Tag Archives: Holocaust

18.06.2014 Lety: protest against pig farm at the site of the former concentration camp

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Several newspapers reported on the protest by activists in several European countries, who objected to the presence of a pig farm at the site of a former concentration camp in Lety, in the Czech Republic. In the Czech Republic itself, several representatives of the European Grassroots Antiracist Movement (EGAM) were present. They remembered the approximately 1,300 Rroma women and children who were interned between August 1942 and May 1943 in the concentration camp of Lety. Most of them were then deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau and gassed there. In Lety itself, around 330 Rroma died, most of them children. They perished of typhoid fever, hunger, or because of the catastrophic conditions in the camp. Under the communist government, an industrial pig farm was built on the site of the former concentration camp. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, members of the Rroma community and human rights activists have called for the demolition of the pig farm and the establishment of a memorial (compare 20 minutes 2014, L’essentiel 2014, The Times of Israël 2014).

13.06.2014 Tribute to the victims of the Marzahn labour camp

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On June 15th, the state association Berlin-Brandenburg of German Sinti and Rroma commemorated the victims of the Marzahn labour camp. In the 1930s, Rroma living in Berlin were brought to Marzahn labour camp after the rise of the Nazis, in order to “clean” the city for the Olympic Games of 1936: “Thousands of Gypsies were here – between the cemetery and the former sewage farms – interned and forced to work in labour camps before they were transported to concentration camps. […] In the “Gypsy camp Marzahn”, from the summer 1936 onward, at least 1,200 people from infants to elderly were held under inhuman conditions. By the spring of 1943, almost all inmates had been deported to Auschwitz. From there, almost no one came back” (Tessman 2014). The chairman of the state association, Petra Rosenberg, will remind with a speech on June the 15th that the persecution and marginalization of the Rroma continued after the end of World War II and the German government recognized these injustices only after long efforts by political activists (Tessman 2014).

25.05.2014 “A People Uncounted” gives Rroma and Holocaust survivors a voice

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Various American newspapers report about the new movie by Aaron Yeger, which focuses on the marginalization of the Rroma in Europe. In an interview with NPR (2014), Yeger explores the question of why no exact figures on murdered Rroma exist as well what the marginalization and destruction of the minority meant for the former communities. As for the number of victims, the lack of written documentation by Rroma themselves as well as the absence of official documents is probably the main reason. The film focuses on the aspects of exclusion and persecution that are recapitulated by eyewitnesses. Language and traditions are only briefly touched upon. The New York Times comments: “While travelling to Budapest, Vienna, Montreal, Ukraine, Romania and Germany, the film, the first feature by Aaron Yeger, presents a range of lucid commentators, some of whom touch upon distant Roma history. But the primary focus here is on the disenfranchisement and ruthless persecution the Roma have long suffered in Europe: in Romania in the mid-1400s, by the Habsburgs in 1500, by Henry VIII and again by the Habsburgs in 1721. […] The darkest hour was the Holocaust, in which hundreds of thousands of Roma perished in concentration camps. Much of this movie is composed of survivors who give harrowing accounts of their experiences, and their warnings about rising ethnic hatred in Europe should not be ignored” (Webster 2014). Miller (2014) also points out that the image of the Rroma in the United States is shaped by stupendous reality TV shows such as Gypsy Sisters and My Big Fat American Gypsy Wedding. These convey a stereotypical, one-sided picture of the Rroma. “A People Uncounted” tries to live up to the complexity of the fate of the Rroma (compare Broadway World 2014, Documentary Trailers 2011, Scheck 2014).   

21.05.2014 Memory of Rroma revolt in Auschwitz-Birkenau

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On May 16th 1944, the prisoners of camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau actively rebelled. Rroma detained there were supposed to be led into the gas chambers by SS: “Armed with stones and tools, they barricaded themselves in the barracks. They managed to escape extermination for the time being. […] The uprising in the camp sector II B of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the “Gypsy camp”, was a highlight of the resistance that Sinti and Roma actively held in many ways against the persecution and extermination by the Nazis. But their resistance was broken: after the selection of all prisoners capable of working, the “Gypsy camp” was dismantled in early August. The remaining 2900 people died in the gas chambers.” In Auschwitz-Birkenau, around 23,000 Rroma were detained, half of them younger than 14 years old. Almost all of them were murdered. On the occasion of the commemoration, Deutschlandradio Kultur spoke with Silvio Peritore, from the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma. Peritore complains about the lacking reappraisal of the genocide in the post-war period, the detentions were legitimized as “crime prevention” in continuity with the Nazis policies, and the continuing tolerance of racist slogans under the guise of freedom of expression, which reveals ambivalence towards ones own history. The Administrative Court of Kassel decided in September 2013 that the posters of the NPD with the slogan “Money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma” had to be tolerated under the paragraph on the freedom of expression. The statement of facts didn’t qualify as demagoguery: “How can it be that after a recognition of the genocide – with exhibitions, with monuments, educational events – again today, people continue to be defamed with a similar language. Last year before the federal election campaign, now for the European elections again, these NPD election posters are tolerated under the guise of party protection and freedom of expression. The state or the judiciary does not evaluate this form of misanthropy as demagoguery and regularly slams complaints from citizens, from people affected, and from Sinti and Roma, who don’t want to put with that. On one side one has the historic confrontation in the form of monuments – which are important, which are essential – but on the other side, one has this contradiction that allows populist parties, right-wing extremists, to do their propaganda against minorities, especially against Sinti and Roma.  They use them as scapegoats for perceived or real nuisances, which is very frightening.” On one side, Peritore speaks about a legal loophole, the tolerance of discrimination by the rule of law under the freedom of speech and press, on the other hand, the problem of the social tolerance of these hostilities. It is therefore every single citizen responsibility to work and pursue a just society (compare Barbezat 2014, Deutschlandradio Kultur 2014, Die Presse 2014, Stoll 2014, Von Billerbeck 2014).

16.05.2014 Pew-polling institute: Rroma are the most despised minority

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On the occasion of the upcoming European parliamentary elections, the Pew polling institute examined the opinions of the French, Germans, Greeks, Italians, Poles, Spanish, and English about the European Union, as well as on general social topics. The opinion research institute came, among others, to the finding that Rroma are the most despised minority in Europe, with prejudices in Italy, France and Greece being the greatest: “The most negative views in Europe aren’t directed toward Muslims or Jews. Rather, it’s Roma. [The] chart is really quite remarkable, showing that Spain is the only nation where more people hold positive views of Roma than negative. In Italy, just 10 percent have positive views about Roma, while 85 percent have negative views. Unfortunately, it’s not entirely surprising. Roma, often dismissively referred to as “gypsies” in Europe, have suffered discrimination in Europe for centuries, and some estimates suggest that 70 percent of their European population was killed during the Holocaust.” The study can also be interpreted as meaning that in countries with strong ideological debates about the minority, more people rejecting. Moreover, in the countries with the highest rejection – Italy and France – the media only report about Rroma living in Slums, which promotes a biased view.

09.05.2014 Lawsuits against NPD because of harassment and demagoguery

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Gensing (2014) reports on a complaint by the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma against the right-wing nationalist National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). The occasion is the announcement of a panel discussion of the party, to which it wanted to invite Heinz Buschkowsky, Thilo Sarrazin and Romani Rose to discuss the immigration of “criminal East Europeans”. Rose never agreed to his participation in such discussions and forbids himself any contact with the right-wing party, which is why the Central Council has filed a lawsuit: “The Central Council filed complaint because for harassment to the public prosecutor against the Berlin state chief [of the NPD], Sebastian Schmidtke, who signed the letter. With the public promotion of the alleged discussion, the NPD untruthfully conveyed the impression that there is actually a contact between the Party and the Central Council, the complaint reads. This suggests the assumption that Rose was actually ready to discuss with the NPD on their racist slogans, which is absolutely not the case.” Gensing interprets the action of the party as an attempt to catch media attention, so far without success.

Schmidt (2014) reports a further complaint against the NPD by a German Sintiza. In Würzburg, on numerous locations one could find posters with the slogan “Money for grandma instead of for the Sinti and Roma”. The Sintiza Perla S. filed a complaint on demagoguery. In Würzburg, the posters were then removed, but not because of a verdict of the courts. Several administrative courts on the contrary approved the posters, on the grounds that they do not openly incite discrimination against Sinti and Rroma. Perla S. contradicts this decidedly. The racism against the minority is still widespread: “Perla S. […] knows what discrimination is. “Already in school I was treated with hostility”, she says, “Hitler forgot to gas you, the children said to me.” This hurt the Sintiza. Especially because in her environment “some older people” live “who lived through the Holocaust.””

07.05.2014 “Remembrance ceremony at the memorial for the Roma and Sinti in Salzburg”

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Salzburg 24 (2014) reports on a memorial event at Rroma memorial in Salzburg. The memorial commemorates Rroma deported by the Nazis. In Salzburg, there were 300 of them: “They were rounded up in 1943 on the site of the former trotting course and then deported over the detention camp Maxglan to the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. To this tortured people a memorial is dedicated to in the small park at Ignaz-Riederkai. […] Mayor Heinz Schaden also addressed the current situation in his speech: the guiding principle for dealing with poverty migrants should be the universal human rights. However, the social problems of Roma and Sinti in several Eastern European countries cannot be solved on the streets and squares in the rest of Europe, he states. Rather, it requires a pan-European effort to enable the people in their home countries a decent life.”

25.04.2014 Call for a civil rights movement of the Rroma

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Umberto Guerra (2014), by the French Rroma organization Romeurope, takes stock of the history of France Rroma. He regrets that the Rroma, who have been living in France for centuries, are still not recognized by the public as part of French society. Instead, one discriminates them further. In the French public, the Rroma exist only in the form of visible immigrants from Eastern Europe. The Rroma who have been living integrated in France for generations, are not seen by the media. According to Guerra they are still victims of racism and discrimination: “There are also several hundred thousand Roma who are French citizens. We are the object of racism and discrimination. But our situation is better than that of our immigrant brothers and sisters whom the French state continues to exclude. Racism against Roma is fed by widespread stereotypes. According to the national commission into human rights 85 percent of French people think Roma exploit their children. The idea of French national identity also plays a role. The true French person is supposed to speak French not regional languages, for example, and to be settled rather than travelling. And the economic crisis has seen things get worse. That’s true of racism in general, but particularly anti-Roma racism.” Moreover, Viviane Reding criticized that the Rroma have repeatedly been used as scapegoats for social ills in the French election campaign, when politicians did not want to talk about more relevant topics. Guerra expresses his disappointment about the fact that the political parties and politicians, from the right as well as from the left, were not reliable in respecting the rights of the Rroma and to come to their defence. At the end, he calls for the concentration of the various civil rights movements and a special dedication to the betterment of the situation of the Rroma: “In the last few years new anti-racist movements have developed, including Roma movements. We are working towards a Festival of Gypsy Insurrection to celebrate the revolt of Roma people in the Birkenau Nazi concentration camp on 16 May 1944. People on the receiving end of racism have taken the initiative and created “specialised” movements against Islamophobia, anti-black racism, etc. These movements are at the stage of getting to know one another. To succeed in their just struggle they will need to coordinate. Roma organisations take part in these movements and we attempt to play a role in bringing them together.” By such a movement, it could perhaps at last be made clear to the majority population that the Rroma have been living among them for generations, invisible and integrated and that they should be allowed to display their identity publicly and proudly without being discriminated.

23.04.2014 EU-minister Birgitta Ohlsson calls for more political commitment for the Rroma

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Herrnböck (2014) spoke with the Swedish EU-minister Birgitta Ohlsson about the commitment of the European Union on the Rroma integration. In the interview, Ohlsson criticizes in particular the role of Romania who is not willing to actively participate in a European Rroma task force. There is a lack of political will and administrative capacity to use EU funds effectively, she states. Ohllson wants to deploy a task force for the better integration of Rroma in Romania, even without the consent of the Romanian government: “I do not want to give up this idea, I have seen too many miserable Roma camps in different countries. It is unworthy to a modern society that children must seek their food in the garbage. […] I think it’s a litmus test for states how they treat minorities. The Union was built to never again allow a crime like the Holocaust. European politicians should oppose much stronger against intolerance and intimidation.” The main criticism of Ohlsson and other EU politicians is the lacking retrieval and use of EU-funds in Romania for the integration of the Rroma.

19.03.2014 Commemorating the Rroma-Holocaust

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The Giessener-Allgemeine (2014) reports on an event to commemorate the Rroma of Giessen murdered by the Nazis. The historian Engbring-Romang talked about the persisting prejudice against the minority and the poor recognition of the exclusion and persecution of the Rroma. As a particular concern, the historian sees social acceptance of pejorative stereotypes: “More than 40 percent of Germans do not want to live in the neighborhood of Sinti and Roma. According to a survey by the Allensbach Institute – in 2011. “And those are only the ones that adhere to their prejudices”, Engbring-Romang the reviews the result.” It is therefore the task of the present society to break with deadlocked prejudices and replace them with independent, critical thinking and empathy. The fate of the fourteen Sinti, who were deported to the extermination camp of Auschwitz-Birkenau on the 16th of March 1943, remains unknown to this day, the newspaper states.

Helwig replaces this lack of clarity with a detailed analysis of the history of Johanna Klein and her family. On March 16th 1943, the parents and six siblings of Klein were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Klein herself could stay in Giessen because she suffered from diphtheria at the time. After her recovery, she was also deported. It is thanks to the “atypical racial characteristics” in eugenic terms that Klein was not murdered like the rest of her family in the concentration camp: “My blonde hair and blue eyes saved me”, says Johanna Klein. […] “Otherwise, I too would have gone through the oven”, the statement bursts out of the 84-year-old, while tears run down her cheeks. “I have to think about it every day.” Because then, her younger siblings Anna and Friedrich remained behind.  “This plagues me to this day.” Both were murdered in Auschwitz-Birkenau as were previously the parents and the three siblings Karl, Mathilde, and Wilhelmine.” (Helwig 2014).

Several German newspapers report about the death of 91-year-old Rrom and Holocaust survivor Reinhard Florian. Florian was interned into the concentration camp Mauthausen in 1941. This was followed by forced labour in the camps Auschwitz, Monowitz, Rydultau and Blechhammer. Florian was present as a contemporary witness in the post-war years and “a living example that [the] memory of the crimes of the Nazis is an obligation for the present.” With the exception of a brother and the father, all eighteen members of his family were murdered. In October 2012, he was guest of honour at the inauguration of the monument to the Rroma murdered under the Nazis in Berlin (compare Bild 2014, Focus online 2014, Main-Netz 2014, Merkur online 2014).

07.03.2014 Desecration of Rroma Holocaust memorial in Merseburg

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Two unknown persons, who most likely belong to an extreme right-wing group, desecrated a memorial in Merseburg, which commemorates the Holocaust of the Rroma during the Second World War. The offense has been recorded by a video camera that was installed because of an earlier desecration: “In recent weeks, four foreigners were attacked in Merseburg. A suspect was taken into custody, several well-known right-wing extremists were investigated. On Saturday, about 600 people rallied on the streets against racism in Merseburg.” The Holocaust against the Rroma is insufficiently reappraised until now. Only in October 2012, a memorial remembering the murder of the Rroma by the Nazis was inaugurated in Berlin (Berliner Zeitung 2014, Focus online 2014).

28.02.2014 Die Zeit criticizes the victim discourse about Rroma

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In her article in Die Zeit, Lau (2014) criticizes the victim role to which Rroma activists are said to refer to constantly in Germany. In the debate about poverty migrants from Romania and Bulgaria, one mainly talks about the immigrants, but not with them. This also has to do with the focus of the activism of Romani Roses, who has been working for the rights of the Rroma in Germany for several decades. Rose focuses his policy on the recognition that Rroma were victims of the Nazi genocide, whereby other topics are to receiving less than enough attention: “Ironically, the central council and Romani Rose prevent elsewhere that the understanding between newly arrived Roma and the majority society improves. Since he can remember, Romani Rose fought for the recognition as victims of genocide, a fact repeatedly disputed by historians. […] Since they share neither religion nor written culture, there is actually only one link between the Sinti and Roma: the experience of persecution. And that is the reason why discrimination is the central topic in the political statements of their community, rather than strategies of advancement.” Lau’s article tries to find out why there is a lack of solution strategies in the current debate about immigrants from Southeast Europe. However, she is wrong when she accuses Rroma to stick to a victim status. This criticism was already expressed in the beginning of 2013 by another author: In his book Zigeuner – Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk, Rolf Bauerdick criticised the lack of self-initiative in improving the social integration of the Rroma. This criticism is one-sided and hides the mechanisms of exclusion. Although it is right that a successful integration involves two sides, promotion and self-initiative, the latter one can only happen if the necessary conditions are given. Otherwise, suppression remains the dominant factor.

Just the opposite is argued by the TAZ in its interview with the historian Patricia Pientka. Pientka researched the story of a Rroma detention camp in Berlin-Marzahn. The historian is shattered about how bad the persecution of the Rroma in Germany was researched so far, also concerning the Berlin-Marzahn detention camp. In 1936, Rroma were selected via by sociographic criteria for the camp: caravans, many children and certain profession groups were decisive for the internment as well as the living on welfare. In 1938, the pseudo-scientific criteria of the racial hygiene research unit under Robert Ritter were implemented. The continuity between the war and the post-war period is particularly shocking. Perpetrators from the Nazi era were appointed as experts in courts, where they could play down or even qualify the war horrors with false statements: “In Berlin and elsewhere, the police departments for “Gypsy questions” established at end of 1938 are of central importance. In Berlin, the head of the department was Leo Karsten. After the war, he was superintendent of the police of Ludwigshafen and throughout Germany was the appointed expert on compensation issues for Sinti and Roma. His testimony led, among other things, to the verdict that the senate didn’t recognize the Marzahn detention camp as a labour camp […]. One can definitely say that the racist persecution of Sinti and Roma in Nazi Germany hasn’t been critically analysed until today. We have a huge deficit. This is also reflected in the case with Roma from South Eastern Europe, for instance Serbia, who are absolutely not perceived as descendants of Holocaust victims – what they definitely are” (Memarnia 2014).

31.01.2014 Rroma Holocaust commemoration

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The 27th of January is the official day of remembrance for the victims of National Socialism in Germany. On the 27th of January 1945, the Red Army liberated the concentration camp of Auschwitz-Birkenau. The state chairman of the Hessian Sinti and Roma, Adam Strauss, warned in his speech of the importance of civil courage and the danger of spreading false information about Rroma. He further noted a continuity of prejudice against this minority, which persists and is jointly responsible for the genocide. The Deputy Prime Minister of Hesse, Al-Wazir, pointed on the danger of intellectual arson and the way it is fuelled by ill-considered remarks: “He directly pointed to the current debate on poverty refugees from Romania and Bulgaria, who come to Germany. Al-Wazir called it “important that we do not build new walls due to reckless words.”  Prudence and respect are important “to us Germans in this debate.” On the same day Bouffier, in a newspaper interview, took a similar view of the debate on poverty migrants. It is important “to use appropriate words to designate the facts”, he stated” (von Bebenburg 2014).

In his text, Hagemann (2014), addresses the discrimination of Rroma by German teachers during and after the Second World War. NSDAP compliant teachers wrote students from ethnic minorities “characteristics of their race” into their testimonials and managed to obtain their deportation. During the memorial service in Menden, the secondary school students read frighteningly many names of young children. They were infants who were born after 1940 and were nonetheless deported in March 1943. It is particularly shocking that many of the teachers were allowed to teach after the war had ended and were supported by public institutions such as the Catholic Church: “The students called the names of the teachers who were allowed to educate the children of Menden in the post-war years. They criticized the Catholic Church, which did not protect these Catholics, the archbishops, who did not respond to petitions, although the brutal extermination of the Sinti and Roma was described in them in dramatic terms. […] One student described the terrible conditions that were faced by the Catholic Gypsies of Menden in Auschwitz, where they were branded as “asocial” with a black triangle on the clothing: they faced typhoid and diarrhoea, abuse and rape. Those who survived, were led into the gas chamber.”

24.01.2014 Gilles Bourdouleix was condemned for his tasteless joke on Holocaust

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Gilles Bourdouleix, mayor of the French city of Cholet, was sentenced on January 23rd  to a suspended fine of 3000 Euro. The prosecutor had requested a sentence of 6 years of emprisonment and a fine of 500 euro. Last Fall, in the presence of a journalist, Bourdouleix said: „que Hitler n’en [les roms] avait peut-être pas tué assez.” [That Hitler did not kill enough of them].  That, while he was trying to resolve a conflict with local travellers who were illegally camping on a field. Bourdouleix had to resign from the Union des démocrates et indépendants due to his statements (Fait-religieux 2014, Le Figaro 2014).

24.01.2014 Rroma holocaust museum to be opened at the end 2014 in Hungary

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Radisic (2014) informs about the impending opening of a Rroma holocaust museum in the Hungarian city of Pecs. The documentation centre is the result of shared aspirations of the local mayor’s office and resident Rroma. The aim of the institution is to remind students and the public about the much-neglected genocide of the Rroma during the Second World War. Due to the largely oral traditions among the Rroma, the genocide is far from well documented. The estimated death toll rage from 220,000 to one and a half million dead: „West Germany recognized the Roma Holocaust in 1982, but formal recognition and marking of this Holocaust have generally proven to be difficult due to lack of recorded collective memory and documentation of the Porajmos among the Roma, a consequence both of their oral traditions and illiteracy, heightened by widespread poverty and discrimination in this day and age […].“

20.12.2013 Minute of Silence at the Rroma Murdered in Germany

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The Bundesrat of Germany commemorated this week with a minute of silence to the Rroma murdered under the Nazis. Around 500,000 Rroma, some estimates put the number significantly higher, fell victim of the genocide of the fascist regime. Germany discussed this year in details the possible consequences of the “Poverty immigration” from South Eastern Europe, and the Rroma were at the centre of the debate. A lot of non-objective and polemical statements were made about them but the historical guilt of Germany towards Rroma was rarely addressed: “”It is a humanitarian imperative that we never forget this genocide,” said the President of the Bundesrat, Lower Saxony’s Prime Minister Stephan Weil (SPD), on Thursday in the Bundesrat in Berlin. It was the “collective failure of an entire generation.” The Bundesrat remebers every year the so-called Auschwitz Decree by the Reichsführer-SS, Heinrich Himmler. T On December 16th, 1942 he ordered the deportation of members of certain ethnic groups in the concentration camp of Auschwitz –Birkenau”  (Greenpeace Magazine, 2013).

18.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Radio Dreyeckland (2013) provides information on planned agreement between the state of Baden Württemberg and the National Association of German Sinti and Roma. The draft contract recapitulates the historically documented exclusion of the Rroma, the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and the poor introspection about the German Rroma policies. The objective of the treaty is a targeted promotion of Rroma in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Access to education and thus also to the labour market should be strongly supported. The draft of the treaty states: “The exclusion and discrimination of Roma and Sinti dates back to the Middle Ages. The cruel persecution and genocide by the Nazi regime brought immense suffering to Sinti and Roma in our country and effects people to this day. This injustice has only been recognized politically embarrassing late, and has not yet worked out sufficiently. Even the antiziganism is still existent and not overcome. Being aware of this particular historic responsibility towards Sinti and Roma as citizens of our country and guided by the desire and motivation to promote the friendly coexistence.”

Pekdemir Hagen (2013) reports on Hasiba Dzemajlji who is engaged in Bielefeld for a better integration and recognition of the Rroma. Dzemajlji wants more Rroma in Germany, Rroma who have been living in the country for decades to publicly declare their identity. For fear of exclusion and discrimination many people of Rroma origins keep it secret. Together with the organization Migovita, Dzemajlji wants to strengthen the self-confidence, especially of young Rroma, and facilitate their access to education. She also wants to create a counter point to the still heavily rooted stereotypes, a new view that is characterized by heterogeneity and complexity.

Niewendick (2013) discusses the increasing radicalisation of local residents and politicians, who make propaganda against immigrated Rroma: During the last one and a half years, systematically, rumours of “thieving Kids”, littering and other prejudices about immigrants Rroma have been spread. The tensions achieved a peak in the fire of the “Rroma houses” on 9 October, a fire whose cause is still unclear. The heavily politicised situation manifests itself besides open demonstrations for and against Rroma with questionable expressions such as “problem house” and “flood of poverty refugees poverty”.

At the opening of a new interim dormitory for refugees in Duisburg, Kleinwächter (2013) discussed the situation of Rroma in Kosovo. Bernd Mesovic, Vice-President of Pro Asyl Frankfurt is cited with gloomy assessments on the integration of the Rroma in Kosovo: The situation of the Rroma in Kosovo is totally glossed over by the German authorities. In reality among them, very high unemployment prevails, and attacks are not tracked: “Officially, there are no attacks on them. Who issues a complaint, must fear reprisals. They can hardly expect any help from the Albanian police. Under the Constitution, all these rights are guaranteed, as is the internationally agreed reintegration of returnees. But the funds for that are lacking. The Rroma themselves have no confidence in the authorities dominated by Albanians, they are almost hermetically spatially sealed off from the Albanians and a kind of fair game for criminals.” Mesovic’s statements show once again the discrepancies between official country analyses and the real experiences of migrants. Official assessments of stability and legal security stand in contrast with personal experiences that are difficult to objectify. The official view remains the decisive criterion for the assessment of migrants’ fates.

Onay (2013), a green politician from Lower Saxony, reports on a field trip to Serbia. Purpose of the trip was a meeting between German and Serbian Rroma as well as non-Rroma, which was initiated by the organisations novels Aglonipe and the International Youth Meeting of Roma and non-Roma. At the meeting, issues such as the lack of access of Rroma to schools, to health care, and to the labour market were discussed. On the subsequent trip to Stara Karaburma, Onay paints a bleak picture of excluded Rroma living in ghetto-like conditions: Poor hygiene, glaring poverty, few or no prospects for the future. Onya’s portrayal stands in stark contrast to official country assessments that classify the situation of Rroma in Serbia as stable and safe. This contrasts with the fate of individuals surveyed Rroma, which report massive violence against them.

Bachmair (2013) reports on a meeting of the German association “Against Forgetting, for democracy”. At the meeting, eyewitnesses and relatives reported about the suffering experienced by Rroma and criticised the lack of coming to terms about the persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Germany. In his contribution, Romani Rose criticised the continued employment of Nazis by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, a fact that prevented the recognition of Rroma as victims for a long time: “In the offices, the survivors met the same officials who had sent them years before to the concentration camps, and who refused them compensation and recognition as victims of Nazi persecution. Even police officers who had perecuted Gypsies, made unhindered careers made in the Federal Republic. Only when Gypsies got organised and a 1980 hunger strike on the grounds of the former concentration camp at Dachau drew attention to their situation, was their suffering recognized.” The researcher Wolfgang Benz on racism expressed concern that the lessons of the world War II have never been applied or only very poorly on Rroma.

In his short, article, Schuhmann (2013) asks for less political correctness in the name of minorities who commit a crime. Naming the origin – in the case of this article “Gypsy” – helps to identify grievances among the stakeholders and to ask critical question: “If the reader completes the sentence “cheating gypsies on the road” with “of course – who else ?”,  a true nightmare for journalists has become a reality. The police does not want that. Neither does the majority of readers who are quite capable of differentiating between minorities and criminals among those. […] To name their origins could pave the way for many other questions. Namely who exploit these women and what a life they are forced to lead.” Through this statement, Schuhmann relativises her own reasoning. If the committed crimes, or respectively the exploitative relationships have nothing to do with cultural background, why then is naming the origin relevant? Schuhmann also assumes from fully mature, critical readers, who can recognise stereotypical reductions as such. This is to be doubted. Many readers will be confirmed in their prejudices by one-sided reporting.

Also, in an article about criminals young Gypsy women, Schuhmann (2013/II) uses the stereotypes of organised Rroma groups: The testimony of a police officer who speaks of burglars networks, is quoted without comment. Also without comment is the fact that one assigns physical characteristics to perpetrators: “The official explained what they should pay attention to. Women, beggars, rather dark in type “Gypsy one cannot say”, Fuchs says with a glance at the present journalist.” that there is no “culture of crime” ought to be clear to every man of common sense. Just as there are delinquent Rroma, there are delinquent ethnic German, Swiss, etc. No one would ever get the idea to talk about organised crime.

Unzensuriert.at (2013), in an absurdity not to be outdone, reports in an article about the Rroma the “problem house” in Duisburg. According to the article, these Rroma have collected the rat traps that were installed by the urban pest control and sold to scrap dealers. The Rroma, called “Gypsies” here, are brought in directly in conjunction with a rat infestation: “Rat plague: Gypsies stealing traps.” The article is a prime example of uncritical, unreflective, populist journalism.

04.10.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reich (2013) discusses the problems and hardships of migrants in their new home using the fate of a Rroma family from Romania who emigrated to Berlin Rroma. The author estimates the number of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in Berlin, although she de facto talks only about Romanians and Bulgarians, to around 22,000, and not a few are living in their cars. Many families are also suspected to live in basements and attics, a larger part camps in parks. The action plan adopted by the Berlin administration to integrate foreign Rroma, is meant to improve their access to the labour market, education, health care and housing options. However, discrimination by teachers, passers-by, and the society as a whole in everyday life remains normality. Statistics paint the bleak picture of 40 % of the population who would have a problem with Rroma as neighbours.

Yordanova (2013) looks for reasons for the lagging results in terms of the integration of Rroma in the European education system. Joachim Brenner of the association the Förderverein Roma in Frankfurt am Main, that poverty among a large part of European Rroma reduces education to an afterthought, something that comes after accommodation, food, and health. At a two-day conference on the educational situation of European Rroma in Bonn, experts discussed the problems in the implementation of a better integration of this ethnic group. The Bulgarian Ilona Tomova sees a reason to the serious reservations of broad sections of the population against the Rroma. The EU funding is perceived as an unfair advantage for the Rroma: “The integration programs are very difficult to accept in Bulgarian society, because many other people – not just Roma – have no access to the labour market. Especially young and older people find difficult to get a job.” A representative of the Roma Education Fund criticized the focus of many NGOs, and schools to only solve short-term problems.

Ulrich (2013) discussed the ongoing tensions between the German Federal States and the Federal Government with regards to the integration of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria. The federal States of Berlin demand massively more support, which is not granted by the Federal Government. The problem lies in a market-based screening of immigrants: “Since the EU accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, the influx of job seekers from both countries has greatly increased. Whereas well skilled have access to the labour market, unskilled immigrants in this country fall through the grid of the welfare state. As EU citizens, they will not get assistance, such as the one granted to asylum seekers, they can work, except as a self-employed. The only benefit that they can get are child benefits.” Try to remedy this, individual Federal States such as Berlin started they own development programs. In Berlin, welcoming classes for children without knowledge of German were established. The costs for the children care, for example also in catching up on vaccinations, exceed the budget of the state by far. In addition, the concentration of many immigrants create social tensions in a place that one simply can not ignore.

27.09.2013 Rroma in France

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Balmer (2013) reports on the massive criticism of the EU commission on the French Rroma policies. The reason for the complaint were the repeated statements by Interior Minister Manuel Valls, that the majority of the Rroma are not compatible with the French due to their specific lifestyle and should return to Romania. With these statements Valls drew the criticism of many of his Socialist party colleagues but at the same time also a lot of sympathy on the part of many French mayors who feel alone in confronting informal Rroma camps around Paris. In a statement, Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission, reminded Valls about the agreement of 2010, where  France promised the compliance of freedom of travel and establishment for all EU citizens, including Rroma. France has a law that allows deportation of asylum seekers if they cannot raise enough money for their own livelihood.

Nunès (2013) gives an overview of the responses to Valls statements by various French mayors. Most, including socialist politicians, agree with Valls on his order and return policies. The reasoning is always similar: France is not responsible for solving the world’s problems. With their anarchical way of life, Rroma are not compatible with the French society and should be deported. They are a massive financial burden on the French welfare state, which is battered enough already by the economic crisis. For Clermont-Ferrand, they are primarily passive victims who can not be saved by the overstretched French government at this time and thus must be expelled. By the assignment of a victim role, Ferrand wants to distance himself from ethnic categorizations: “Il n’est pas question de stigmatiser une population, mais, dans une période de pénurie d’emplois et de logements, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de réussir leur intégration. Il faut mettre un terme à l’hémorragie rom en France[One should not stigmatise a population, but at a time where there is a scarcity of jobs and housing, we are not in a position to achieve their integration. We have to stop the Rroma bleeding in France.]

Vallaud Najat Belkacem, Women’s Rights Minister, clarified the position of the French government in the national Rroma politics: The repatriation is part of a range of measures in dealing with Rroma. French Rroma policies are determined by assertiveness and humanity: assertivness in the sense that one prevents misery, which is no way to live,  by the destruction of Rroma camps. Humanity, in the sense that one always promotes access to education, employment and housing where possible (Le Point, 2013). That these humanitarian interventions are permeated of political views and intentions is an important detail that is not discussed in more detail by Belkacem. Instead, evictions are declared to be humanitarian measures to protect residents who need to be saved from untold misery. That living in an illegal settlement could be an unpleasant but acceptable alternative to permanent expulsion practices for those affected is not considered.

Libération (2013) states that Valls sees his policies as the ones  of leftist politician who takes the suffering and distress of French citizens seriously. That these are anti-socialist policies, which make a distrinct difference between the equality of people established in France, he negates completely: “Le ministre a répété que son action est «celle d’un homme de gauche». «J’ai le devoir (…) d’écouter l’exaspération, les colères, les souffrances de notre peuple», a-t-il argumenté[The minister repeated that his action is “the one of a leftist”. “I have the duty (…) to listen to the exasperation, the anger, the sufferings of our people.] The Housing Minister, Cécile Duflot, criticised Valls violently stating that he continues to carry on Nicolas Sarkozy’s policies and set a highly questionable order policy based on ethnic origin.

In her analysis, Soullier (2013) also emphasizes the strong connection between French Rroma policies and the election campaign and its associated views of politicians. So Marie Le Pen continue to talk about a “horde” of Rroma who will come to France starting  in January 2014, with the enactment of freedom of movement agreement with Bulgaria and Romania. Other MPs, such as Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, assign to Rroma criminal habits need to be prevented. Few politicians like Dominique Voynet recognise that the problem is cannot only be attributed to the Rroma of desire for integration, but is also the result of a lack of will on the part of government and society to accept them, “C’est difficile de reprocher aux personnes de ne pas s’intégrer quand on leur refuse le droit de travailler. [It is difficult to reproach people not to integrate when one forbids them to work.]

Social geographer Olivier Legros know also point out that only visible Rroma living in camps are discussed by the media and politicians. The invisible, integrated Rroma are thereby condemned to non-existence, the general public does not even know they exists at all. The Rroma are a projection screen for the unwanted: “Dans le discours politique français, les Roms désignent des personnes qui habitent des bidonvilles aux marches des villes, qui viennent d’Europe centrale et qui menacent la sécurité des citoyens. Finalement, le Rom est une métaphore, un mot qui décrit des indésirables. Ceux qui se sont intégrés, on n’en parle jamais. […] Comment savoir, on ne parle jamais de ceux qui se sont intégrés? Il y en a peut-être dans votre bureau, dans votre entreprise mais ils n’éprouvent peut-être pas le besoin de le dire tous les jours.” (20 minutes France 2013) [In the French political discourse, Roma designate people who live in slums near urban centres, who came from Central Europe and threaten the safety of citizens. Finally, the Rom is a metaphor, a word that describes the undesirable. Those who are integrated, we never talk about. […] How do you know, we never speak of those who are integrated? They may be in your office, in your business, but they may not feel the need to say so every day]. According to Legros, the really questionable thing is that poverty is raised as a stigma and criminalised. It obscures the social conditions that are not the result of personal decisions and actions , but the result of structural, socially institutionalized and maintained inequalities.

Christian Vanneste of the extreme rightist  RPF party (Les Obervateurs 2013), takes the debate as an opportunity to perform an alleged disclosure of the true problems. He pours into racist generalisations that he does not see as racist because they correspond to the real behaviour of the Rroma and are confirmed by statistics. Rright at the beginning of the article he states that there is a clear link between the presence of the Rroma and a rise in crime rates: “Il y a un rapport entre la présence dans plusieurs grandes agglomérations d’une concentration d’immigrés roumains et bulgares et la délinquance.[There is a correlation between the presence in several large agglomerations of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants and criminality.] He further dishes out the popular notion of networks of organised beggars, con artists and criminal children gangs, elevating the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as a cultural trait. He also quantifies the damage caused metal theft done by Rroma at 800,000 euro. For Vanneste, it is clear that the debate about the Rroma is not about racism but about objectified facts. What he does, is racism with questionable statistics and a correlation of parameters that de facto have nothing to do with each other, because there is simply no such thing as “ethnic culture of delinquency”. The rest of the article consists of a tirade against the EU, which presumes to prescribe the “right” policy decisions to the French government.

Comment: Valls statements, which are culturising and generalising are once again a prime example of the massive politicization of the Rroma identity, which is presented to the outside world as natural and anti-political. It must be stressed once more that integration is a two way process. If Rroma access to education, employment and health care is denied, the integration is nearly impossible. Quite a few French politicians seem not to want to pursue such an integration, because they believe from the outset that Rroma cannot be integrated. Whether they have ever spoken with Rroma for a longer time is highly doubtful. The polemic shows how much policies are controlled by entrenched opinions: One wants well-educated, financially strong immigrants with high social integration capabilities. If they do not meet this ideal, ethnic characteristics are exploited to declare them not “to be integrated”. That this assignment steeped in political and moral views is usually ignored. Rather, this is presented as indisputable nature of the Rroma.

20.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The conservative weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit (2013) reports on “Gypsies […] they want the full right of German social benefits if they declare Germany as their new centre of life.” The paper evaluates the decision of Essen’s Higher Social Court in a precedent that allows now all “Gypsies” from Southeast Europe to also be entitled to all social benefits in addition to the child benefit and emergency medical care. The conservative weekly newspaper takes a clear judgmental  and order oriented perspective on the immigration debate: desirable are, if at all, only professionals and only if they do not compete with German workers. It also makes the economic opportunities of immigrants a question of ethnicity: Rroma, in the paper’s eyes, are all potential welfare cheats. Mockingly they note that it is sufficient, according to the Social Court, to declare Germany as one’s new centre of life and for being awarded benefits.

The town of Nordhausen ordered the prohibition of NPD election posters of the NPD in the vicinity of the former concentration camp Mittelbau-Dora and prescribed the minimum distance. With the slogan “Money for grandma instead of Sinti and Roma” the NPD generated a lot of resentment.  Legal proceedings were initiated by several people against the NPD for anti-Gypsy propaganda (MDR 2013). The anti Rroma propaganda has also triggered legitimate fears among many Rroma in Germany, especially in families with children who have to see posters on their routes to school. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma criticised that authorities had only acted in some cities, but not pronounced a national regulation to ban the posters (Evangelical Press, 2013). In the city of Giessen, the Administrative Court ruled in favour of the NPD’s posters: they must be hung back after the town had them removed. In a bipartisan action, critics of the NPD have now hung posters with the slogan “My grandma also like Sinti and Roma” (Hit Radio FFH 2013).

The TAZ (2013) reports the successful construction of a dormitory for Rroma in Neukölln that is funded by the Housing and Community Society of Aachen. Previously a house in the Harzerstrasse gained media attention mainly because of the waste and the noise. Through the intervention of Aachen Housing society, the house has been renovated and overcrowding has been reduced. The housing project has even won a social Architecture Prize. At the same time the displeasure of some of the neighbours has been awakened, who complained about the social advantage given to Rroma. However, Benjamin Marx, the project manager, sees the project as an important sign of social acceptance of Rroma.

The SPD excluded Martin Korol from the party because of his anti-Roma statements. Korol had made derogatory comments towards the Rroma immigrants from Southeast Europe Rroma on his website earlier this year, but then removed them due to considerable criticisms. Korol was elected in February 2013 into the Bremen state parliament, and his previously published statements had previously not raised any attention (Mirror 2013).

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