by December 8th. A local court decided it. Around 100 people had settled on a community plot that, among other things, encompasses a dilapidated building. In this unoccupied house and around the building, the immigrants settled down on June 12th. Functioning sanitary facilities were not available. Several of the children are enrolled in local schools. Their future education is now being threatened: “They have the right to three months extension on the site”, adds Myriam Leroux, of the association “Essonnian solidarity for the Roma and Romanian families” (ASEFRR), a member of the collective Romeurope. She is accompanying them since their expulsion from the neighbouring department of Essonne. “They are all rag pickers. They sell at the flea markets of Montreuil on Saturday, Sunday and Monday. Otherwise, they live by begging. The women makes 5 to 10 Euros a day. What to eat from. They are also enrolled in the Restos du Coeur [a French soup kitchen]”, she says. And afterwards, where will they go? “For them it is the system-D [self-help]!” It should be stressed that forced evictions of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma immigrants. Due to the expulsions, the problems and the integration question are simply moved from one location to the next, but not solved. Also, due to the media’s and aid organisations’ focus on informal settlements, one suggests that Rroma are exclusively belonging to the lower class and are poorly educated. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They are completely hidden from the French public. The recently immigrated Rroma from Eastern Europe constitute only a small portion of all Rroma residents in France (compare Bordier 2014).

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26.09.2014 Louis de Matignon Gouyon: half of the Rroma children from informal settlements do not attend school

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Louis de Gouyon Matignon (2014) reports on the lack of education of Rroma children who live in the informal settlements of France. The lack of training of the children is partly due to the lack of appreciation of education by some parents, as well as the result of the fear of deportation by the French authorities. But above all, it results from discriminatory practices by French schools. Thus, some schools keep fictitious waiting lists to prevent Rroma from enrolling their children: “It is now assumed that 53% of Roma children do not attend school. The missing schooling of our young fellow Europeans (usually Romanians or Bulgarians) may result from the will of the parents to handle basic needs such as food, shelter or clothing with priority; or missing schooling may also result from a bad attitude or from a lack of funds on the part of schools: some schools apply fictitious waiting lists to discourage parents from enrolling their children. Some individual initiatives, based on private funds, such as the creation of small libraries or the establishment of courses by volunteers, are laudable, but they are not sufficient in order to prevent illiteracy among the Roma.” It must be stressed here that Gouyon Matignon assumes that 50% of Rroma children from the informal settlements do not go to school. This does not mean that half of the integrated Rroma children do not attend school. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are living in France. The vast majority of them is integrated, goes to work and sends their children to school. Gouyon Matignon therefore falsely equates the Rroma from the slums with all Rroma in France, which is not true. Many Rroma can read and write. Gouyon Matignon therefore unintentionally reproduces a stereotypical notion of ​​the Rroma. But he is not alone with that: many other authors and institutions equate the Rroma with the visible Rroma from the slums (compare Pozycki 2014).

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26.09.2014 Lyon: false barriers to displace Rroma were lifted

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Rue89Lyon (2014) reports on the lifting of the barriers that were set up by the authorities of Lyon in the whole city. The barricades had been erected a few weeks ago in all major squares to prevent travelling Rroma from settling down. The reactions and experiences with the barriers were entirely negative, the authorities of Lyon state, this is why the barricades are now being removed. A petition of business people and residents of Lyon had led to the establishment of the controversial barricades: “This Wednesday morning, one could witness that the Place du Pont (another name for this quarter of the seventh arrondissement) had been freshly cleaned and freed from the false barriers. These were supposed to deter populations classified as undesirable to the region (the majority of them Roma from Romania). They gather there every day to try to run an illegal market. [….] The result [of the barriers]: the public space was even more overloaded with rag pickers and their buyers, who still spread everywhere. At the entrance of the supermarket Casino, the passerby had to wander through the illicit market. Not to mention the illegal garbage that accumulated in the interior of the enclosed fences.” The impression that Rroma are to be equated with beggars and illegal traders is completely wrong. Rather, it is a prejudice that almost exclusively immigrant Rroma do illegal trading in public places. As already expressed many times, the recently immigrated Rroma represent only a small portion of all Rroma in France. However, they are the ones with the greatest public visibility, which is why they are often mistakenly perceived as representative for all Rroma. The majority of the minority, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation 100,000 to 500,000, are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society, and this often for generations. Rroma therefore belong to all social classes and are not to be equated with an underclass. These integrated Rroma are proof that an integration of the minority is easily possible if they are not actively prevented from doing so by prejudice and discrimination (compare Fournier 2014).

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24.09.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and arranged marriages

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The British tabloid Daily Mail reports about arranged marriages among Rroma. It refers to the Channel 4TV documentation “The Gypsy Matchmaker”. At the outset, Styles (2014) claims that 250,000 Rroma from Eastern Europe have migrated to the UK in the past decade. This is an absurdly high number that makes no sense, and is not proven by any sources. Rather, it seems to be the result of the polemical debate about the alleged mass immigration of poor migrants to Western Europe. Thereby “poverty migrants” are often equated with Rroma, although ethnicity is not identified in most statistics. Building on this polemic, Styles claims that immigrated Rroma have brought their tradition of arranged marriages to the UK: more and more underage Rromnja would marry in exchange for bride money with older men, often at the age of thirteen. As a result, he stats that it is impossible for them to complete school or training. This tradition goes back to the traditional Rroma code “Pachiv”, Styles claims. The word “Patjiv” means “honour” in Rromanes and is indeed associated with the preservation of traditions. However, this does not mean that arranged marriages are the norm among Rroma. They are only found among traditional families and only in certain groups, mainly among the Vlax (Romanian) Rroma. Styles present this as if arranged marriages of minors is the normal case among Rroma: “Fresh-faced and delicate, Esme, from Oldham in Manchester, might be barely 15 years old but to many in the Roma gypsy community, she’s a catch. Originally from Hungary, she is just one of the estimated 250,000 Romany gypsies who relocated to the UK from Eastern Europe over the last decade. But with the influx of people has come their traditions – including the custom of marrying off girls and boys once they reach the age of 13.“ Although Styles points out that this tradition is questioned among critical Rroma, by citing the statement of an older Rromni, this remains a marginal note. The impression remains that of an entrenched tradition that makes it impossible to the married persons to shape their own life and violates the British law, which defines marriages below the age of sixteen as illegal (compare McDowall 2014, Steele 2014).

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17.09.2014 Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: safe countries of origin for Rroma?

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The daily news of the ARD (2014) reports on the ongoing discussions and protests because of the declaration of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as being “safe countries of origin”. Accordingly, the federal government will soon enact a law that puts these three countries on the list of countries safe of persecution. Thereafter, minorities like the Rroma will have very poor chances of obtaining asylum in Germany. This is being criticised especially by social democratic politicians and non-governmental organisations. Recently, the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma has spoken out. Its chairman, Romani Rose, criticised in his statement that the three countries are anything but safe for Rroma: “In the three countries, the argument goes, there is no persecution, torture, violence or degrading treatment. […] Life for Rroma in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina is anything but safe, Rose declared. “Large parts of the minority in these countries have no chance in the labour market, they are excluded from any participation in social life.” For Roma, which are merely tolerated in Germany, the implementation of the plans could mean deportation.” While it is true that the Rroma in the Balkans were exposed to little discrimination until 1989, and many of the common stereotypes about the minority originated in Western Europe, this does not mean that the exaggeration of ethnic differences and the marginalisation of the Rroma have not become a real issue since then that affect many members of the minority. The adoption of the new law is due to an increase of asylum applications from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, which are turned down in the majority of the cases as being unfounded. However, these decisions are also criticised, since individual fates of exclusion and persecution get too little attention and are not considered appropriately due to lack of evidence. The status of safe countries puts administrative estimates about the protection of the civilian population, especially minorities, over the individual experiences of those affected. Whether this is a smart procedure that meets the real-life experiences of victims of discrimination, should be critically assessed. What matters in the end is the individual fate and not the official status (compare Amtsberg 2014, Attenberger/Filon 2014, Die Welt 2014, Ulbig 2014).  

Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek (2014) contradicts this opinion: He claims that the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are often affected by poverty, but are not persecuted. In Macedonia and Serbia, the Rroma rather build part of local communities and are found in all social classes and positions. Even the Rromanes is widely accepted in Macedonia: “Traditionally, in Macedonia and Serbia, it is far less disparagingly spoken about Roma than in the neighbouring countries of Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. The major, wearing his chain of office and shaking hands, attend Roma celebrations. In the newspapers one respectfully speaks of “citizens of Roma nationality”, and ethnic Macedonians also attend Roma pilgrimages. The European cliché that Roma steal is unknown in both countries. […] If Roma are exposed to persecution somewhere in the region, then it is the EU-country Hungary, where right-wing extremist groups inflame the atmosphere, literally hunt for Roma and the police looks the other way. However, from EU-countries no asylum applications are accepted in principle. Even discrimination based on ethnicity is likely to be far less in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia than what Roma have to endure in Hungary, the Czech Republic or France.” Thereby Mappes-Niediek addresses an important point: the difficulty of assessing the discrimination or acceptance of a minority that is already perceived very one-sided in the public in its entirety and complexity. For Mappes-Niediek, the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are particularly affected by poverty. This is certainly true for a part of the minority. But he also hides a part of reality: in particular the integrated Rroma, which can be found in all the countries of Europe and are not perceived as Rroma by the public. Rroma should not be equated with an underclass. They build part of all strata of society. Regarding the aspect of discrimination, the individual fate should still favoured to a reductionist, generalising assessment: because mechanisms of exclusion in a society cannot be read on a measuring instrument. They are subtly distributed in all spheres of a nation and not necessarily occur in the open.    

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17.09.2014 Survey of antiziganism: prejudices against Rroma in Germany remain

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Several German newspapers report on the latest study by the centre for anti-Semitism research in Berlin and the institute for prejudice and conflict research. For the study “Between apathy and rejection – Population attitudes towards Sinti and Roma” around 2,000 German citizens were interviewed. The study concludes that about a third of Germans feel Rroma as neighbours as being very or quite unpleasant. There is less sympathy towards Rroma than towards any other population group. Seventeen percent of the respondents consider them as very unappealing. This result is clearly linked to the opinion of the respondents that Rroma are responsible for the reservations towards their minority due to their own behaviour. This point is based on the false assumption that a visible minority of the minority can be equated with all Rroma. However, most Rroma are not delinquent and are integrated. This is ignored by the media and by the public. The following three results show how ingrained prejudices and resentments against the minority are: fifteen percent of the respondents consider Roma as criminals, fourteen percent as not assimilable, ten percent as lazy. Again, the prejudices are based on the public perception of a visible minority of the minority. The majority of the Rroma are integrated and are honest. The final result of the study is of particular concern: every second respondent thinks that a restriction of the entry requirements is an appropriate way to solve the problems with the minority. Again, there are misconceptions about a mass influx of poorly educated and delinquent Rroma. Rroma constitute only a part of all immigrants from South and Eastern Europe. Many of them are ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians, Macedonians, etc. There are also many well-educated Rroma, who are also hidden in the media. Romani Rose, president of the central council of German Sinti and Roma, raised severe concerns about the results of the study: “anti-Semitism is outlawed in Germany, antiziganism enjoys largely a free rein”, criticised Romani Rose […]. He warned against connecting poverty with ethic origin. “The Jews were too rich, the Roma are too poor.” This is an unacceptable generalisation” (Peters 2014). After all, Rose sees it as positive that around 80% of the respondents knew about the persecution of the Rroma during National Socialism. Nevertheless, knowledge about the minority needs to be deepened more through history lessons. This contrasts with the opinion of almost a third of the respondents who feel no historical responsibility of Germany towards the minority. One in five is for the removal of the Rroma from Germany: a very thought-provoking insight. In response to the poor results, an expert commission shall be set up to report to the Bundestag regularly on discrimination against the minority in the fields of education, employment or housing. The anti-discrimination commissioner of the state, Christine Lüders, also sees a special need for action in the fight against prejudice among police forces. Rroma in Germany are still more frequently suspected of criminal activities as members of other ethnic groups. She argues that “indifference, ignorance and rejection together form a fatal mix that [enable and foster] discrimination against Sinti and Roma” (compare Antidiskriminierungsstelle des Bundes 2014, Die Zeit 2014, Fürstenau 2014, Gajevic 2014, Gensing 2014, Lambeck 2014, MiGAZIN 2014, Süddeutsche Zeitung 2014).  

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17.09.2014 The visible Rroma of Sweden

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Gyldén (2014) reports about begging Rroma in Sweden. The very detailed article reports explicitly about the life circumstances of immigrant Rroma in Sweden, who earn their revenue with begging, playing music or with collecting scrap. On the other hand, the journalist presents the Swedish political system and the local economic mode that, according to the journalist, is not designed and adapted to begging with its “protestant work ethic”. Glydén article attempts, as many before him, to portray the life of the Rroma, but he ends up addressing only the living conditions of a minority of the minority: “They live there, at the edge of a clearing under birch trees, fir trees and squirrels. One moment, they are reminiscent of trolls from myths. But the lives of Corneliu, Aurelian, Florina and others – forty people in total – have nothing of a children’s story. These Roma, who originally come from Bacau (250 km north of Bucharest), leave their camp near a terminus of the metro, in the suburbs, every morning to pursue their “jobs”: the sidewalks of Stockholm, its parks, its metros. Some play the accordion; others collect returnable bottles from the trashcans. Most of them beg.” In his argument, Gyldén depicts the scenario of Rroma as poverty migrants, who, since the advent of free movement of workers with Romania and Bulgaria now try their luck in Sweden. But he ignores an important part of reality: First of all, critical studies show that there is no mass immigration of Rroma to the north. In addition, there are also ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and other ethnic groups from South Eastern Europe, which migrate to Western Europe. Furthermore, Gyldén negates the well and very well educated Rroma, which also form part of the migrants or have lived in Sweden for a longer period of time. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, they constitute between 15,000 and 20,000 people. After all, Gyldén relativizes, with reference to a Swedish journalist, the stereotype of organized begging networks: those emerged, after detailed investigations, as a construct.

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05.09.2014 Roma-village Fântânele: article confirms immigration fears

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Schwarz (2014) tries to portray Rroma from the Romanian village Fântânele in a more differentiated fashion. In spite of this, by creating a one-sided depiction, he manages to fuel fears of a mass immigration to Germany. The Rroma he portrays correspond to many stereotypes that people have about this minority: due to their membership to Pentecostal church, contraception is forbidden and the families of the village have an average of ten to twelve children. Of the seven thousand residents of the village, thousand live today in the Harzerstrasse in Berlin-Neukölln, he states. With this statements, Schwarz nullifies his own attempt towards a balanced reporting, as he presents a seemingly incontrovertible evidence that a mass migration to Germany indeed takes place. That Fântânele is not representative of all villages in Romania, is not stated. On the other hand, Schwarz presents a detail account of the relationship of local Rroma community to the Pentecostal church, to which almost all villagers belong: “Today, the church is the core of the community, it sets all rules. It forbids its members to drink and smoke. There is no pub in Fântânele, and no one smokes. Equally, it prohibits abortions and any kind of contraception. The new religion stabilised the families and promoted the cohesion of the community. The sobriety requirement preserves families in crisis from descending into the underclass. They also save themselves a lot of money that others spend on liquor and cigarettes. However, the limitation of the talents to sacred music ended an important source of income, and the prohibition of contraception boosted the birth rates. Families with ten, twelve children are the rule in Fântânele. […] The Roma who emigrate in order to work as a demolition labourers, as a flyer distributors, or as a construction workers, have no different motivation than the Romanian doctors who get headhunted from German hospitals: all of them hope for a better life and a better future for their children.” However, Schwarz does not mention distinctly enough that Rroma only represent a portion of the immigrants to Western Europe. Many ethnic Romanians, who account for the majority of the country, migrate to the north. In addition, not all Rroma belong to the Pentecostal church, which prohibits contraception. More than a few Rroma have qualifications and practice contraception. By focusing on this specific village and this group of Rroma, Schwarz reproduces the notion of a mass immigration to Germany, despite all his historical contextualization and differentiation of Rroma groups. This assertion is qualified by critical research (MiGAZIN 2013).

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27.08.2014 Integration policy towards Rroma in Dortmund

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Völkel (2014) writes about the integration efforts of the Workers’ Welfare Association (AWO). The social workers of the AWO try to help immigrated Rroma in their integration efforts by assisting them in their search for housing, jobs, as well as with German language courses. Völkel states that since the AWO offers this support for free, conflicts arise with people smugglers who help the newcomers with agency appointments and different application procedures, in return for exorbitant prices. As a positive example, the journalist presents the family Ion-Lazar. The Rroma, originally from Romania, try to integrate successfully by all means: “As for instance Fabian Lazar-Ion (39) and his wife Anisoara (31). The two Romanians from Galati in the Moldavian region have gone to Spain nine years ago to work there. They fled from the lack of prospects, the hatred against Sinti and Roma and the discrimination in their homeland. In Spain, they were doing well. They learned Spanish and had both work and earned a living. But then came the economic crisis. “We couldn’t find work anymore”, states the father of two children. He heard from his sister Gabriela Lihcah that there was work in Dortmund. […] First, they searched unsuccessfully for work, housing, and some perspectives. Their life changed when they met Mirza. The street worker and the translator Tatiana-Iolanda Christea invited them for breakfast and showed them possibilities. […] Both have found mini-jobs or seasonal work. But it is financially not enough to move to another part of town, away from the drug trade and the so-called illicit worker district.” The article demonstrates successfully that reductionist notions of anti-social Rroma, not willing to integrate, are wrong. The portrayed Rroma, who fled from the economic crisis to Germany, just want to live a normal life and provide a good future for their children. Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 “invisible Rroma” are living integrated in Germany. Many of them have done so for several generations. They are the proof that an integration of the Rroma is possible without problems, if they are not actively prevented from it by marginalisation and discrimination.

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22.08.2014 Integration of immigrant Rroma-children in German schools

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Der Westen and Radio Ennepe Ruhr report on the integration of children from immigrant Rroma families in the public schools of Ennepetal in North Rhine-Westphalia. This is said to proceed in a largely positive fashion. According to the journalists’ estimates, the families were a part of those families that received media attention while living in the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and who subsequently  moved to Ennepetal. Around 30 adults and 80 children are now living in the worker housinf of a former metal factory. While it is stressed that the integration of the families has enjoyed top priority from the start and will be actively promoted by the community, one is nevertheless irritated by the fact that the children are not integrated into regular classes, but are rather taught in so-called “integration classes”. Of the 52 Rroma-children who were enrolled into these integration classes, in which their viability for the regular school is assessed, only six now will go to regular classes with the new school year starting. For those responsible for integration, this seems to be a success. However, from the perspective of a real integration, the segregated teaching of Rroma children is extremely problematic, as they can hardly socialise with other children. Anke Velten-Franke from the mayor’s office sees this differently: since Rrroma children are taught in the buildings of the middle and primary school, they were able to make contact with other children during school breaks, she states. It is to be hoped that the politician proves right. Principally, segregated schooling, especially in the context of negative experiences from the Czech Republic or Romania, where it is still widespread, should be seen very critically, since it fosters and maintains the discrimination and marginalisation of the minority. The focus on the recently immigrated Rroma families should not obscure the fact already now 110’00 to 130,000 Rroma are living integrated in Germany, many for generations. Their children are not taught segregated. In addition, Stefan Scherer commits a gross error in judgment when he reproduces without comment that the social workers of Ennepetal would share a fear with many other residents: “The Roma are not sedentary people. The fear to invest a lot of money and energy, and then they move to the next town or the next country is still present in Ennepetal” (Scherer 2014). However, most Rroma are not travellers and never were. The alleged wandering lifestyle is rather the result of their continuous expulsion, which was and is reinterpreted in a false analogy to a travelling way of life (compare Radio Ennepe Ruhr 2014).  

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22.08.2014 The ambivalent concept of “poverty immigration”

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Eisenring (2014) reports on the debate about the so-called “poverty immigration”, that has now lasted for several years. This, he states, is now increasingly felt in Germany, whereby the immigrant Rroma receive particular attention. Of the unemployed Romanians and Bulgarians in Germany, many are Rroma, the journalist claims. In his ethnisising statement he forgets that ethnicity is precisely not recorded in the statistics and that the assessment is therefore a conjecture: “However, such average numbers conceal that in cities like Berlin, Dortmund, Duisburg, or Offenbach there have been deprived areas for a long time. Consequently, the unemployment rate among Bulgarians and Romanians in May was at 34% in Duisburg, at 27% ​​in Dortmund, and at 23% in Berlin. The cost of housing, health services and schools are transferred to the cities. However, this has not so much to do with the full freedom of movement, but with the generally difficult integration of Roma and Sinti, who often come from the two countries – a problem that also concerns other European countries.” The controversial thing about this assessment is that statistics on unemployment convey that there is indeed a poverty immigration. However, the number of Romanians and Bulgarians claiming welfare – 13% – is below the average number of foreigners with 16%, as Eisenring himself shows. Unfortunately, in terms of the Rroma, he argues uncritically and culturalising by ascribing them a generally difficult integrability. That there are well-educated Rroma and many who are very willing to integrate, he implicitly denies. Similarly, he denies that there are already now 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma living integrated in Germany, but are not perceived as Rroma. Moreover, the term “poverty immigration” is a highly politicised, prejudiced terminology, as it is often used synonymously with the immigration of Rroma and is based on political views, that there indeed is a mass immigration of poor, uneducated Rroma into the German welfare system. It is important to identify and critically question this indiscriminate equation of real facts and political views and opinions.

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20.08.2014 Rroma willing to integrate in Dortmund

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Bandermann (2014) reports on a Rroma family from Romania who is trying to integrate in Dortmund. The article attempts to show that the ideas of the anti-social Rroma, not willing to integrate, are actually loaded with prejudices. Anisoara and Fabian Lazar-Ion, who worked eight years in Spain before the economic crisis, just want to live a normal life and want to provide a good future for their children. In Romania, they did not see any possibility to build an existence. Too strong was the discrimination, too weak the economy, too corrupt the politicians: “Fabian and Anisoara Lazar-Ion do not fit the image of Roma parents who send their children to steal. Because the couple has a plan. The two want to work honestly and get a fair wage. Social assistance? “For us, no perspective”, they say briefly and succinctly. Both do not hang around on the street and take their fate into their own hands. […] Both have a heart’s desire, in addition to a secure future. Fabian is proud to be a Roma. He calls himself Gypsy – and asks the Dortmund people: “We are not all the same. There are parents who lack education. We do not agree with the fact that they send their children out, so that they commit crimes. Also his wife sees their own countrymen critically: “They simply have no plan for their lives. But it is a false impression that all gypsies are criminals.” The 39-year-old had to experience himself how it feels to be discriminated against: in his former homeland Romania. “I had several interviews. Once it was known that I’m a gypsy, I had no chance.””  The fate of Fabian and Anisoara Lazar-Ion is a good example that willingness to integrate is not a question of ethnic origin. Already now, 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma are living integrated in Germany, many of them for generations. They are the proof that the inclusion of the Rroma is possible without problems if they are not restrained by marginalization and discrimination.

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