Tag Archives: Discrimination

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01.10.2014 Rroma and Migration in Germany: discussion instead of polemics

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Dribbusch (2014), on the occasion of the nomination of Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia as safe countries of origin, argues for more discussion culture rather than reductionist polemics. Unfortunately, she mixes economic migration and political asylum and does not questions enough, how these categories intermingle, blend, and are dealt with: “The economic integration of people who have come to stay, must be openly debated because a solely humanitarian appeal is not enough to create acceptance. The question is: should taxpayers in Germany be responsible for offering a Roma woman from Bulgaria and their children, or a young African from Chad, better life opportunities? The answer could be yes. But only if there is also integration assistance, that means, not only should asylum seekers been freed of [current] work interdictions, but should also been paid language courses and qualification measures. […] If one wants to open up new possibilities for a poverty policy, it is also appropriate to set limits. It is acceptable that Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia are now defined as “safe countries of origin”, to speed up the asylum process. The asylum applications from Serbia recently skyrocketed.” Dribbusch is right when she calls for more integration help that consist of concrete offers and not just acceptance. However, she conveys a very one-sided notion of the minority, if she portrays Rroma as “economic refugees”. She negates the well-educated migrants, as well as individual experiences of discrimination that exist spite the safety from political persecution. Moreover, Rroma only constitute a part of the migrants from the Southeast Europe. There are also a lot of ethnic Serbians, Macedonians, Bosnians and others, who migrate to Western Europe (compare Die Presse 2014, Kılıç 2014).  

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01.10.2014 Swiss funding, Northeast Hungary, and the discrimination against Rroma

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Odehnal (2014/I) reports on the current status of Swiss development projects in Northeast Hungary, in the city of Kazincbarcika. The region was awarded about 5 million francs for infrastructure projects and economic development: “The money from Switzerland was supposed to help in creating jobs: by creating corporations and by fostering tourism. In a business and incubator park in the centre, available jobs should be announced and young entrepreneurs should receive advice and assistance, for example in the form of cheaper offices. In the neighbouring village Sajókaza, the baroque castle ought to be renovated and expanded to a “meeting and talent centre”. In the former mining colony Rudabanya, the occurrence of bones of a 10 million old ancestor of man is planned to be expanded to an archaeological centre.” When Odehnal visited the region in 2012, all projects were initiated, and they had obtained tenders. When he now visited the city in September 2014, he found that not one of the planned projects had been realised. Some of those responsible refer to expensive tenders others refuse to provide information. Where infrastructure projects were actually implemented, as a water supply system in the city of Ozd, the pipes end in front of the Rroma quarter. The same thing in Sajókaza, where the European Union funded a sewerage system: “The lines stop where the Roma quarter begins. The local government does not want to improve the quality of living of Roma, says Tibor Derdek, head of the Buddhist Dr.-Ambekar-Gymnasium in Sajókaza, that wants to give Roma the possibility to go to highschool: “This is a corrupt, racist system in our community. And it works only with the support of the EU.”” Odehnal (2014/II) sees the reason for the lacking implementation of the Swiss projects in the selection of unsuitable partners, who prioritised the wrong things, as well as in the lack of on site control. The review takes only place on paper, he states. Odehnal’s articles are a direct repudiation of Hungarian bureaucracy, who is pursuing its own goals. As regards to the Rroma, it must be noted that although Rroma in Hungary are indeed affected by severe poverty, which has expanded massively since the end of the Soviet bloc and the state jobs, this is not representative of all members of the minority. Quite a few Rroma were able to successfully integrate into the new system, have jobs and belong to the middle class and some even to the upper class. They are not perceived as Rroma (compare Schindler 2014).

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01.10.2014 Demagoguery against Rroma in the Internet

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Meier (2014) reports on open agitation against Rroma in a Facebook group from Duisburg. A user posted a wanted poster with a blurred photo, in which he claimed that two dark-haired, veiled women had tried to abduct a child. The offenders are Rroma, the initiator suggested. However, according to the police, theses accusations are unfounded: “The police sees the story, which reproduces the century-old stereotype of child-abducting “gypsies”, as invented. Nevertheless, the Facebook does not fail its purpose: “to Auschwitz”, “rape them”, “to the gas chamber”, these are comments under the “wanted poster”. It was shared about 6,000 within a few days, spread by other users. A stupid conflagration of hatred, having no consideration for the law, logic or spelling.” Meier sees the many affirmative responses to the inflammatory posting as a symptom of general, increasing xenophobia in Duisburg, that is not directly only towards, but in particular against Rroma. The inflammatory facebook group was in the meantime taken offline and an investigation for demagoguery was started. The accusations were not without impact, as the many supportive comments on the social network show, as well as similar expressions at town hall meetings. They stand in a tradition of negative stereotypes, which have been spread about the Rroma for centuries: already in the Middle-Ages, the minority was accused of abducting and trafficking children. It is thought provoking that these allegations still find so much response. In Germany, according to the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma. The majority are well integrated, work, send their children to school and live in apartments.

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01.10.2014 The French Rroma policy and the public image of the minority

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Media Part (2014) discusses the public perception and representation of Rroma in France, and its influence on the social interaction with the minority. The notion of Rroma is charged with so many negative attributes that already a small influx of Rroma provokes the anger of local residents. This disables an objective, unbiased interaction with members of the minority as well as policies aimed at integration: “The most often mentioned stereotypes may serve as evidence: these families, attracted by the wealth and the quality of our social security have behaviours not compatible with our lifestyles. Living off begging and theft, they contribute significantly to the growth of daily delinquency that enrages our fellow citizens. They lack hygiene, their collective behaviour makes their proximity unbearable. Their culture and their way of life do not allow, without exception, to integrate them into our society. They do not know or do not accept our rules. In short, for the good of one as the other, they must return to their countries.” This polemic, reductionist perspective Mediapart rightly condemns as intellectual arson that maintains the exclusion of the minority. The author calls for a paradigm shift away from polemical representations of the Rroma towards differentiated, respectful minority politics: “Whatever our faith, our political commitment, our affiliation, our heritage, our way of life, we have to show intelligence and awareness of the past. It is not naivety or pity, but our ability to tolerance and the recognition of the right to allow anyone to live with his/her idiosyncrasies.” In response to the accusation of a one-sided, racist representation, it is often argued that this is not based upon prejudices, but real tangible facts. The Rroma are made responsible for their marginalised status by their own behaviours. This justification is very dangerous as it represents exclusion and poverty as part of cultural characteristics, rather than recognising them as exclusion and poverty. In addition, many Rroma are well integrated and form part of the middle or even upper class. They are completely ignored in the public discourse about the minority. Most journalists do not recognise this last point.

Debot (2014) points out in his commentary to the article that despite the demand for a respectful minority policy, there is still the problem that one mostly speaks about but not with the minority. An adequate minority policy therefore requires a close dialogue with the concerned group. The problem of taking statements of individual Rroma as representative for all of them continues, and does not recognise the differences between the Rroma groups as well as individual opinions. This includes the recognition of stereotypes that cannot always be easily recognised and deconstructed as prejudices by outsiders.

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01.10.2014 Lille: evacuation of an informal Rroma settlement

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Bergès (2014) reports on the evacuation of an informal Rroma settlement in Lille. Numerous families inhabited it. However, the journalist does not report any exact numbers. The Rroma were repeatedly exposed to the pressure of the police and local residents, who demanded the closure of the site. Under the threat of eviction, the last remaining inhabitants have now abandoned the settlement. The camp was built on wasteland next to a motorway junction. The site will now be immediately fenced and handed over to the authorities of a real estate program, who wants to create office and residential premises on the parcel. At an adjacent intersection, there are other Rroma camps that have not been evicted yet.

Also in Loos, in Nord-Pas-de-Calais, one discusses the eviction of an informal Rroma settlement, while the affected Rroma and their supporters plead for a referendum. The focus of the discussions is especially concerned with the location of the settlement: the parking field of the prison of Loos (Mocellin 2014).

It should be emphasised that the forced evacuations of informal settlements complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma immigrants. The forced evictions or the harassment of residents do not solve the existing problems and the integration question, but simply move them from one location to the next. The rigorous expulsion of the minority reflects the unwillingness of the French government to engage in an active integration policy. Also, through the biased media focus on the informal settlements, the impression is created that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, who are poorly educated. However, the Rroma from the informal settlements constitute only a small portion of all Rorma in France. According to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. They belong to the middle or even upper-class and are constantly ignored by the French media, the public and politicians. Out of fear of discrimination, a lot of these integrated Rroma keep their identity a secret (compare Nord Éclair 2014, Radenovic 2014).

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24.09.2014 Essen: theatre play addresses Rroma stereotypes

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In the latest play by Volker Lösch, who is known for his political and provocative productions, six Rroma actors together with six Gadje (non-Rroma) address various stereotypes about Rroma. They do this through a very free interpretation of Homer’s “Odyssey”: “The ancient Homer text about the adventurous wanderings of the warrior Odysseus back to his beloved home is broken repeatedly with reports from the lives of the performers: they give a face to the everyday discrimination and tell of the futile escape from poverty. Pride speaks from their stories, and occasionally rage about the sometimes rigid structures of their community. Odysseus and his companions on other hand, are the “good citizens” in Lösch’s production. […] His odyssey leads this Odysseus to the other, into the strange world of the Roma. Fast-paced, the winds drive along his ship from cliché to cliché: The strangers show themselves to the king of Ithaca as a social benefit scammers, unsightly Cyclops or as rampant, belly dancing sirens of seduction. In the large family of the wind god Aeolus, Odysseus encounters incest” (Dame 2014). The “strangers” that Homer and his fellowship encounters, are embodied by Rroma actors. They are described in detail and characterised by Homer and his companions during the see voyages, long before they actually encounter them. Thereby, the process of how prejudices are created is reflected itself. The stereotypes of the frame story are juxtaposed with the real-life experiences of the Rroma actors, who are confronted with these prejudices in everyday life.

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24.09.2014 Oberwinterthur: transit sites only for Swiss travellers is unlawful

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Hirsekorn (2014) reports on the reopening of the transit site in Oberwinterthur. Different journalists reported that the transit site was closed in late August due to strong hygienic issues. Primarily foreign travellers, above all, foreign travelling Rroma were made responsible for these issues. After maintenance work, the site has now been reopened, but only for Swiss travellers, as the police commander of Oberwinterthur, Daniel Beckmann, states. Therewith one enters a legal grey area, since a transit site only for Swiss travellers is unlawful according to various legal experts: “prohibitions of stay and separate sites for Swiss and foreigners remain legally contentious for several reasons: prohibition of discrimination I: the federal constitution guarantees equal treatment for all people (Art. 8, paragraph 2). No one shall be discriminated against, not because of his heritage or lifestyle. “Unequal treatment is appropriate only when there are serious objective reasons”, says Markus Schefer, professor of constitutional and administrative Law at the University of Basel. Whether these reasons are given with the Jeniche not using this site and the problematic hygienic conditions in Winterthur is highly questionable. Prohibition of discrimination II: according to the agreement on the free movement of persons (FMP), every EU-citizen must not be hindered or denied stay or entry into Switzerland. “As long as no congestion for transit travellers occurs, there is no problem”, says Fiona Wigger of the federal agency for culture. This is contradicted by Schefer: “If a traveller is part of the FMP, the site prohibition is a serious problem.” Prohibition of discrimination III: “Such an interdiction generalises in a serious manner”, said Schefer. If this leads to a collective judgment, the case is even more problematic. It feeds the suspicion that per se, they behave badly: “The result are pejorative stereotypes against a particular group.” Huber’s statement (2014) that a ban on foreign travellers does not violate the prohibition of discrimination is therefore incorrect. In addition, a general interdiction of foreign travellers contradicts the principle of proportionality. Andrea Egbuna from the Swiss Competence Centre for Human Rights (SCHR) states that therefore, in the event of problems, one must evaluate if individual travellers can be sanctioned with a deposit for cleaning costs, rather than cast a general suspicion on all foreign travellers. As has been repeatedly criticised by the Rroma Contact Point, the conflict concerning permanent and transit sites in Switzerland is a general problem of too few sites for travellers. This conflict is then fought on the backs of foreign Rroma who are instrumentalised as scapegoats for these general structural problems. That there are indeed such massive differences between foreign-travellers and Swiss Jeniche that make any peaceful co-existence impossible is doubtful. The claim that Rroma use no toilets and instead do their business outdoors is absurd. Particularly the Rroma have strict hygiene regulations, which is reflected in the tradition of ritual impurity. Moreover, it seems that the differences between Jeniche and Rroma are deliberately highlighted and exaggerated because of occasional conflicts. Most Rroma are sedentary and not travelling anyway.

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26.09.2014 “Red card Against Racism: diplomats support Roma football club”

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Radio Praha (Kraus 2014) and Le Matin (2014) report on a charity match between a Czech Rroma soccer team and a diplomatic team with the ambassadors from Sweden, Norway, Estonia, and Denmark. Organised by the Swedish ambassador Annika Jagander, the game is meant to draw attention to the discrimination against Rroma: “In the still young season, two teams have refused to compete against the TJ Junior Roma, and instead preferred to pay 3,000 crowns (about 109 Euros) of fine. As a reason, the county division cites an incident dating back to 2011. A match between FC Děčín und Lokomotiva Děčín then ended in a brawl and the police had to intervene. […] “Football and sports should actually bring people closer together: both people of the same as well as from different nationalities. That this no longer works, we feel very bad about. That’s why we want to show the red card to racism” (Kraus 2014). Libor Šimeček, chairman of the Czech Football Association, meanwhile denied that the case has anything to do with racism. One will now examine in detail why five of the eleven teams in the league do not want to play against the Rroma team, he stated. The club from Frantiskov had announced that they did not want to play against the team because of the aggressive behaviour of the players of TJ Junior Roma. The Czech Republic has a population of 300,000 to 400,000 Rroma. Exact figures do not exist. Many are integrated and have a job. However, numerous are also affected by strong exclusion and social problems. Particularly, since the economic crisis and the strengthened nationalism that occurred since the end of the Eastern Bloc. Also, in several schools there is still a segregation of ethnic Czechs and Rroma (compare Le Monde 2014).

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26.09.2014 Illegal Rroma police register in Sweden results in penalty payments of over one million Euros

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The Wiener Zeitung (2014) reports on the judicial reappraisal of the illegal Rroma police register in Sweden. The database which registered the names, addresses, and identity card numbers of about 4,000 Rroma living in Sweden was in blatant violation of laws against racism and discrimination. Now, the Swedish police must make comprehensive redress payments to the victims: “the initiation of a general suspicion register towards Roma [costs] the police in Skane dear. The compensation payments already approved in May by the judicial oversight encompasses already now up to 1,800 approved cases and a total of over one million Euros. According to the regional radio station P4, the sum is likely to be even higher, because another 400 complaints about the payout of around 545 Euro are pending. In addition, there are constantly new complaints coming in, the news station reported on Tuesday. The payment of the claims must for now be made by the central police station in Stockholm, the radio report stated. The police in Skane suffers from chronic under-funding.” However, the really problematic thing about the case is, that it has shown that massive prejudice against the minority remains till today. The revelation of the illegally-run register led to great indignation but also consternation. It resulted in an extensive reappraisal of the situation of the minority in Sweden.

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26.09.2014 European Centre for Antiziganism Research criticizes the status of safe countries of origin

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Graff (2014) spoke with Marko Knudsen, the head of the European Centre for Antiziganism Research. Knudsen decidedly criticises the new asylum law that defines Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as being safe countries of origin in the interview. For him it is beyond question that the Rroma are affected by marginalisation and discrimination in the three countries. The opinion that Rroma are not actively persecuted in these three countries, he deems inappropriate and trivialising. Therefore, the European Centre for Antiziganism Research will file a suit against the new law. The centre justifies its charge with the following three points: “Where is Germany’s historical responsibility, which is justified through the Nazi era? Unfortunately, it is nonexistent. For me as a Roma, this decision is absolutely reprehensible. As a German, I am ashamed. For this reason, we, as the European Centre for Antiziganism Research, see ourselves forced to take legal action against this law, because: first, it violates the principle of equal treatment. Second, it violates European anti-discrimination law. Third, there is political persecution of the Roma in Europe because of antiziganism that is passed as an unquestioned European cultural code from generation to generation, whereby it is implemented in the majority of society” (Knudsen 2014). Knudsen sees the strengthened nationalism in many European countries and the exclusion of minorities resulting from it, as well as extreme economic hardships, as equally important reasons for asylum for being open political persecution. Exactly this issue was the core of the political debate: are the Rroma in Southeastern Europe actively persecuted or are they “only” affected by extreme poverty and discrimination. There was no consensus concerning this issue. Knudsen also criticizes the pressure exercised on the part of the European Union on the new member states, that did not improve the situation of minorities in the countries concerned. However, this assessment has to be questioned. It is absolutely the responsibility of the European Union to pressure its new Member States to a better compliance with minority rights. If they are not able to actively implement the requirements, this is not the fault of Brussels (compare Martens 2014).  

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26.09.2014 European Commission investigates segregation of Rroma in the Czech Republic

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Robinson (2014) reports on an announced infringement procedure of the European Commission against the Czech Republic, due to the violation of the legislation on discrimination. The Commission has stated it will investigate the discrimination against Rroma in the Czech Republic, in particular the segregation of Rroma children in public schools: “The European Commission has launched a formal investigation into the Czech Republic’s treatment of its Roma minority, in the latest attempt to improve the circumstances of the often persecuted group in Europe. […] A disproportionate number of Roma pupils are educated in schools for students with “mild mental disabilities”, which campaign groups say amounts to segregation. Roma pupils account for more than a quarter of students in these schools, despite being just three per cent of the Czech population […].” The high proportion of Rroma children at schools for the disabled, which is documented by various studies, is actually in itself proof that the minority is in fact discriminated against at public schools. The Czech government for its part has announced that one has made progress in the fight against segregation, but that one could not abolish it from one day to the other, but only undo it step by step. Amnesty International in turn emphasizes in a public statement that one has suggested to the Czech government for years that the segregation of Rroma  children constitutes an intolerable situation. But nearly nothing was done: “For years, Amnesty International has documented systemic discrimination against Roma children in Czech schools,” said Nicolas J. Beger, Director of Amnesty International’s European Institutions Office. “Yet the Czech government has so far failed to take effective measures to prevent, address and remedy this. In agreeing to launch infringement proceedings, the commission has sent a clear message to the Czech Republic and other member states – systemic discrimination towards Roma cannot and will not be tolerated”,  he added.”

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26.09.2014 Integration of immigrant Rroma in Douaisis

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Labreigne (2014) reports on the successful integration of immigrant Rroma families in Douaisis, in the region of Nord-Pas-de-Calais. Five Rroma families were accepted on probation and under restrictive requirements into subsidised housing for one year. Now, they will be offered a normal lease and the restrictions will be removed: “For the price of a long accompanying work, through human and financial resources that were committed to their follow-up, the five Roma families that are accommodated in Douai, Lallaing, Sin-le-Noble and Flers-en-Escrebieux are now “on the rails of integration, ready to pursue their professional and family adventure in the district: not only are they integrated into their accommodation, but they also have proved their ability to work. We could give them rights, in relation to social security and towards the CAF [Caisse d’allocations familiales], because they are able to pay. It is therefore not necessary that they remain in this system, justified Jacques Destouches.” The successful integration of the five families is also a good counter-evidence to the prejudice loaded conceptions that Rroma are not capable of integration, the involved people state. The persons responsible are convinced that one could refute xenophobic stereotypes with the project. While this project is commendable, it nevertheless conveys a very limited view of the life of Rroma in France. The recently immigrated Rroma constitute only a small portion of all Rroma in the Republic. The vast majority, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation 100,000 to 500,000, are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society, and this often for generations. They are the living proof that an integration of the minority is possible, if they are not actively hindered in doing by prejudice and discrimination (compare L’Observateur du Douaisis 2014).

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26.09.2014 Lyon: false barriers to displace Rroma were lifted

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Rue89Lyon (2014) reports on the lifting of the barriers that were set up by the authorities of Lyon in the whole city. The barricades had been erected a few weeks ago in all major squares to prevent travelling Rroma from settling down. The reactions and experiences with the barriers were entirely negative, the authorities of Lyon state, this is why the barricades are now being removed. A petition of business people and residents of Lyon had led to the establishment of the controversial barricades: “This Wednesday morning, one could witness that the Place du Pont (another name for this quarter of the seventh arrondissement) had been freshly cleaned and freed from the false barriers. These were supposed to deter populations classified as undesirable to the region (the majority of them Roma from Romania). They gather there every day to try to run an illegal market. [….] The result [of the barriers]: the public space was even more overloaded with rag pickers and their buyers, who still spread everywhere. At the entrance of the supermarket Casino, the passerby had to wander through the illicit market. Not to mention the illegal garbage that accumulated in the interior of the enclosed fences.” The impression that Rroma are to be equated with beggars and illegal traders is completely wrong. Rather, it is a prejudice that almost exclusively immigrant Rroma do illegal trading in public places. As already expressed many times, the recently immigrated Rroma represent only a small portion of all Rroma in France. However, they are the ones with the greatest public visibility, which is why they are often mistakenly perceived as representative for all Rroma. The majority of the minority, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation 100,000 to 500,000, are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society, and this often for generations. Rroma therefore belong to all social classes and are not to be equated with an underclass. These integrated Rroma are proof that an integration of the minority is easily possible if they are not actively prevented from doing so by prejudice and discrimination (compare Fournier 2014).

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26.09.2014 Roubaix: disagreement on integration assistance for Rroma

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Renoul (2014) reports on a dispute within the Roubaix’ government concerning the integration support of immigrant Rroma. While the social democratic assistant to the mayor, Sylvane Verdonck, actively tries to help Rroma currently living in the former doctor’s office of Dr. Lamarre, and their integration efforts, the liberal-conservative mayor and his security assistant reject this help: “the mayor of Roubaix, Guillaume Delbar (UMP), on Monday expressed his four truths to Sylvane Verdonck (UDI), his assistant for integration. According to our sources, he has lost his confidence in her. In question is an initiative of the deputy, who was been publicly denounced by the mayor’s cabinet and that of the assistant for security, Margaret Connell (UMP). For several months now, Sylvane Verdonck has sought solutions for the Rroma who are housed at Dr. Lamarre. The deputy finally had the idea of a project that combines employment, housing, and citizenship.” The project proposal was not received well by Guillaume Delbar. The UMP-mayor had campaigned, among other things, with the promise to adopt a ban on begging and had actively opposed a second integration village in Roubaix. The head of the social democratic local fraction, Grégory Wanlin, meanwhile announced that they wanted to remind Guillaume Delbar that during the election campaign he had promised to help those Rroma who actively strive to integrate. Once again, it should be stressed that the recently immigrated Rroma account only for only a small portion of all Rroma in France. The vast majority, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation 100,000 to 500,000, are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society, and this often for generations. They are the living proof that the integration of the minority is possible, if they are not prevented from doing so through prejudice and discrimination.

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26.09.2014 Public festival enables rapprochement between Rroma and Lausanne’s inhabitants

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Genier (2014) reports on a public festival that was held on the weekend of the 20th and 21st of September in Lausanne. On the initiative of the sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin and the organisation “Opre Rrom”, about half of the several hundred Rroma resident in Lausanne participated in the festivities, Genier states. There, they cooked and grilled for Gadje (non-Rroma), with the aim to enable a mutual approach: “Let’s get to know each other!” was the title of the event: “The objective of this event was to bring together Swiss and Roma, two population groups that have remained very separated in general. “This action was conceived to promote dialogue between the people of Lausanne and Roma”, explains Véra Tchérémissinoff, director of the organization Opre Rrom. “We wanted above all that this took place in a different context than the street.” Even if the action was mainly responded to by sympathizers of the various Roma organizations and their acquaintances, some curious people were attracted by the cheerful assembly, and stopped a moment to watch or to drink a glass.” Although through focusing on coloured costumes, music and dance, some stereotypes about the minority seem to have been confirmed, the attempt to bring the largely invisible Rroma together with the rest of the population remains very commendable. However, the distinction between Swiss and Rroma has to be made with caution, since many Rroma resident in Switzerland are Swiss or Lausanne citizens themselves.

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24.09.2014 European Commission against Racism: continuing improvement potential of combating racism in Switzerland

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The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) has published a recent report, in which it highlights the strengths and weaknesses of Swiss anti-racism efforts. The Commission commends the dedicated condemnation of xenophobia by Swiss authorities: “Mentioned honourably in the report are the cantonal integration programs for people with a migration background, better training of police officers in the area of ​​human rights or support services of individual cantons and municipalities for LGBT people (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender)” (NZZ 2014). In contrast, there is still a strong potential for improvement, especially regarding the political discrediting and exploitation of minorities. Various groups, among them the Rroma, are discriminated against in the labour market, the report states: “The political discourse is partly xenophobic and racist. This leads to the fact that the reputation and the lives of black people, Jeniche and other Roma groups are significantly degraded. Refugees, short-term residents and LGBT people are also affected. These groups are faced with significant discrimination in the labour market” (NZZ 2014). Here the distinction must be made that Jeniche constitute a distinct ethnic group with their own language and history. They are therefore not a Rroma group, as it is claimed here. The European Commission recommends continuing to expand the opportunities for integration. On should also aspire that the Federal Commission against Racism accepts and processes complaints in the future. In particular the police must ensure that identity checks are not carried out on ethnic criteria.

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24.09.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and arranged marriages

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The British tabloid Daily Mail reports about arranged marriages among Rroma. It refers to the Channel 4TV documentation “The Gypsy Matchmaker”. At the outset, Styles (2014) claims that 250,000 Rroma from Eastern Europe have migrated to the UK in the past decade. This is an absurdly high number that makes no sense, and is not proven by any sources. Rather, it seems to be the result of the polemical debate about the alleged mass immigration of poor migrants to Western Europe. Thereby “poverty migrants” are often equated with Rroma, although ethnicity is not identified in most statistics. Building on this polemic, Styles claims that immigrated Rroma have brought their tradition of arranged marriages to the UK: more and more underage Rromnja would marry in exchange for bride money with older men, often at the age of thirteen. As a result, he stats that it is impossible for them to complete school or training. This tradition goes back to the traditional Rroma code “Pachiv”, Styles claims. The word “Patjiv” means “honour” in Rromanes and is indeed associated with the preservation of traditions. However, this does not mean that arranged marriages are the norm among Rroma. They are only found among traditional families and only in certain groups, mainly among the Vlax (Romanian) Rroma. Styles present this as if arranged marriages of minors is the normal case among Rroma: “Fresh-faced and delicate, Esme, from Oldham in Manchester, might be barely 15 years old but to many in the Roma gypsy community, she’s a catch. Originally from Hungary, she is just one of the estimated 250,000 Romany gypsies who relocated to the UK from Eastern Europe over the last decade. But with the influx of people has come their traditions – including the custom of marrying off girls and boys once they reach the age of 13.“ Although Styles points out that this tradition is questioned among critical Rroma, by citing the statement of an older Rromni, this remains a marginal note. The impression remains that of an entrenched tradition that makes it impossible to the married persons to shape their own life and violates the British law, which defines marriages below the age of sixteen as illegal (compare McDowall 2014, Steele 2014).

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19.09.2014 Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are declared safe countries of origin

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On September the 19th, the decision as to whether Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina will be declared safe countries of origin on part of Germany will be made. The debate about the security against persecution and discrimination in the three states is discussed especially in reference to the fate of the Rroma. In this regard, there are major disagreements whether and how Rroma are exposed to discrimination. While the proponents of the new law assume that the Rroma are indeed affected by poverty in the three countries, they claim that they are free of persecution. Just the opposite is stated by many refugee and asylum organizations, and also by the central council of German Sinti and Roma. These different views concerning the security situation of minorities in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina reveal that the assessment of marginalization and discrimination are based on very different criteria: supporters of a poor security situation refer to meaningful individual cases of discrimination – famous are cases that proof the difficult access to health care and other institutions, or show the harassment by government officials: “Already now, the reasons people have to flee from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are examined too superficially, criticises the Frankfurt lawyer Reinhard Marx. […] Especially [application from] Roma of the Western Balkan countries are already now mostly rejected without detailed examination “as manifestly unfounded”, the lawyer says. He tells of hearing reports and decisions of the branch offices of the BAMF [Federal Office for Migration and Refugees]. Refugees have reported “racist assaults, attempted rape of girls and suchlike.” “In reasoning of the refusal, this was not addressed all”, says the lawyer, the reasons for flight are not carefully examined, “which for me is no longer the rule of law” (Grunau 2014). In contrast, the proponents of the new law refer to the recognition of the Rroma by the political establishment of the countries, the appreciation of Rromanes, and the historical evidence in all strata of society of the integration of the minority, especially in the countries of former Yugoslavia. Ottoman tax registers proof this already for the 15th century, where Rroma are listed as lawyers, doctors and policemen (Rroma Foundation 2002). This integration does not mean that there is no discrimination since 1989, through the strong growth of nationalism in the countries of South Eastern Europe. Again, different evaluation criteria are applied: according to the proponents of the new law, there is discrimination but no systematic persecution. How can one accurately measured and assess the severity of discrimination? In Bosnia-Herzegovina, because of the Dayton Agreement, there is only a constitutional protection of Bosnians, Serbs or Croats, but no official recognition of other minorities. But this does not mean that minorities such as Rroma are not discriminated against in everyday life, the critics claim. The different opinions reveal that the knowledge about Rroma is still dominated by a lot of uncertainties and gaps in knowledge, and that the discrimination of a minority in various countries is anything but easily to determine. Therefore, in doubt, the individual experience of discrimination should always be favoured over a general assessment of the security situation. One owes that to persons who indeed suffer of discrimination. – Neues Deutschland (2014) reports that the stricter asylum law is being adopted because of the approval by the red-green government of Baden-Württemberg. The Green minister president of Baden-Württemberg, Winfried Kretschmann, is now criticised because of his decision in his own party. Other German daily newspapers confirm the decision: Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are now safe countries of origin from Germany’s viewpoint. This means that asylum applications from these countries will be handled in an expedited fashion in the future and that discrimination will no longer be recognised as a reason for asylum (compare Brey 2014, Deringer/Lierheimer 2014, Frenzel 2014, Handelsblatt 2014, Lang 2014, Mappes-Niediek 2014, MDR 2014, Möhle 2014, Scholz 2014, Wallraff 2014, Wölfl 2014).

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17.09.2014 “This Is Life Among the Roma”: stereotypical documentary about the Rroma

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The 10-minute documentary “Roma” by British filmmaker Sam Davis (2014) attempts to show the life of Rroma in Albania. Unfortunately, the movie does not create a differentiated picture of the minority, but reproduces numerous stereotypes: the Rroma marry at the age of thirteen or fifteen, claims an American missionary, and live in unbearable hygienic conditions, almost like animals. A local politician makes the statement that one can only integrate Rroma successfully if one takes into account their travelling lifestyle and gives them space to act out their traditions. This is complemented with recordings from a Rroma ghetto in Tirana. All this leads to a highly one-sided, distorted notion of the Rroma lifestyle. In reality, many members of the minority are integrated and not in slums. Many marry only as adults, not earlier than members of other ethnic groups. In addition, most Rroma are precisely not travellers, as the Albanian politician falsely claims. Poverty is not a cultural characteristic of the Rroma. Unfortunately, the highly aesthetic images cannot make up for these massive shortcomings in content. The Rroma are still heavily discriminated against, this fact is emphatically shown by the documentation. However, the portrayed life circumstances match by no means those of all Rroma in Europe or even in Albania, as Jake Flanagin (2014) of the New York Times incorrectly interprets: “Despite a millennium of shared history with Europeans, Roma remain one of the Continent’s most marginalised and underserved groups. A 2012 report jointly compiled by the United Nations Development Program and the European Union’s Fundamental Rights Agency found that only 15 percent of Roma adults surveyed “have completed upper-secondary general education, versus more than 70 percent of the majority population living nearby.” Similarly, less than 30 percent of Roma surveyed were employed in an official capacity at the time of questioning, and roughly 45 percent “live in households lacking at least one of the following: an indoor kitchen, toilet, shower or bath, or electricity.” What Flanagin does not mention is that the cited study only surveyed Rroma who live in neighbourhoods with a over proportioned amount of Rroma, which were usually already marginalised. Rroma living really integrated were almost not considered for the study (compare European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights 2013). However, in reality, Rroma belong to all strata of society and not just the lower class.

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17.09.2014 Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: safe countries of origin for Rroma?

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The daily news of the ARD (2014) reports on the ongoing discussions and protests because of the declaration of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as being “safe countries of origin”. Accordingly, the federal government will soon enact a law that puts these three countries on the list of countries safe of persecution. Thereafter, minorities like the Rroma will have very poor chances of obtaining asylum in Germany. This is being criticised especially by social democratic politicians and non-governmental organisations. Recently, the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma has spoken out. Its chairman, Romani Rose, criticised in his statement that the three countries are anything but safe for Rroma: “In the three countries, the argument goes, there is no persecution, torture, violence or degrading treatment. […] Life for Rroma in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina is anything but safe, Rose declared. “Large parts of the minority in these countries have no chance in the labour market, they are excluded from any participation in social life.” For Roma, which are merely tolerated in Germany, the implementation of the plans could mean deportation.” While it is true that the Rroma in the Balkans were exposed to little discrimination until 1989, and many of the common stereotypes about the minority originated in Western Europe, this does not mean that the exaggeration of ethnic differences and the marginalisation of the Rroma have not become a real issue since then that affect many members of the minority. The adoption of the new law is due to an increase of asylum applications from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, which are turned down in the majority of the cases as being unfounded. However, these decisions are also criticised, since individual fates of exclusion and persecution get too little attention and are not considered appropriately due to lack of evidence. The status of safe countries puts administrative estimates about the protection of the civilian population, especially minorities, over the individual experiences of those affected. Whether this is a smart procedure that meets the real-life experiences of victims of discrimination, should be critically assessed. What matters in the end is the individual fate and not the official status (compare Amtsberg 2014, Attenberger/Filon 2014, Die Welt 2014, Ulbig 2014).  

Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek (2014) contradicts this opinion: He claims that the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are often affected by poverty, but are not persecuted. In Macedonia and Serbia, the Rroma rather build part of local communities and are found in all social classes and positions. Even the Rromanes is widely accepted in Macedonia: “Traditionally, in Macedonia and Serbia, it is far less disparagingly spoken about Roma than in the neighbouring countries of Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. The major, wearing his chain of office and shaking hands, attend Roma celebrations. In the newspapers one respectfully speaks of “citizens of Roma nationality”, and ethnic Macedonians also attend Roma pilgrimages. The European cliché that Roma steal is unknown in both countries. […] If Roma are exposed to persecution somewhere in the region, then it is the EU-country Hungary, where right-wing extremist groups inflame the atmosphere, literally hunt for Roma and the police looks the other way. However, from EU-countries no asylum applications are accepted in principle. Even discrimination based on ethnicity is likely to be far less in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia than what Roma have to endure in Hungary, the Czech Republic or France.” Thereby Mappes-Niediek addresses an important point: the difficulty of assessing the discrimination or acceptance of a minority that is already perceived very one-sided in the public in its entirety and complexity. For Mappes-Niediek, the Rroma in South Eastern Europe are particularly affected by poverty. This is certainly true for a part of the minority. But he also hides a part of reality: in particular the integrated Rroma, which can be found in all the countries of Europe and are not perceived as Rroma by the public. Rroma should not be equated with an underclass. They build part of all strata of society. Regarding the aspect of discrimination, the individual fate should still favoured to a reductionist, generalising assessment: because mechanisms of exclusion in a society cannot be read on a measuring instrument. They are subtly distributed in all spheres of a nation and not necessarily occur in the open.    

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