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08.08.2014 Rroma: “They are all Europeans”

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Küpper (2014) spoke with Benjamin Marx, who creates and develops affordable housing for the Aachen housing association. He initiated the refurbishment of an apartment building in Berlin-Neukölln, which accommodates dozens of Rroma families from Fantanele, in Romania, that is considered a showcase project. With the Julius Berger Award, which was conferred for the housing project at the Harzer Strasse, the Aachen housing association wants to improve conditions in Romania itself. Marx emphasizes that by no means all Rroma want to migrate to Western Europe, but primarily a part of the middle class: “Many people go. Those who can afford it buy the tomatoes at discount stores rather than to grow them themselves. That irritates. Growing chickens and farming in the garden is considered a poverty stamp, especially among those who pay attention to “Western values​​”. Who can afford it shares “Western values” by consumption. […] If German children’s [social care] money, 215 Euros, arrives in Fantanele because the child lives there, this corresponds to the average salary of a teacher. No integration and employment program of Romania can compete with such transfers. […] Among the Roma, the “middle class” goes away, the poor and the rich stay.” Marx stressed that he sees the integration of the Rroma as a pan-European task. Deporting the minority from one country to another makes little sense; all European States must participate in the inclusion of the Rroma. This involves a reduction of the wealth gap between the different European member states, which makes migration attractive, disregarding the poor minority protection in certain countries, which is also an essential cause for migration to Western Europe. One must emphasise that already now a large part of the Rroma is integrated in the various European states, but are not perceived by the public as Rroma. The focus is on members of the minority that attract attention because of poverty or crime, but they only make up a minority of the minority.

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08.08.2014 France: more evictions of informal settlements

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Several French newspapers reported on the eviction of two informal Rroma settlements in Grigny, in the department of Essonne. On August the 5th, at 7 o’clock in the morning, the French authorities began the evacuation of the camp. Around 100 people were still present. The two settlements housed up to 300 people. 30 people will be included in an integration project, which will helps them to find jobs, to enrol their children in school and to improve their French skills. The remaining displaced persons were offered temporary accommodation. However, this does not resolve their problems. Most of those affected have already been evicted several times. Eighteen months ago, they had been driven off the neighbouring village. Nicolas Covaci, a former resident of the camp, complains: “You always, always get displaced. Nonetheless you work. There are ten families who have worked here regularly” (Francetv info 2014, compare Europe1 2014, Le Figaro 2014, RTL France 2014). One has to emphasise that the evictions of settlements complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma immigrants. Through the evictions, the pending problems and the question of integration are simply moved from one location to the next, but not resolved. Normally, new settlements are rebuilt after a very short time. With the media focus on the informal settlements, one suggests that there are only Rroma belonging to the underclass and who are poorly educated. However, according to estimations of the Rroma Foundation, around 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are integrated and live unobtrusively in French society. The French media, the public and politics continuously neglect them.

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08.08.2014 Chronicle of the „Rroma house“ in Duisburg

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On the occasion of the evacuation of the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg, Jakob (2014) takes look at the history of the three apartment buildings that housed up to 1,400 people at peak times. Since 2009, the residential complex “In den Peschen”, which had been purchased by the real estate agent Branko Barisic, was in the headlines. It was mostly due to the voices of angry residents who were complaining about noise, pollution, and petty crime. The Rroma themselves – if they really were all Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria, as it was claimed – remained largely unheard and were stylised as a bunch of uneducated poverty immigrants abusing the German social welfare system and spreading disorder and chaos. Again and again, culturalising arguments were evoked, one spoke of two colliding worlds, of the alleged anti-social behaviour and backwardness of immigrated Rroma. That the immigrants are socially disadvantaged families who are looking for better life in Germany was largely concealed. Likewise, that poverty has nothing to do with ethnicity and therefore there are also poor ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians who move to Western Europe. However, that it a mass exodus of “poverty immigrants” into the German social welfare system occurred, as was repeatedly claimed, is doubtful: there were always well-educated migrants, who didn’t receive any media attention. Critical statistics could not detect a mass influx from the new Schengen countries Romania and Bulgaria. Many stayed at home in their familiar social environment.

Jacob tries to show that the immigrants were largely left by themselves in their attempt to integrate and that a little bit more help by the authorities and residents would not have allowed the situation to escalate in such a way: “Little by little, the citizen protests against the Roma mixed with right-wing radicals. In the Internet there were calls to attack the house. In the local elections in May, right wing extremists received nowhere more seats than in North Rhine-Westphalia [NRW]. Pro NRW, which had demonstrated in front of the house, has since then send four representatives into the city council, the NPD one representative. The city saw the Roma mainly as a problem: a year ago, city director Reinhold Spaniel explained in the taz that the “social behaviour of many Roma” was “an impertinence”. The city was “completely overwhelmed” by them financially, Spaniel said. Duisburg feared the influx of other “economic refugees” and probably also an escalation of the situation. The Roma should go. […] While the neighbours were giving interviews to the TV-crews, Horst Wilhelm B., former caretaker, sat separately on his scooter and watched the exodus of the Roma. “They are pigs”, he says later quietly. He meant the neighbours. “They simply did not want any Gypsies here.” They were already offended when the children went to school and made ​​some noise. […] He himself didn’t want to live in the house any longer either, but the city didn’t do anything to give the people a chance in Duisburg. “Maybe”, says B., “everything would not have been so bad if the people had got some help.”” Jacob shows memorably that the integration of the people doesn’t only depend on their adaptability and willingness to integrate, but also on the willingness to incorporate them by residents and authorities. When both sides endeavour a successful integration, integration is usually effective. That this is absolutely possible prove the 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma who live integrated in Germany, often since generations. They are mostly ignored by the media.  

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06.08.2014 KZ Lety: demand for an appropriate memorial instead of pig farm

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During the occupation by the Nazis, there was a concentration camp for Rroma in the South Bohemian town of Lety, which was operated by Czech collaborators. Some 1,300 people were interned there; hundreds of them were murdered. Despite this grim finding, today there still is no memorial at the site of the former labour camp. Instead, there is a pig farm built under communist rule. This irreverent handling of a memorial site was protested against for years. Culture Minister Daniel Herman reaffirmed in a broadcast by the Czech radio the plans to establish a permanent memorial: “I am very pleased that the Prime Minister has asked me and Human Rights Minister Jiří Dienstbier this spring during the commemorations in Lety to find a solution for the pig farm, and if appropriate, to seek its transfer. The aim is to build a memorial at the site of this former concentration camp, since currently, the memorial is located on the former burial ground. […] Of course, we want that there is a solution during the mandate of our government, because we feel responsible that it has not yet happened. It is certainly a disgrace in the accounting of our past. I think it is necessary that one also confronts the painful moments. And it is necessary to remember that this camp was not under the auspices of German Nazis, but was led by their Czech collaborators. The guards were Czechs. And that’s actually our share of the Holocaust against the Roma. We have to face this issue.” The poor handling of the historical heritage of the Rroma Holocaust is emblematic of the insufficient respect for the minority in the present. Segregated schools, discrimination in the labour market and widespread prejudices continue to make the life of the Rroma anything but easy (compare Kraus 2014). – The chairman of the right-wing nationalist Úsvit party, Tomio Okamura, provoked a political outcry on Monday when he announced that no one had died in Lety. The concentration camp of Lety was a myth, he stated. Numerous politicians, including the Czech minister for human rights, Jiří Dienstbier, called for his resignation (Prager Zeitung 2014).

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06.08.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as patriarchal and misogynistic

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Mühlenschulte (2014) reports on a ten-day German-language course at the Wisseler lake in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was organised by the youth organization Lalok Libre. Among the 35 children aged 4 to 17 years, there were 30 Rroma children. The article tries to show integration efforts of recently immigrated Rroma families, but reproduces numerous negative stereotypes and prejudices by equating Rroma with alienation from education, high numbers of children, patriarchal structures, and with poverty. That a lack of education and high numbers of children are the result  of poverty, a phenomenon that exist independently of ethnicity, is not discussed. Therefore, a one-sided notion of Rroma as poverty immigrants is mediated and erroneously equates socioeconomic circumstances with culture: ““You have to respect women girls”, says Venetia Harontzas to two Roma boys. “The girls here must be like your sisters!” […] Worlds are said to collide at the Dresden street/corner Grillostraße, reports Harontzas. But also among the Roma there big differences, she states. The majority are cooperative. “Actually, these are kids like everyone else, they just grow up in another community”, the Lalok president states. In a society in which women are often only seen as breeding machines, and girls are getting their first child at the age of 14, their second at 16, and many more would follow. The Roma Matei Rostas confirms this. “A sensitive issue”, says Harontzas. Soon one wants to talk with the Roma families about contraception, which is often a foreign word to them, she states.” There are also many well-educated Rroma who do not conform to these stereotypes. Especially in Germany, where a majority of 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma have been living integrated for generations and are represented by the central council of German Sinti and Roma to the public. Unfortunately, they are almost never discussed in the media. Contraception has nothing to do with ethnicity, but is influenced by the level of education and sometimes by religious affiliation. In addition, notions of cultural traditions such as an early age of marriage or the role of women should be treated with caution, since they apply only to traditional Rroma and are subject to social changes. Therefore, Rromni often have considerable influence in their families, especially women after the menopause. The supremacy of men has more representative character than that real hierarchies would exist.

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01.08.2014 Nanterre/Aulnay-sous-Bois: more Rroma settlements evicted

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In Nanterre and Aulnay-sous-Bois in the Paris suburbs, more illegal Rroma settlements were evicted following court decisions. The settlement in Nanterre housed 300 to 400 people and was located on a wasteland near a highway and a railway line. When the security forces started the evacuation, there were still about 150 people present on the premises. The prefecture of Nanterre said they had pre-booked 123 hotel beds, from which only nine people wanted to make use of. The lawyer of the Rroma, Julie Launois-Flacelière, applied to the European Court of Human Rights and called for the suspension of the evacuation. However, this had no effect. The city council communicated that maintaining a slum near a highway was not desirable either for the affected families or for the city. In Aulnay-sous-Bois an informal Rroma camp was also evicted. It encompassed about 400 people, including around 100 children, the majority of Romanian origin. François Siebecke, from a local charity, criticised that months of work for the children’s schooling and access to medical care had been destroyed by the eviction. According to the prefecture of Aulnay-sous-Bois, none of the displaced persons demanded alternative accommodation. In the summer months, the number of evictions usually rises significantly. On one side, this has to do with seasonal factors, since one usually admits the residents of the settlements a limited right to remain because of cold winters. On the other hand, some judges consider the enrolment of Rroma children in their decisions and wait with the evictions until the school year has ended (compare Hubin 2014, Le Parisien 2014 Libération in 2014, RTL France 2014). It has to be emphasized that the governmental evacuations of informal settlements significantly complicate a long-term integration of the Rroma migrants. Although the forced evictions solve the short-term problems of the local communities, the actual problems for those affected still remain. Mostly, after a very short period, new informal camps are established at other locations. Through the media focus on illegal settlements, the public gets the impression that there are only Rroma belonging to the lower class, who are poorly educated. However, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation, an estimated 100,000 to 500,000 invisible Rroma live in an integrated and unobtrusive way in France, many since several generations. They are totally disregarded in the public debate. Rroma should not to be equated with an underclass. They belong to all social classes.

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01.08.2014 Baden-Württemberg: demand for a realistic Rroma image in schools

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Several German local newspapers report on the meetings of the council for the affairs of German Sinti and Roma in Baden-Württemberg. After a first meeting, the expert group stated that it wishes a realistic depiction of the Sinti and Roma in Baden-Württemberg’s schools. So far, the students were mainly taught clichés but not a critical, realistic picture of this minority: “[Daniel] Strauss criticised that the stereotypical image of the “Gypsy” is still widely used. If Sinti and Roma are at all a topic in lessons, they are often depicted as victims. Although there are many creative people [among them], not all of them out themselves as members of this minority. In addition, the future of the graves of Sinti and Roma who survived National Socialism was a central point of the discussion. The council agreed to maintain these graves in the long run. Their number in Baden-Württemberg is estimated at about 300” (Südwest Press 2014/I, compare Die Welt 2014, Südwest Presse 2014/II, SWR 2014). The predominantly pejorative stereotypes that ascribe the Rroma a culturally based delinquency and with hierarchical clans, are a projection on the minority of alleged knowledge that has prevailed the media and the public as the dominant narrative about the Rroma. However, these stereotypes are largely wrong. Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, many are well educated, settled and belong to the middle class.

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01.08.2014 Montpellier: integration village will not be realised

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Dubault (2014) reports on the status of the planned Rroma integration village in Montpellier. Hélène Mandroux,  the reigning socialist mayor of the city until the spring 2014, had initiated the project together with her assistant. The integration village would have cost around 2 million Euros: 20 motivated families, especially willing to integrate themselves would have been selected and been actively supported in their search for work, in improving their language skills, in their children’s education, and in the integration into the community. The newly elected mayor Philippe Saurel and the local council of Montpellier who were voted in the spring of 2014 have shut the project down. The costs are too high, the hoped-for success of the project too uncertain, they stated. Dubault states that stopping the project didn’t cause too much consternation among the collective in support of the Rroma. Most of the other integration projects in the Paris region were also characterised by failure, she concludes. These pessimistic estimates are contradicted by success stories like those of Indre (Loire-Atlantique), which was able to announce almost exclusively positive assessments of its integration project (compare Barbier 2014 Mouillard 2014 I/II). Aid agencies have accused the authorities and politics of deliberately not wanting to promote the integration of the immigrant Rroma, but rather wanting to deport them. In the French media and the French public, one never hears of the estimated 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma living in an integrated fashion, who form part of French society since generations and contribute to it. They are present examples that integration is possible.

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01.08.2014 Halle: alliance against right refutes prejudices against Rroma

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In response to racist abuse against Rroma on the street and on the Internet in Halle (Silverhöhe), the “alliance against the right” has issued a statement in which it refutes the racist prejudices against Rroma and gives context around the the xenophobic slogans: “Apparently, for quite some time now there were prejudices against several Roma families who rented apartments in Silberhöhe. In the Facebook group, anti-Roma prejudices are connected with inhuman comments and calls for violence. The spraying of anti-Roma and Nazi slogans and symbols in Silberhöhe in the night of July 18th, 2014, we see as a direct result of the coverage of the Facebook group” (Halle Spektrum 2014). A detailed refutation of the common stereotypes about Rroma and “poverty immigrants”, with whom the minority is often mistakenly equated follows: Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. The authorities have experienced no increase in crime, as members of the demagogic Facebook group claimed. Most children of Rroma immigrants go to school and are required to do so by German law. The prejudice of not wanting education is therefore also not true. Another racist stereotype is the accusation that Rroma only migrate to Germany to exploit social benefits and that the majority does not work. This prejudice is also refuted by critical studies: to receive social funds one has to provide evidence of previous work and of payments to social security. One is not automatically entitled to social benefits. In addition, there are also many well-qualified immigrants who are members of the middle class or even the upper class. Mistakenly, it is always assumed that immigrants from Eastern Europe are only Rroma: but there also are many ethnic Bulgarians, Romanians, Macedonians, Serbs, etc. Rroma constitute only a minority in these countries (Halle Spektrum 2014 I/II). An estimated 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma live in Germany. The vast majority of them is integrated, has a steady job, pays taxes and lives in Germany since several generations.

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30.07.2014 France: rigorous expulsion policy is mainly at the expense of Rroma children

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Numerous French newspapers report on the negative impact of the regulatory expulsion policy on immigrant Rroma. The victims are mainly Rroma children whose school education is often poor. Official statistics are not available. In addition to the frequent changes of location, which make it difficult to attend school, bureaucratic obstacles and reservations of mayors hinder the integration of Rroma children. The European Rroma Rights Centre (ERRC) points out this education crisis in a study recently made ​​public: 118 adult Rroma from six informal settlements in Seine-Saint-Denis, Lille, and Marseille were interviewed on the enrolment of their children. 75% of them left their country of origin between 2007 and 2010 to come to France. They are on average expelled twice a year due to forced evictions. The result of the survey is disillusioning: just half of the children go to school. However, the regulation of school attendance in France is clear: all children between the year of six and sixteen must attend school, regardless of whether the parents have valid papers or a fixed domicile. In reality, the officials often require proof of a fixed residential address, although an identity card would be sufficient for enrolment. In 60% of the cases, the lack of a home address is the reason for an absence from schooling, the study by the Rroma Rights Centre states. In the other cases, mayors usually refer to the argument that the classes are full, although they are obliged to create new classes when necessary. In addition, there are negative attitudes of some parents whose children are already enrolled in school and who do not want to have their offspring in a class with many Rroma children. The rejection is therefore clearly xenophobically motivated. If one wants to evict the Rroma settlements, the enrolment of children would counteract this. The judges usually consider the number of children enrolled in their decision about an evacuation of informal settlements. The study also indicates that there are strong local differences: in the Communist-ruled Bobigny, 90% of Rroma children are enrolled in school (compare Chabrout 2014, European Roma Rights Centre in 2014, Le Nouvel Observateur 2014, Piquemal 2014, Vincent 2014, Voyageurs Createures 2014). The media focus on informal settlements suggests that there are only Rroma in France who recently immigrated, belong to the lower class and are poorly educated. However, hundreds of thousands of Rroma have been living for generations integrated and unobtrusively in French society. These invisible Rroma are completely ignored by the media.

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26.07.2014 Stereotypes: fifteen Rroma sentenced for child trafficking

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Numerous French language newspapers reported about the verdict against fifteen Croatian Rroma in Nancy. The Rroma were convicted of inciting their children to commit about a hundred thefts in France, Germany and Belgium. The defendants were sentenced to prison sentences of two to eight years. While all Rroma were convicted for incitement to theft, individual defendants were indicted for trafficking and forced marriages. The court of appeal of Nancy thereby confirmed the judgment of the criminal court. The prosecution demanded maximum sentences of ten years. The evidence of the prosecution was based on the survey of 120 suspects, who confirmed the existence of organised, hierarchical gangs, let by a clan chief: “These children had no choice”, said the prosecutor in front of the audience. “It was not a matter of education and self-realisation, only one thing was important: to steal. It was a downright education to steal. Families borrowed children, according to their potential in theft and even bought wives for their sons to strengthen their teams” (Nicolas 2014, see 20 minutes in 2014, La Dépêche 2014 RTL 2014). The stereotype of criminal, hierarchically organised Rroma clans who commit thefts under the command of a clan chief, is widely spread. It cannot be critically evaluated at this point whether the judgment is justified, as the evidence is only discussed in passing. But it is important to emphasise that Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups. The idea of hierarchical family ties traces back to the projection of the medieval caste system on Rroma and on the equation of Rroma families to criminal organisations. However, this is incorrect. While it is true that the family has an important place among Rroma, its organisation is largely egalitarian. The case discussed here is therefore an exceptional occurrence and not the norm. In addition, the stereotype of arranged marriages is conveyed, which also is only true for a minority of the Rroma. The phenomenon of child trafficking as it is presented here, has furthermore to be critically assessed. As social science studies show, social realities behind begging or alleged child trafficking are largely hidden. Similarly, structural differences between the involved societies and related reasons for a migration to France need to be highlighted. The research conveys a more complex, less black and white notion on the subject and points out that crimes such as incitement to begging or stealing are pervaded by a wide variety of morals views in the analysis and assessment by the authorities. The authorities often deny the perspective and motivations of the persons concerned and impose their own ideas of organised begging, criminal networks or child trafficking on them. Not uncommonly, behind the accusations one just finds impoverished families in which the children supplement the family income by begging, and whose way of life thereby contradict the bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood (compare Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008).

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23.07.2014 France: more evictions and protests

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RTL (2014) and Le Figaro (2014) report on further evictions of informal Rroma settlements in Saint-Etienne. The authorities of Saint-Etienne evicted two camps with a total of 115 people, including 67 children. The sites of the settlements belonged to the city of Saint-Etienne and to a Turkish club. The displaced persons were informed that they should contact the SAMU. This means that the inter-ministerial circular from August the 26th, 2012, which requires a social diagnosis before the evictions, was not applied. However, the residents of the settlements had  already been asked to leave the premises on November 7th, 2013, through a court order. Pregnant women and families with infants were offered temporary accommodation.

In Nanterre, the eviction from an informal settlement is imminent. The special case of the camp of Nanterre is that already in the 1980s, among nearly identical circumstances, a settlement was evicted. After it became known that the current settlement is to be cleared, four of the residents turned to the European Court of Human Rights. This one criticized the French policy and called the persons in charge to suspend the eviction and to inform the persons concerned on the proposed solutions in a timely fashion. The settlement residents in turn organised a press conference to inform the public about their concerns and to present their stories. In the case of an eviction, they demand appropriate alternative accommodations. In addition, 23 children of the settlement are enrolled in school. One wants to make sure that the children can continue to attend school, which would not be guaranteed in the event of an evacuation. Both the French communist party and the anti-racism organization MRAP fight against an eviction (Urbach 2014). Once again it should be stressed that the evictions complicate a long-term integration of migrants and don’t promote it. Through the evictions, the problems are simply moved from one place to the next, but not solved. In addition, the media focus on informal settlements, the impression is conveyed that there are only Rroma who belong to the lower class and are poorly educated. However, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, 100,000 to 500,000 Rroma are living integrated and unobtrusively in French society (Rroma Foundation 2014). They are totally ignored by the public perception.

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23.07.2014 Hungary: dispute over a Rroma-hostile, socialist politician

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Bognar (2014) reports on a political debate around the socialist politician Albert Pásztor. Pásztor was nominated by the Democratic coalition as a candidate for mayor of Miskolc. But Pásztor is not without controversy as he repeatedly expressed racist view towards Hungarian Rroma. In 2009, at that time chief of police in Miskolc, he stated that the Rroma were responsible for most of the crimes in the city and its surroundings: “We can calmly announce that the thefts in public space are committed by Gypsies”. He added that he does not really believe that a coexistence between Magyars and Rroma is possible. Because of this clearly racist abuse, Pásztor is criticised among left-wing politicians. But not among all of them. Márton Gulyás, head of the Krétakör Foundation, learnt this during a demonstration of the democratic coalition against the incumbent Fidesz party in Budapest. Gulyás held up a banner saying “Left solutions instead of antiziganism”. Thereby, Gulyás wanted to give expression to his displeasure with the nomination of Albert Pásztor. The banner was snatched away from Gulyás and he was slapped by several demonstrators. Thereafter, several Hungarian politicians spoke up and either condemned the action or declared it as symptomatic for the disunity among the Democratic coalition: “The head of the Hungarian liberals, Gábor Fodor, in turn, explained that the left belies itself with the support of the candidacy of Pásztor. The politician of the party “common dialog for Hungary”, Gergely Karácsony, even stated that the left has “completely emptied” in moral terms.” Bognar’s article shows that xenophobic slogans against Rroma also occur repeatedly among left-wing politicians and question the ideas of a democratic state in which all citizens are truly equal. In this context, it should be mentioned that it is mainly the right-wing nationalist Jobbik-party, which promotes and disseminates racist ideas towards the Rroma-minority.

Pester Lloyd (2014) criticises that the democratic coalition now campaigns to the detriment of Rroma by nominating a Rroma-hostile candidate: “Pásztor is – even for the left spectrum – not an isolated case, racist stereotypes – against Roma mainly – are deeply rooted in Hungarian society, across the political spectrum and in all educational levels. But to make such a person the common top candidate of the relevant left-wing parties DK, MSZP […] is new, and a clear signal that the Roma are only an object of political speculation for the “left.”” Pester Lloyd accuses Pásztor to deliberately deny in his experience as a police chief the exclusion and marginalization of Rroma and to reinterpret it as a criminal mentality, which is clearly racist.

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18.07.2014 Informal Rroma settlement in Lyon was evicted

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Several French newspapers report on the eviction of an informal Rroma settlement in Lyon. The settlement, which was below and in the vicinity of a railway bridge, was home to about 250 people, including many children and infants, as well as pregnant women. Families with small children and expecting women were offered temporary accommodation. The settlement had been recently created. Most of the residents were living on the site only since a few months, the authorities stated. The anti-racist movement MRAP announced in a communiqué: “The few nights of hotel that the prefecture has proposed to six families cannot replace a correct diagnosis and support to the totality of people present, as the circular [of August 26th, 2012] states, which was signed by Mr. Valls himself when he was interior minister […]. [MRAP] “condemned” that this “forced evictions violate European and international law” and “recalled that France was sentenced several times for the violation of fundamental rights of the Rroma population” (Libération 2014). The ongoing evictions of informal Rroma camps have been criticised for quite some time now. During the summer months, the evictions of Rroma settlements always increase massively. In winter, many communities grant a humanitarian moratorium. Since most of the displaced join other informal settlements, the problem is just shifted from one place to another. Only few long-term solutions have been implemented so far. These include, for instance, the tolerance of the settlements, which enables establishing an existence, enrolling children in school, and the continuous search of a job. Another option is integration programs, which actively foster the social integration of immigrants. However, these are controversial since they specifically refer to Rroma and thereby ascribe the minority a special status. On the 100,000 to 500,000 integrated and invisible Rroma living in France, one almost never hears anything in the French media (compare RTL 2014, Rue89Lyon 2014).

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16.07.2014 Stereotypes: illiteracy among Rroma

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Michel (2014) informs about the work of the Hamburg counselling centre Karola. Karola has set itself the task to help needy women and girls from immigrant families. This has resulted in a focus on Romnja, who need support when being in contact with the authorities or when learning how to read and write. Michel puts the focus on the language courses, which is an interesting, but also very prejudiced aspect. Again and again we read in articles that Rroma can not read and write, and that this illiteracy is part of their culture. However, it is rather a phenomenon of exclusion, poverty and lack of education that affects only part of the Rroma. Many can read and write. Michel refers to the study of the organization Romnokher: “There are no official figures on how many Roma are illiterate in Germany. A representative study of the organization Romnokher of 2011, on the educational situation of Sinti and Roma, comes to the conclusion that 18 percent of the 26-to-50-year-olds have never been to school. 44 percent of them visited a school, but did not graduate. For the younger generation, the level of education is higher: Nine percent of the to 25-year-olds did not attend school. Still, obstacles remain – and the worse the education of the parents, the more difficult it is for their children in the school.” The study interviewed 275 Rroma from West Germany about their educational situation, belonging to three different generations. Whether this sampling is sufficient for a reliable assessment of the education of Rroma in Germany – the Rroma Foundation currently assumes 110,000 to 130,000 Rroma in Germany – is not without doubt, because the sample is very small (see Strauss 2011). Karola’s integration assistance, described by Michel, is very positive. However, one has to be cautious when identifying individual histories as representative for all Rroma, and therefore to treat them as cultural traits. If a Rromni reports that she did not go to school because her parents were afraid that she might have a relationship with a boy, this must be seen as individual experience and not as a cultural characteristic. The same goes for Romnja, for whom it was free to decide whether they wanted to go to school or did not go because of distrust towards public institutions. Many Rroma can read and write. As Michel herself states, there is no reliable data on the educational situation of the Rroma in Germany.

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16.07.2014 A discussion about discrimination: „Why do Roma have it so hard?“

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Koetting (2014) speaks about the ongoing debate on Rroma in Germany. The interlocutors were the South East Europe expert Norbert Mappes-Niediek and the political scientist Markus End, as well as the audience. Here, a first problem is created: a listener speaks of the hospitality of Rroma in impoverished slums in Slovakia. Despite great empathy, the listener reproduces stereotypes, by equating Rroma with a life in poverty and a lack of education. She speaks of “ordinary people” that met her with much kindness. But that Rroma are not a social class, but rather belong to all strata of society, is not mentioned. There are many well-integrated Rroma, as the numbers of the Rroma Foundation show. The South East Europe expert Mappes-Niediek also confirms this false equation of Rroma with an underclass. However, he admits that tens of thousands of guest workers, many of them Rroma, came in the 1960s and 70s as guest workers to Germany and have integrated successfully. The program shows the problem that one only ever speaks about the visible representatives of the minority: the beggars, the slum dwellers, the criminals. However, the world consists of more than what you see at first glance: the integrated, invisible Rroma, which make up the majority of the minority, also build part of it. Regarding the importance of education, Mappes-Niediek notes critically that education in Romania or Bulgaria does not necessarily allow a social advancement, as in Germany, but that the economic and social exclusion is maintained in spite of good educational qualifications. Most listeners use their individual experiences – negative and positive – and equate them with the “culture” of the Rroma and thus ascribe them a robot-like habitus, which does not do justice to the heterogeneity and especially individuality of Rroma. Many reproduce the stereotypes of travelling, poor, music playing Rroma only apply to a portion of the Rroma. Markus End points out that the media convey a highly one-sided, value loaded notion of Rroma: for instance, an Internet newspaper headlined: “Not only Roma come, but also academics.” Through that, one undoubtedly assumes that there are no Rroma who are scientists, which is clearly racist.

Germany News Western Europe

11.07.2014 Right-wing extremism in Germany

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Baş (2014) presents the results of a research study. In this study, researchers analysed the developments of right-wing extremism in Germany. Its results show that hatred against asylum seekers, Rroma, Sinti, and Muslims has increased. While hatred against migrants was present for a long time, nowadays it is becoming more specific and targeted against the groups mentioned above and also much stronger: “Negative views about asylum seekers stand very high at 84.7% in the new Länder, and at 73.5% in the old Länder. But Rroma and Sinti draw the resentment of more of half of the Germans, and nearly half of the Germans reject Muslims.” (Baş 2014). This horrifying numbers are not coupled to regions or political ideologies. They’re found instead throughout the whole population. As important factors for right-wing extremism are seen educational and economical standards.

Bulgaria Greece Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania Slovakia

04.07.2014 Minority Rights Group International: Rroma in Europe still heavily discriminated against

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The latest report by Minority Rights Group International (2014) criticizes the continuing, strong discrimination against members of the Rroma community. For Hungary, the report passes criticism on the lack of protection against racially motivated violence. The perpetrators of a series of murders that brutally killed six Rroma between 2008 and 2009 were only identified and arrested after massive criticism of the initial investigation. The case revealed institutional racism in the Hungarian police. The protection of the Rroma population from parading right-wing groups is also insufficient, criticizes the documentation, for example concerning the parade of right-wing extremists in Gyöngyöspata, in 2011. The Hungarian law enforcement is pervaded by a strong double standard, the report states: Rroma are repeatedly sentenced to harsh prison sentences for acts of violence against ethnic Hungarians, so-called “anti-Hungarian crime”. However, these judgments are disproportionate when compared to the racist actions against Rroma, which are only insufficiently being investigated by the police: “The resistance of the police to considering bias motivation and effectively investigating crimes reported by Roma victims was illustrated by the inadequate official response to the ethnically motivated ‘patrols’ of extremist paramilitary organizations in the village of Gyöngyöspata in 2011, where the local Roma community were subjected to weeks of abuse and intimidation by armed vigilante gangs (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 173). The report regrets the continuing status quo that the Rroma are not or not sufficiently heard in the public discourse. Therefore, it is necessary that the minority gets help by the state or other organizations in combating this discrimination. However, if the state itself reproduces these racisms or tolerates them, little will change in this situation (compare politics.hu 2014).

Concerning Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia, the report criticizes the prevalence of a sexist image towards Rromnja. These are presented as hyper-sexualized and promiscuous in the public debate, giving a racist explanation for the high number of children among certain Rroma. The fact that ahigh numbers of children is a result of poverty and of a lack of education, and therefore also occur among ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and Slovaks, is completely disregarded. Therefore, a demographic issue that affects society as a whole is portrayed as an ethnic problem and thus underlined with racist reasoning. Particularly problematic are sterilisations that are still performed on Rroma without the consent =. They testify that eugenic thinking continues until today and is even actively pursued (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 29-30).

Regarding Greece, the report criticizes the continued segregation of Rroma children in public schools, which continues despite repeated admonitions by various courts. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in May 2013, that the implementation of a separate Rroma class at the primary school of Sofades constitutes a discrimination of the right to education. This was the third court ruling that condemned segregation of Rroma children in Greece. In addition, the report criticises the right-wing party Chrysi Avgi (Golden Dawn), who repeatedly agitated against Rroma and was involved in numerous violent actions against minorities. The neo-Nazi movement reasons along highly racist arguments. Member of parliament Dimitris Koukoutsis accused the Rroma of  genetic criminality (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 169-170).

Hungary News Americas News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

02.07.2014 Rroma and asylum in Canada: renewed controversy over minority policy in Hungary

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Katawazi (2014) covers the asylum case of a five-member Rroma family in Canada. The family fled from discrimination in Hungary to Canada and applied for political asylum. However, Canada has declared Hungary a safe country of origin, whereby asylum applications from that country are seldom accepted. The Buzas’ family applied for admission based on humanitarian grounds in December 2013. The request remains unanswered until today. Nevertheless, Canadian authorities have set the family’s expulsion for July 3rd this year. Through the support of the public, the parents hope to avert the deportation: “In a statement to the public, Renata Buzas said she hopes to stay in Canada in order to protect her children. “Each day, my children suffered from mental and physical abuse at school because of their Roma origins. No mother can tolerate that. Here in Canada they don’t have to be afraid; they can be themselves, they can evolve and flourish,” said Buzas” (Katawazi 2014). Regarding the assessment of asylum cases, the problem remains that the personal experiences of migrants are not relevant compared to the official country analyses. Since individual fates are often difficult to prove, the regulatory assessment of the security situation in the countries concerned outweighs. Regarding the case of discrimination against minorities, the security situation is difficult to assess, because the individual experiences do not necessarily correspond to official assessments.

France News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

02.07.2014 Évry: demonstration against imminent eviction

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Lemonnier (2014) reports a rally in Évry, in the south of Paris. On June 28th, Rroma and activists gathered at the place of the human rights in Évry, to demonstrate against the imminent evictions of the local Rroma settlements. The demonstrators marched with posters and banners through the streets of the city to the county seat of Essonne and demanded the compliance to basic human rights that are in conflict with the planned evictions. They also rallied against the unworthy treatment of Rroma in France. In Évry, two informal Rroma settlements exist, with about 150 inhabitants each. The closure of the camps is scheduled for the next two weeks. They were founded in response to the evacuation of a camp in Ris-Orangis. Considering the children enrolled in school, one waited until the end of the school year, the general counsellor of the district states: “From the very beginning, we have said that the camps cannot be created in the long term, says the general counsellor of the concerned canton, Claude Vazquez. However, we waited until the end of the school year to authorise the evacuation of this camp, considering that 27 Rroma children are enrolled in the institutions of our community and to enable them to finish the year.” From the perspective of those affected, this apparent benevolence towards the Rroma is a farce. They demand better treatment of Rroma in Évry. First of all, this has to begin with the reduction of the number of forced evictions. Manuel Valls, who is repeatedly criticised for his restrictive, uncompromising policy towards the immigrant Rroma, was mayor of Évry from 2001 to 2012. The demonstration against the planned evictions has therefore a more political character. Of the 100,000 to 500,000 integrated Rroma living in France, one never hears something in the French media. Thereby, one denies them existence and reproduces a one-sided picture of the ethnic group that is being exploited by many politicians for political purposes.

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