Category Archives: News Western Europe

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24.01.2014 Rroma as victims of torture and racist violence

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Metro News (2014) examines the role of torture against minorities based on a publication of the organization Action des Chrétiens pour l’ abolition de la Torture (2014). The Rroma in Hungary continue to be victims of the actions of paramilitary, right-wing extremist groups, with the authorities alarmingly often closing their eyes to injustices: „Quant aux Roms qui ont subi des violences, ils n’ont quasiment aucune chance d’obtenir justice même quand ils disposent de certificats médicaux attestant leurs blessures. Les policiers refusent généralement d’enregistrer leur témoignage ou n’examinent pas sérieusement la plainte qu’ils ont déposée. De la même façon, les juges montrent de la mauvaise volonté à instruire ces affaires.“ [As for Rroma who are victims of violence, they have almost no chances to obtain justice, even when they have medical proofs of their wounds. The policemen generally refuse to register their testimonies or do not follow seriously the complaint they have registered. In similar fashion, the judges show bad will to instruct such complaints.]  In Greece, 20 % of the victims of violence by the authorities are Rroma, although they represent only 3.58% of the population. The number of crimes motivated by racial hatred against Rroma has also increased in Greece.

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24.01.2014 Rroma convicted of Geneva court to long prison terms

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Le Nouvelliste (2014) reports on the judgment of the Geneva court against a group of Rroma who had committed a series of violent robberies against elderly people between August to October 2011. All participants were sentenced to long prison penalties: „Une bande de Roms qui avait commis des vols violents chez des personnes âgées a été condamnée plus sévèrement en appel à Genève. La peine de chacun des quatre protagonistes a été majorée de deux ans en moyenne. […] La bande a agi entre août et octobre 2011. Une dame alors âgée de 86 ans qui vivait seule dans sa maison de Lancy (GE) est leur première victime. Ils s’en sont aussi pris à un homme de 76 ans endormi sur son canapé. Il a été frappé et étouffé avec un coussin jusqu’à en perdre connaissance.”[A group of Rroma which committed violent robberies on elderly people was condemned more severely on appeal in Geneva. The sentence of each of the involved persons was upped on average by two years. The group acted between August and October 2011. A woman, 86 years old at the time in Lancy (GE), was their first victim. They also attacked a 76 years old man asleep on his sofa. He was beaten up and suffocated with a pillow, and lost conscience.] The otherwise objectively written article seems not aware that mentioning of ethnic membership is highly problematic, as it suggests connections between matters that have nothing to do with each other. Rroma are not more criminals as people of other ethnic groups (compare Focas 2014).

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24.01.2014 Rroma holocaust museum to be opened at the end 2014 in Hungary

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Radisic (2014) informs about the impending opening of a Rroma holocaust museum in the Hungarian city of Pecs. The documentation centre is the result of shared aspirations of the local mayor’s office and resident Rroma. The aim of the institution is to remind students and the public about the much-neglected genocide of the Rroma during the Second World War. Due to the largely oral traditions among the Rroma, the genocide is far from well documented. The estimated death toll rage from 220,000 to one and a half million dead: „West Germany recognized the Roma Holocaust in 1982, but formal recognition and marking of this Holocaust have generally proven to be difficult due to lack of recorded collective memory and documentation of the Porajmos among the Roma, a consequence both of their oral traditions and illiteracy, heightened by widespread poverty and discrimination in this day and age […].“

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24.01.2014 Rroma identity or identities?

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The young Rrom Filip Borev (2014) addresses the question of whether it is appropriate to speak of one or of several Rroma identities. Given the fact that Rroma belong to many different groups that have their respective characteristics, it seems appropriate to speak of several Rroma identities: “Every week without fail someone asks me “is the word Gypsy offensive?” There really is no simple answer. ­ How can there be when there are 12 million Romanies in Europe alone – all with their own opinions, experiences and identities. It is this fact which complicates almost every debate amongst and about the Romani people. […] in reality we are a collection of many different groups with varying cultures, languages, histories, and identities. What we have in common, however, is that together we are the Romani people.” A danger in the use of seemingly politically correct terminologies such as “travellers” is that they mediate misconceptions. Most Rroma are not travellers. In the UK, the Rroma are often confused with Irish Travellers, which have a completely different history. Borev comes to the conclusion that the devaluation respectively appreciation of an exonym depends on the person who uses the name.

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24.01.2014 Rroma in Great Britain and the Schengen policies

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Clark (2013) criticises the Romanian government for its Rroma policies. From his standpoint, it is not appropriate that Romania criticizes the UK for its restrictive migration policy. Romania itself, he emphasizes, has large shortcomings in its policies concerning Rroma. The remark of the Romanian Rroma commissioner Damian Draghici that one should not be angry with Rroma beggars but rather be angry at bankers, Clark considers to be arrogant and as distracting from the abuses in Romania and Bulgaria itself: „Over the past decade municipal [Romanian] authorities have ethnically cleansed their city centres of Roma and relocated them to shanty towns on the fringes. In Cluj-Napoca, in a case which has aroused the interest of Amnesty International, 300 Roma people were moved to a site next to a landfill and chemical dump, where families have been made to share one room. […] The inevitable result is a westwards flow of Roma fleeing from discrimination and poverty. The EU’s open borders policy should be suspended until Romania and Bulgaria have improved living conditions for all their citizens.“ Clark fails to recognize in his analysis that there are no overnight solutions for the social ills in Eastern Europe. In addition, the integration of the Rroma is a pan-European task requiring a pan-state solution. Isolation is therefore clearly the wrong answer to social and political shortcomings.

The forced relocation of several Rroma families in Cluj-Napoca onto the site of a former chemical factory was judged illegal by the local court. The incumbent mayor was convicted  for having exceeded his authority in authorizing the relocation. The decision was welcomed by many organisations, such as the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) that had supported the action against the forced relocation (Ekklesia 2014).

An antithesis to Clark’s presentation is Kelley’s (2014) article in The Journal. It reminds about the prejudices, the Rroma genocide, the fear fostered by politicians and journalists: A flood of immigrants hasn’t come to Great Britain so far and the British voters have proven to be less anxious than some politicians and journalists prophesied: „A survey revealed 68% of Britons welcomed Eastern Europeans who work hard, pay taxes and speak English. And, according to Martin Keles, a spokesman for the Roma community in Newcastle, that is exactly what they intend to do. “We just want the opportunity to provide for our families,” he said.“ Kelley further emphasizes the strong institutionalized racism against Rroma in countries like the Czech Republic, Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia. But not only in Eastern Europe, but in Europe as a whole, the Rroma have experienced a history of exclusion since their arrival in Western Europe in the 14th century. The human rights organization “A Living Tradition” conducted a survey among Rroma migrants on behalf of the council of Newcastle. It revealed that the Eastern European migrants are fleeing rampant racism in their home countries and appreciate the English educational institutions and the open society. Kelley’s article is a welcoming change to the many negative articles about Rroma and the European migration. His positive journalism helps to reduce prejudice and promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Knight (2014) from Gentlemen’s Quarterly takes an ambivalent position concerning the debate about immigration in Europe. On one hand, he propagates the idea of an impeding exodus of impoverished Rroma to Great Britain, on the other, he acknowledges their discrimination. He describes Rroma living in the streets of London, having to cope with very modest incomes. Again and again they are asked by the authorities not to beg and to no longer sleep on the streets. Knight sums up: „Courtesy of the ever-expanding European Union, the UK, and London, are finally waking up to one of Europe’s biggest embarrassments: that after the better part of a thousand years, our continent still does not know how to live at peace with its largest ethnic minority.“ Contrary to the generalising statements in the title, Knight recognizes that British society knows next to nothing about Rroma and that one cannot predict how many Rroma will come to the UK. The statistics on immigrants do not capture ethnicity. Knowledge about the Rroma remains dominated by many unknowns and wrong stereotypes. When Knight quotes a local resident of Bryanston Square, the landlady reproduces racist stereotypes and generalizations, even though her parents are said to be immigrants. She expresses the absurd image of culturally related crimes and otherness of the Rroma that they don’t want to integrate and deliberately choose a life in illegality. In the following paragraph Knight acknowledges that his presentation at the beginning of the article cannot hide is his derogatory attitude towards Rroma. He uncritically restates notions about organised begging, child prostitution, human trafficking and begging networks and qualifies the Rroma as having criminal habits: „Ever since, officers have wondered about the level of organisation within the group, and whether it is connected with more serious crimes, such as human trafficking or child prostitution. Hierarchical networks of beggars and street thieves – run by Gypsies, for Gypsies – have been on the rise in big European cities for the last decade: in Rome, in Milan, in Paris, in Madrid. London is a logical next target. Having spent day after day with the Gypsies this summer, I find they are never more than a few hours from their next visit from the police or their next arrest for begging.” His investigative journalism is biased and unreflective. He limits himself to what he could personally observe on the street and mixes it with crude culturalisations. The short trip to Romania is characterized by the common misery images that are often repeated in the coverage on Rroma: Large families crammed together in one two rooms and minor teenagers already being married and having kids. Knight quotes a Romanian historian, Viorel Achim, who no longer sees the future of the Romanian Rroma in training and the building of an educated, integrated middle class, but in emigration to Northern Europe. The therefore agrees with the predictions of conservative apologists, who warn of a mass migration to Western Europe. Knight cites a Rroma from Botosani: „You are going to be seeing a lot more of us in the future,“ says Manix. „We’re going to beg, do whatever we can. Anything to escape.“ Romanian Rroma commissioner Damian Draghici is particularly critical of NGOs who haven’t used the money entrusted to them. The next few paragraphs revolve around the prosperity gap between Eastern and Western Europe and whether this will result in strong migration movements. The fact that the opening of the border to other Schengen countries such as Poland and Hungary didn’t result in any mass migration is not assessed in any way. Knight communicates stereotypical notions of smuggler gangs and clan chiefs who tie off money for the adaptation to the new place and exploit poorer Rroma systematically: „You have to pay. You know from the outset. […] Everyone is controlled.“ At the end of the very long article, one impression dominates: A feeling of distrust from the journalist towards his informants, the Rroma.

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24.01.2014 Structural violence and the Rroma

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Habek (2014) discusses the structural violence against Rroma in Croatia based on the destiny of young Rrom Cazim Haliti. Haliti has a degree in radiology, but cannot finds a job anywhere. Again and again he is invited for interviews and then rejected without clear justifications or simply no longer contacted: „En d’autres termes, Ćazim Haliti, un des rares Rroms – un des dix premiers de sa génération – à avoir fait des études universitaires, a été bloqué dès la première étape. Beaucoup y voient un message adressé à la toute communauté rrom. „Je n’ai pas été choisi, ok, mais ce qui me pose problème c’est qu’ils ne m’ont pas averti, pour que je puisse continuer mes recherches […]““[In other words, Ćazim Haliti, one of the rare Rroma, one of the ten first ones of his generation to completed university studies was blocked at the first step. Many see in it a message addressed to the entire Rroma community. “I was not selected, ok, but what disturbs me is that they didn’t tell me, so that I could continue my search.]  Haliti’s case is an example of the continuing exclusion of Rroma by the majority society. When young people are excluded despite good qualifications just because of their ethnicity, some very questionable social signals are given.

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24.01.2014 Christian Vanneste rages against the EU and against the Rroma

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Christian Vanneste (2014) UMP politician and former member of the Rassemblement pour la République a party originally founded by Charles de Gaulle, rages in his latest article against the European Union and the Rroma. He uses the metaphor of a sinking ship in order to make fun of the impact of the European Union and the immigrants on France. Vanneste advocates a completely sealed off France that determines his policies alone and restricts immigration. He is especially angry with the regulation that Rroma have a right of co-determination as members of the European Union. Vanneste outs himself with his statements as an arch-conservative politician who favours a France only for the French. He is not too far away from the demands of the Front National. The right-wing party also calls for a completely closed off France: “Des “Roms” se sont inscrits à Villeurbanne, alors qu’on a des raisons d’être inquiet de cette immigration, de ses motivations et de ses conditions. Cerise sur le gâteau: ces  campeurs bénéficient d’une domiciliation grâce à leur inscription à l’AME synonyme de totale gratuité des soins sans cotisation.” [Rroma registered in Villeurbanne, all the while we have reasons to fear this immigration, its motivation and conditions. Cherry on the cake: these campers are entitled to free health care without any contribution due to their attestation of domicile with the AME.] In contrast to Vanneste’s remarks. the importance of a united Europe with open borders has to be emphasised. Restrictive policies and sealed borders do not solve problems but create new ones. The Rroma integration is a pan-European task requiring a pan-European commitment.

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24.01.2014 The Focus magazine propagates the mass exodus from Romania and Bulgaria

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Dometeit/Lehmkul (2014) report from Romania. Armed with dubious facts they argue that there indeed a mass migration to Western Europe and especially Germany is taking place. They portray poorly trained Rroma in western Romania who hardly earn a living and see their future opportunities in Western Europe. According to the authors, all Rroma that have a reasonably decent life have been abroad for a shorter or longer period of time: “When the labor markets in the EU open at the beginning of the year, everyone will go”, predicts Stefan and grins. “Then we will all meet like on a huge wedding party.” The big goal: North Rhine-Westphalia. Tens of thousands of Romanians and Bulgarians migrate annually. 30’000 people from the two countries came in 2012 (comparing to 18 500 people emigrating). 2013 there will be even more immigrants, the Ministry of Labour, Integration and Social Affairs of North Rhine-Westphalia predicts.” Dometeit/Lehmkul totally ignore that the statistics, as has already been discussed several times, count seasonal workers and therefore are massively exaggerated. That all Romanians and Bulgarians living in poverty will migrate to Germany is very unlikely, as the expansion of free migration to Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland has already shown. Masses of immigrants didn’t show up. Dometeit/Lehmkuhl provide a highly one-sided picture of Rroma. Those who have become rich are immediately associated with illegal activities: “On the so-called rose park there are palaces Roma clans have built through business in Germany. Most of them are empty, the shutters are lowered. Two or three times a year the families come to celebrate. Then the Porsches and Ferraris show up. Two years ago, the police raided some of the villas at the request of the German prosecutor’s, based on suspicions of tax evasion, money laundering and human traffeking.” Such reporting is simplistic and patronizing. Dometeit/ Lehmkuhl completely ignore that there are well integrated, upright Rroma

This one-sided perspective is shared by the Schweizer Magazin (2014). The online newspaper favors polemical generalizations and simplifications: “Sinti and Roma, as well as other social welfare benefiters from Romania and Bulgaria – the two poorest countries in Europe – are ready to flood Germany and to enrich themselves with the social benefits. Only the economy may approve, since every immigrant from these poor countries depresses the wages and thus complicates the lives of all Europeans and only increases the profits of the companies.” To designate the Rroma people generally as social welfare benefiters is racist and stupid. Much more need not being said about this.

The Baltische Rundschau (2014) strengthens fears of a mass immigration from Eastern Europe. The article is openly racist and speaks of social parasites and brown rats who are supposedly coming from Serbia to plunder the German welfare state: “After the wave of Roma who migrate as official EU citizens from Romania and Bulgaria to the German welfare state, more and more Gypsies are now coming from Serbia. However, these do not use the “privileged” status as EU citizens to flood the labour market and welfare system, but make use of the German asylum law. In 2013, the asylum applications from Serbia increased by 40 percent, almost all asylum seekers are Roma.” The Rroma Contact Point has stated very often that the prognosis of a mass immigration to Western Europe is wrong. Moreover, not all immigrants automatically become welfare cases. A reduction of the west migration to the case of the Rroma is racist and ethnicizes poverty problems.

The right-wing populist platform unzensuriert.at (2014) is even more racist. It propagates the concept of a culture war and the collapse of the German welfare state. The pretentious statements are one-sided, distorted, highly selective interpretations of the real situation. The platform forecast an additional influx of 200,000 Romanians and Bulgaria to Germany for the current year: “The city of Duisburg is paying dearly for the unrestricted immigration of Roma clans. For the year 2014, the city administration predicts additional costs of at least 12 million Euro for the “integration” of immigrant Gypsies from Romania and Bulgaria. Meanwhile, some 10,000 Roma live in the Ruhr city. Entire neighborhoods such as Duisburg-Rheinhausen are firmly in the hands of the Gypsies. Germans, but also guest workers from Turkey and former Yugoslavia living here for many years, already feel as strangers.” With such polemical statements unzensuriert.at does intellectual arson and endangers social peace. Such xenophobic statements have nothing to do with freedom of speech and freedom of the press. 

A differentiated and liberal attitude towards the immigration debate is taken by Maike Freund (2013). She argues for complexity and rationalism concerning the predictions of a mass immigration: “Who goes through Neukölln in Berlin or the northern city of Dortmund, knows that such scenes or similar belong to the reality in Germany – but they are only one part of the truth. Because the numbers say: there are many highly educated immigrants, also from Romania and Bulgaria, and Germany relies on these professionals.”

Mappes-Niediek (2014) speaks of the conflicting reactions to the polemical predictions about the mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria. Thus, ethnic Romanians and Bulgarians often separate themselves from the Rroma in response to the Western European criticism: “That’s not us, that’s the Roma: This is still the first reflex when some of the German and British debates over poverty migration spill into the Rumanian and Bulgarian public.” Mappes-Niediek criticizes that a poverty problem is turned into an ethnic problem by distinguishing between ethnic Romanians and the Rroma. After the collapse of the socialist system, the ethnic Romanians were given back the possessions of their ancestors, who had been collectivized. Since a large part of the Rroma had possessed nothing before socialism, they emerged as losers from the change of system: “Only the Roma got back nothing because their grandparents hadn’t possessed anything. They moved into the slums, from which the poverty immigrants of today emerge. This allows both the German and the Romanian public to keep the poverty problem a Roma problem – which it is not. If there were no Roma, there would not be any more jobs.” The migration debate is also dominated by a double standard: one hand, one likes to get the well-trained professionals for the German economy – especially doctors – on the other hand one wants to keep out the less well-off.

Antiziganism researcher Markus End criticizes the term “poverty migration” as being negatively charged and equated with Rroma in the public debate. The Rroma are discredited as being lazy and social parasites. End criticizes this depiction and reminds one of the integrated, invisible Rroma: “They were sweepingly referred to as lazy and welfare scroungers. It was said that they are noisy, produce garbage, and are prone to crime. People who follow the media regularly have learned that Roma are poverty immigrants. [ … ]. In the debate, Roma are represented as strangers, even though many have being living in Germany since generations. Also that there are educated and uneducated Rroma, rich and poor, is totally neglected in the debate. The term Roma is used almost synonymous with poverty, crime or waste.” Liberal journalists are also spreading antiziganist stereotypes, even though they welcome the immigration of skilled workers. A liberal journalist from Die Welt compares well-educated, ethnic Romanians and Bulgarians with criminal, antisocial Rroma, producing a value list of welcomed and unwelcomed immigrants. End comes to the conclusion that the coverage of the Rroma is the most biased of all minorities (Grunau 2014).

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17.01.2014 Increase in eviction of Rroma Settlements in France

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The European Roma Rights Centre (2014) states in its latest report a massive increase of evictions in France during the year 2013. According to the statistics of the organisation, the French authorities expelled, 20,000 Rroma from their informal dwellings. These are more than twice as many evictions as in 2012. According to the authors of the report it can be assumed that a lot more than estimated 20,000 were displaced, as information of the Human Rights League indicates. As before, the inter-ministerial circular from August 2012 was ignored by the responsible authorities. The circular favoured sound, planned evictions of the informal settlements. The methods now practiced complicate the integration of Rroma and promote racism and rejection of the minority rather than cooperation: „Forced evictions continued almost everywhere without credible alternative housing solutions or social support. NGOs and various institutions (such as the French Ombudsman) have highlighted that government policy is ignored – an interministerial circular of 26 August 2012, which ordered local authorities to carry out a social assessment of Roma in any eviction – is rarely implemented and superficial at best. It often resembles a population census rather than a real and lasting attempt at social inclusion.” Most evictions took place in the districts of Nord-Pas-de-Calais and Ile-de-France. The findings of the European Roma Rights Centre are particularly astonishing when considering that the Socialist President Francoise Hollande had promised a major change in the French politics regarding Rroma (compare Al Jazeera America 2014, Sayare 2014).

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17.01.2014 Poverty-migration and the Rroma

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Nuspliger (2014) gives a cursory overview of the debate on poverty-migration and on the feared predictions of mass migrations to Western Europe. He qualifies the images of right-wing conservatives who predict a strong west migration from Romania and Bulgaria in 2014. Many residents of these countries migrated abroad in 2007 after the EU accession and did not wait for the unrestricted movement of persons. The statistics about the poverty-migration regularly treat seasonal workers and students as equivalent to real labour migrants and therefore create a distorted picture of migration movements. In addition it is observed that many would-be migrants go into countries with diaspora groups or related languages: “Against the backdrop of the northern European fears of a Romanian mass immigration it is remarkable that, according to Eurostat figures of 2012, over three quarters of exile Romanians have moved to Spain and Italy – for which there are also linguistic reasons. Half of relocated European Portuguese are living in France and three-quarters of the emigrants of Poland live in the UK and Germany, which attracted many immigrants from Eastern Europe before the end of the licensing restrictions in 2011.” Rroma are being disadvantaged as before. The funding provided by the EU is only insufficiently used. Additionally, Rroma slums in Western Europe are the evidence of the lack of integration of this ethnic group. In the debates on immigration, meanwhile, images of social abuse dominate the discourse, which is taken up readily by polemicists.

Lübberding (2014) discusses the TV program “Maybrit Illner” on the topic “poverty on the move: how much freedom of movement can we afford?” The participants of the discussion were the Bavarian interior minister Joachim Herrmann, the Green politician Cem Özdemir, the Councillor of Berlin-Neuköln Franziska Giffey, the head of the German police union  Rainer Wendt, the Duisburger citizen Sabine Kessler and the Rrom Dzoni Sichelschmidt. They discussed the pro and cons of unrestricted migration in the European Union. Lübbering shares the opinion that most of the immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are Rroma, although the ethnicity is not recorded in the statistics. He states that in the city of Duisburg, with around 500,000 inhabitants, the 10,000 new immigrants are of Rroma origin. Lübberding takes side with the critics of unrestricted migration in the European Union when making fun of the integration targets of the European Union. He claims that the Union lacks sense of practice: “The error of the Brussels bureaucracy is not in their ambitious plans, but in the ignorance of their ambitiousness. On power-point slides just everything looks better than in the neighbourhood of Mrs. Kessler.” On the other hand it is a positive aspect of European networking that the problem of Rroma integration has now become a pan-European issue and no longer just concerns the countries with significant Rroma populations. Additionally, Lübberding qualifies the dimensions of immigration, which are anything but dramatic. Compared with the 1.2 million refugees who have fled from the civil war in Syria to Lebanon, the immigration to Germany is very modest. Dzoni Sichelschmidt emphasised the important fact that the Rroma have emerged in large part as losers from the events of 1989: the hostility towards them has risen. This circumstance is often neglected in Western Europe (compare ZDF 2014).

In debate about immigration, Kelec (2014) takes a right-wing conservative position. Additionally, with respect to Rroma, she present cultural arguments. She sees an unrestricted immigration as a failed policy of ignorance. Kelec accuses the left parties of downplaying the problems of reality and accusing right-wing populism of being responsible for everything. The Christian Democrats are supposed to insist stubbornly on their values. On Rroma she pretentiously claims: “The children of Sinti and Roma are left alone, in the Clans, medieval conditions often prevail [ … ]. Roma children are sent by their parents and clan chiefs to beg or work on the street – they are supposed to be in school. They also have an EU-wide right to childhood and education. In Roma families child-marriages and forced marriage is common – the right to independence and integrity must also apply for young girls and women. There can be no tradition of being above the constitution, even if some believe that medieval manners as “culture” are worthy of protection.” With these unwise generalizations Kelec discredits herself. She represents traditions and media cases as if they were deadlocked and universal. Her remarks are racist and offensive to a majority of the Rroma who do not follow these practices. Kelec reproduces uncritically polemical ideas about backwardness and exploitation that have nothing to do with the identity of the Rroma. Accusing Rroma living in poverty of their poverty as a crime is arrogant and stupid. Criticism of the traditions, which are no traditions, is no intelligent criticism.

Teigeler (2013) points out the important fact that the debate about unrestricted migration in the European Union is dominated by fears and irrational predictions. Before Poland’s accession to the Schengen area there were similar fears of a mass migration, which turned out to be unfounded. The discussion also often tends to forget the fact that with the immigrants also important needed professionals are recruited. Labelling immigrants sweepingly as poverty immigrants and benefit-freeloaders simplifies the complexity of reality too much: “With the multiple accusations that immigrants and in particular Roma from South Eastern Europe “will subvert the social system, old racist stereotypes are stoked”, criticized the speaker of the Green Party parliamentary group, Jutta Velte, on Tuesday (31/12/2013). “We need a more objective debate”, the representative urged.” 

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17.01.2014 Roma in Levenshulme, Great Britain

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Thomas (2014) discusses in the context of the new migration policies with Romania and Bulgaria the situation in the small town of Levenshulme, a suburb of Manchester. Contrary to the dire predictions Thomas draws a positive picture: the local authorities have adjusted to the immigration and support migrants in their integration efforts. Public schools have increased courses for English as a foreign language and the social institutions work closely with the local authorities. Nevertheless there are tensions because not all residents react to the rapid social change of the last years in the same way. Thomas summarizes: „Now there are around 2,000 Romanians in Greater Manchester. A lot has changed, but the change has been managed and unlike in Sheffield where senior politicians warned of serious unrest, there has been no similar talk here. Professor Yaron Matras, who leads the Romani project at the University of Manchester, worked alongside the city council, Greater Manchester Police, social business the Big Life Company and education officials to put a Roma Strategy in place.“ Through this project the integration of the immigrants into the educational institutions and the labour market has significantly improved (compare Manchester City Council 2014) .

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17.01.2014 Rroma and the Street Prostitution in Basel

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Laur (2014) explores the street prostitution in Basel. Again, as told earlier about the now closed Zurich Sihlquai, the prostitutes are said to be of mainly Rroma origin. How the author got this information remains unclear. Rroma are a minority of about 800,000 to a million members in Hungary. The identification of ethnic membership is anything but easy, as the case of the blond Rroma girl in Greece has shown. Furthermore, not all members of the minority speak Rromanes. The Rroma membership of the portrayed women has therefore to be critically questioned. Laur states: “Many of these prostitutes come from Hungarian Rroma families. They are usually prepared early for their future profession. An evil fate and yet they appear externally unbroken on the road in Basel [ … ] . None of them moans, not feeling victimized. They do sex work because they see no alternative.” Discussions about Rroma and prostitution are often performed in conjunction with terms such as clan structures or forced prostitution. By stating that it is poverty that leads the portrayed women into prostitution, Laur may be closer to the reality than the estimates of support agencies and the authorities. These ascribe the prostitutes usually a victim status, which neglects the factor of poverty: “As you sell your muscle strength, you can also sell your body”, says Peter Thommen, a bookseller at Rheingasse and connoisseurs of the scene. To get upset about it or to moralize doesn’t bring anything. But he finds the prices scandalous, they are much too cheap. Exploitation can be found in other industries such as in the construction industry or in agriculture too. Furthermore, there is a lot less excitement than about prostitution, while the scandal is in fact the same.” However, when seeing prostitution as a form of work, one should be cautious not to trivialize dangers as the infection with deadly diseases and psychological damages.     

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17.01.2014 The etymology of the word “gypped”

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Challa (2013) develops a small etymology of the English word “gypped”. She begins her article by pointing out that most people are not aware of where the word actually comes from. In everyday language, the word is synonymous with “stolen”. That the word refers to “Gypsies” and thereby to Rroma and represents a pejorative foreign name for the ethnic group is not well known: “I encounter a lot of people who tell me that they never knew the word ‘gypped’ had anything to do with gypsies, or that it’s offensive — especially when the word is heard not read,” says University of Texas at Austin professor Ian Hancock, who was born in Britain to Romani parents. “My response to them is, that’s okay. You didn’t know but now you do. So stop using it. It may mean nothing to you, but when we hear it, it still hurts.”

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21.12.2013 Klaus-Michael Bogdal’s “Europa erfindet die Zigeuner”

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Klaus-Michael Bogdal’s “Europa erfindet die Zigeuner” writes a history of the representation of Rroma in Europe since their arrival in the 15th century (Essig 2012). First seen as pilgrims from Egypt and handled with respect, soon the Rroma were used to produce an anti-notion of what was regarded as European and civilised. They were ascribed to be eternal migrants, thieves or spies for the Ottomans, to name a few among many more pejorative ascriptions. The defamatory stereotypes marked the beginning of an institutionalisation of pseudo-knowledge about the Rroma, which was presented as sound truth. Bogdal, a professor of German literature and specialised in discourse analysis, shows how the negative, pejorative knowledge was successfully institutionalized and subsequently marginalized positive notions of Rroma. The Rroma weren’t given a voice in their representation nor did they succeed in producing any counter-public. Essig (2012) sees the reason for the inability to produce any distinguishable self-representation in the absence of written knowledge, ethics of discreetness and notions of honor among the Rroma. 

Whereas anti-Semitism during the 20th century was strongly connected to  enviousness against success and wealth – in the case of the Jews – antiziganism seems linked to notions of superiority and timely trangression. As a constant issue in the portrayal of the Rroma one can identify the absence of reason and prudence (Ebbinghaus 2012). 

Bogdal (2011) tries to give the reader an understanding of how ‘grand narratives’ – consisting of unsound racial knowledge and imprecise observation and descriptions of Rroma – succeeded in shaping a distorted picture of Rroma realities. In contrast to notions of civilization and societal progress they were stylized to be creatures without history and culture, as an alter ego to an elite European identity. As Bogdal explains in the introduction, his books is not so much about Rroma, but about the how Europeans reacted to and saw the Rroma. It’s a book about ambivalent European morals, exclusion and civilizational arrogance. Bogdal doesn’t reserve himself the right to write how the Rroma really lived and live, but how the European intellectuals and writers portrayed them to do so. It is in its formal kind, a reflection of the power-asymmetries in the representations of Rroma identity. 

Sources:

  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2011) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner. Eine Geschichte von Faszination und Verachtung. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag, Prolog (S. 9-18).
  • Ebbinghaus, Uwe (2012) Goldene Zähne, gezinkte Karten. Eine mitreißende Studie über die allmähliche Verfertigung eines historischen Vorurteils: Klaus-Michael Bogdal beschreibt die Geschichte der Zigeuner. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 23.11.2012 [http://www.faz.net/-gr6-6vbnr].  
  • Essig, Rolf-Berhard (2012) Der Finger, der auf andere zeigt. Klaus-Michael Bogdal erklärt, wie mit Hilfe der “Zigeuner” eine westliche Überlegenheit definiert wird. In: ‘Die Zeit’ vom 9.2.2012 [http://www.zeit.de/2012/07/L-P-Bogdal].
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21.12.2013 The Invisible Rroma

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Gabriela Mirescu (2012) – a Romanian political scientist – wrote a short article for the publication TANGRAM30 by the national commission against racism. In it, she approaches the question of why a majority of Rroma living in Europe – which are well adjusted to the mainstream society, keep their identity a secret, form the “invisible Rroma”. The reasons are quite apparent but not the less forth of detailed covering. The negative stereotypes about Rroma, which have settled in the course of history, make it a social disadvantage to out oneself as Rroma in the public. Discrimination in the working environment but also the personal life can be the consequences. Mirescu sees the behavior of this invisible majority as an indicator for social expectance. If the integrated Rroma still keep their identity a secret, it shows the ongoing stigmatization of Rroma in most European societies and the social transformation and increase of education and enlightment which is still necessary to decrease negative, pejorative stereotypes. A high level of education for a majority of society has therefore to be a temporary and long-term objective.

Source:

  • Mirescu, Gabriela (2012) The other Roma journey: from visible to invisible. In: Tangram 30: Jenische, Sinti/Manouches und Roma in der Schweiz. Bern: Eidgenössische Kommission gegen Rassismus.
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20.12.2013 Right-Wing Radicals Indicted in Salzburg for Incitement

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Twelve people from the region Pognau were indicted by the Court for Constitutional Protection for hate speech. In early September of 2013, the individuals in question had called for action against travelling Rroma who legally stayed next to the ski jump in Bischofshofen. They threatened them both verbally and physically, and on the internet, called for the final solution against the Rroma. The possible punishment is of up to two years in prison (Salzburg24 2013, Salto, 2013).

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20.12.2013 Undifferentiated Coverage of the Grandchildren Trick Scam and Rroma

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Ruch (2013) reports about a Polish Rroma clan who is allegedly behind the rising cases of so-called Grandchildren scam in Switzerland. The otherwise analytical report misses the critical use of ethnic categories. Instead, the popular public image of a mafia-like, hierarchical Rroma clan is dished, which stand behind the criminal offenses. Due to the indiscriminate attribution ofethnicity, Ruch feeds the idea of a culturally conditioned delinquency among Rroma. He states, “behind the vast majority of grandchildren trick in the German-speaking lands one finds the same group of offenders. A widely branched, Polish-German Roma family which earlier sold worthless carpets as expensive Oriental rugs and therefore stood in the crosshairs of investigators. In 1999, they probably invented the grandson trick scam in Poland, which they perfected successfully until today. The several hundred members of the clan are professionally organized according to the police. They operate literally call center and earn so well with this trick that they can afford a lavish lifestyle with expensive sports cars and extravagant family celebrations”. From Ruch’s article, it is not clear that there is no direct relationship between ethnicity and the offenses described. Instead, a cultural explanation is presented, an explanation that needs no further discussion because it is justified by itself. Such a reasoning is racist. Most Rroma are integrated citizens who are never named in the media. Unfortunately, journalists like André Ruch are still not aware of this.

Other Swiss newspapers such as the NZZ (2013) wrote uncommented that the perpetrators are mostly belonging to a Polish Roma clan.

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20.12.2013 Duisburg and the myth of the Romany clans

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Unzensuriert.at, the right-wing populist platform (2013) railed in a recent contribution against the Rroma in Duisburg. The decision of the city government that not all Rroma who are affected by a the eviction from the house to be provided alternative housing is a gradual recognition of right-wing populist demands (cf. Fischer 2013). The one-sided article is clearly in the line of the fear of foreign infiltration of and dishes out the absurd notion of mobile Rroma clans who settle on one place like a swarm of locusts: “The Socialist City Council expects that the Roma clans, if one renders them the conditions in Duisburg as uncomfortable as possible and puts them in front of the door, will then just move on as far as possible. And there is no contingency plan for homeless Roma to be implemented in Duisburg, just to give them no incentive to remain there. In future, the new Apartment Supervision Act is meant to prevent new poverty migrants from Southeast Europe to immigrate in droves.”

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20.12.2013 Education crisis among Rroma in France?

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Kinne (2013) gives information on a creeping crisis in the Paris suburbs: According to his article, just 10 % of Rroma children living in a illegal or informal camp go to school. The majority of South Eastern Europe originating Rroma who live in a makeshift barracks and camps prefer this to the poverty and discrimination in their home countries. This perspective of events should give pause to the vehement opponents of Rroma. According to a French government report says the author, about a third of Rroma children who live in theses camps, are not enrolled in school: “Aaccording to a government report, in the entire country, only one third of Roma children living in illegal camps go to school. Even though all children aged six to 16 years who live in France are required to attend school. The rest falls through the net, never registers or fails because of the high barriers to enrolment. Families have, for example, to specify a fixed address. Impossible, if you live in an illegal camp.” Besides the problem of the missing address, there are official reservations about Rroma, as well as the danger of being evicted in the near future from one’s current place of residence. Then there is the fear of many parents that their children could be discriminated against in schools. Without a good education, it will not be easier for the next generation to break the vicious circle of poverty and exclusion. That should make us think. On the other hand, there are also quite well-integrated Rroma in France, which are completely ignored in the current debate. They should have a voice.

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20.12.2013 France: Policy of Isolation or Cooperation?

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Christian Vanneste (2013), a politician of the conservative UMP, argues in Les Observateurs against a liberal foreign policy for France. He takes a statistic about the crimes committed by foreigners in 2012 offenses as an opportunity to advocate a rigorous segregation policy. The number of illegal migrants living in France Rroma is already alarmingly high: 15,000, or perhaps three times as many. With its radical planning policy, Vanneste is opposed to any forward-looking society in which people of all backgrounds coexist peacefully with each other. Instead, he argues flimsily for foreclosure policies. The fact that there is no culture of delinquency seems far from clear to him. Instead he criminalises people who are affected by poverty and exclusion: “Il y a 10% d’immigrés en France, et 18% d’étrangers parmi les détenus de nos prisons. Qu’il y ait un lien entre insécurité et immigration est une évidence. Il y en a deux autres : il est nécessaire de limiter l’immigration au minimum et l’on ne peut absolument pas compter sur l’Europe actuelle pour nous y aider”. [There are 10% of immigrants in France and 18% amongst the prison population. That there is a link between insecurity and immigration is obvious. There are two others: It is necessary to limit immigration to a minimum and one absolutely cannot count on current Europe to help us.]

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