Monthly Archives: January 2013

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25.01.2013 Rroma and Structural Violence

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The situation of many Rroma in different countries around Europe is closely connected to the sociological concept of “structural violence”. Structural violence is a term used by different social scientists to denote structures of repression of epistemological, political, economical and social nature, which keep the affected people from improving their livelihoods. In the case of Rroma, structural violence has the form of highly negative epistemological ascriptions, which hinder them from improving their circumstances, combined with a history of exclusion and disadvantage, which leave many of them in a kind of “devils circle” of hopelessness towards any major change. Paul Farmer defines ‘structural violence’ as follows:

“Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way… The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people … neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress (Farmer 1999: 79).

The concept is therefore closely linked to the notion of ‘agency’, which refers to the individual power of a single person in a social structure to perform his/her aspirations and affect his/her social environment. ‘Ageny’ also emanates from subjects, who are conditioned in the way they act, or perform an action. The idea that “the things they do are in some sense determined by the ways in which their identity has been constructed” (Ashcroft/Griffiths/Tiffin (2007: 6) refers to the idea that social possibilities of individuals or groups are linked to the identity fellow human beings ascribe them and the way people reconstruct their own identity between outside ascription and self-ascription of identity. In this reflections, it is important to consider that it is neither just individual agency and neither just the structure surrounding a person, that determines his/her destiny, but a complicated negotiation of the two. Bourdieu sees it as a dialectic between “externalizing ones agency”, and “internalizing the structure”, which is at work when constructing personal and group identity (Bourdieu 1990). 

In the case of Rroma, the structure – with which I want to denote the structure of society as well as knowledge which society produces and emanates about the Rroma – is today clearly still the dominating factor in the relationship of agency and structure. Individual and group actions of Rroma have contributed to improve their situation in society, but negative stereotypes and prejudices still continue to dominate them so strongly, that many Rroma have to life with their identity as a burden, rather than be proud of their identity. It is the task of all mankind and political and economical leaders in particular, to change the relationship of agency and structure in such a way, that individual persons, no matter of what origin, don’t have to feel powerless because of the strong overweight of structure over individual agency. Fostering equal access to education, working possibilities and financial means can be a step towards achieving this goal. 

As part of the institutionalized exclusion of Rroma in large parts of Western society, one can detect what Bauman calls the production of “human wate”, which is closely connected with the dangerous feeling of being redundant in and for society. Bauman pessimistically explains the feeling of humans who feel redundant in this world:

The others do not need you; they can do as well, and better, without you. There is no self-evident reason for being around and no justification for your claim to the right to stay around. To be declared redundant means to have been disposed of because of being disposable – just like the empty and not refundable plastic bottle or once-used syringe, an unattractive commodity with no buyers, or a substandard or stained product without use thrown off the assembly line by the quality inspectors. Redundancy shares its semantic space with ’rejects’, ’wastrels’, ’garbage’, ’refuse’ – with waste (Bauman 2004: 12).   

This dangerous feeling of being disposable for society because of exclusion and repression from educational, economic and political possibilities has to be seen as an inherent and major part «structural violence». From Bauman’s (2004) viewpoint, the systematic exclusion of people is a vital part of modernity and it’s production of order. It is in its simplest form the result of economic processes, which differentiate between useful and un-useful humans for production and consumption. In it’s more complex forms, the production of order is a form of “state racism”, which is the systematic evaluation of knowledge about people and its subsequent re-ascription, in the form of the differentiation of “useful” and “un-useful humans”. This differentiation is amongst others based on the dominant “stories”, which are told about groups of people. In case of the Rroma, the dominant tale is one of negative stereotypes, of intentional criminality and deliberate unwillingness towards integration. This “tale” is so deeply rooted in European history, that is dominates realistic scientific knowledge and statistical knowledge about Rroma, which would paint a different picture of Rroma realities. Rroma Realities are complex, diverse, fragmented, individual stories, which evade simple reduction. This approval of complexity has been termed “the postmodern condition” by Jean Francois Lyotard. For the case of Rroma, it means to acknowledge that there is not “the Rrom” as simple as there is not such a thing as “the Swiss” of “the Italian”. Most Rroma speak the language Rromanes, but some don’t. Some Rroma are Christians, some are Muslims, some are part of other religions. A few engage in criminal activities, but most of them don’t. When wanting to understand the reality behind the stereotypes about Rroma, it is important to acknowledge that there is no simple answer to the question of how Rroma really are. An individual destiny can never been reduced to simple labels.

Sources:

  • Ashcroft, Bill/Griffiths, Gareth/Tiffin, Helen (2007) Post-colonial studies. The key concepts. London/New York: Routledge Publisher.
  • Bauman, Zygmunt (2004) Wasted Lives. Modernity and its outcasts. Cambridge: Polity Press.
  • Bourdieu, Paul (1990), The Logic of Practice, Polity Press: Cambridge.
  • Farmer, Paul (1999) Infections and Inequalities. The modern plagues. Berkeley: University of California Press. 
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25.01.2013 Rroma and Edwards Said’s Orientalism

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Edwards Said’s seminal book “Orientalism” is a convenient tool to more clearly understand how knowledge about Rroma is produced and how it affects the live worlds of Rroma people in Western and Eastern Europe. It is another example of discourse analysis, and offers insights into structures of power that are involved when producing knowledge about other people.

Said examined (1978/2010) how the Orient has been portrayed and constructed by Western science in form of Orientalism. How did and does Orientalism describe the Orient and how do these bodies of knowledge work back onto reality? Said wants Orientalism to be seen as knowledge that is embedded in postcolonial power relations. East and West are seen as concepts that define themselves in relation and against each other. The Orient has been used to define it as the counterpart, the anti-idea, and counter experience to the West. Said understands the Orient as well as the Occident as constructed terms, that continue to change their meaning. Through the institutionalization of thinking about the Orient, Orientalism continually legitimized itself as the dominant, ‘true’ tale about the Orient. The term ‘Orient’ in contrast to Orientalism is used to refer to a perceived reality of what life in the Orient is like. Said distanced himself from claiming to say how the orient was really like. What he wanted to do is to deconstruct how Orientalists talked about the Orient, and how their knowledge has nearly always been part of unequal power relations between societies and people. Said disenchants the knowledge of the Orientalists as portrayals, which run the risk of ascribing labels of value and race, which leads to the domination and disciplining of people through this portrayals.  

Also the case of how Rroma are portrayed in media, by politicians and in oral culture, mostly refers to a dominant ‘tale’, similar to what Said called Orientalism. One could term it ‘Antiziganism’, but it is important to understand that the dominant tale about Roma – disseminated by lots of people – doesn’t sees itself as racist, but as representing the truth, even though it reflects stereotypes and is racist. This dominant ‘tale’, taking its knowledge from centuries of passed down prejudices, negative interpretations and mixing of identity with political issues, succeeds in dominating the way in which many people see Rroma. Many journalists take their information from oral culture and print stereotypes as ‘scientific reality’, mixing criminal actives and questions of ethnic belonging, even though there is no connection between them. Rroma who engage in criminal activities or how live in slums dominate media coverage, silencing all the other positive aspects of Rroma identity. There are no news reports on successful Rroma how live well adjusted in their society, work as a lawyer, as a bank clerk or as a writer. In Switzerland there life around 50’000 Rroma, from whom the most are well integrated, work and engage in their everyday activities. Because of the domination of negative stereotypes, most of them keep their identity a secret.  

Source:

  • Said, Edward (1978/2010) Orientalismus. Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag.
Bosnia News Eastern Europe North Macedonia Serbia

18.01.2013 Fostering Social Housing in Bosnia-Herzegovina

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Liechtenstein will foster education and public housing of Rroma in Bosnia-Herzegovina with 105’000 Swiss francs, helping the local international organization for refugees and migration aid (IMFH). According to the article, a big part of the aid money will be used to build facilities of the public housing program, which is aiming to improve the conditions of Rroma living in countryside, often under precarious hygienic conditions. From the viewpoint of the state of Liechtenstein, the housing program will also help to decrease migration movements to Western Europe, which are caused by social-economic hardships.

The educational program of the foundation “Kinderdorf Pestalozzi” is currently enabling around 5’000 Rroma children in Serbia and Macedonia to get a regular school education. The state of Liechtenstein is also fostering this program with a financial contribution (Lichtensteiner Vaterland 2013).

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Czech Republic News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

18.01.2013 Criticism towards Czech Republic’s public school system and the discrimination of Rroma children

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A new study recently published by the ‘Open Society Justice Initiative’ criticizes the systematic disadvantage of Rroma children in Czech Republic’s public school system. The study emanates from the ‘D.H. and Others versus Czech Republic’ case: In 1999 18 Rroma children from Ostrava sued the Czech school system for systematic discrimination before the European Court of Human Rights. As a result, eight years later, the court declared the suit legitimate, demanding from the Czech state increased actions to stop the discrimination of Rroma children in the public school system. According to the publication, most Rroma children in the Czech Republic end up in inadequate, third-rate schools, making it very difficult for them to acquire advanced job opportunities and therefore inhibiting social advancement.

The children that were part of the ‘D.H. and Others versus Czech Republic’ case have grown up and look back to what has changed since the lawsuit was filed. Most of them come to a pessimistic conclusion, stating that despite some official statements and renaming of schools, the exclusion of Rroma children from public schooling remains an everyday practice. Several interview partners stated that discrimination came not as much from the other children attending the school but from teachers systematically judging and treating Rroma children badly. One method used to downgrade Rroma children is to declare them psychologically retarded. According to the report, this is a common way to exclude them from the public school system and therefore from social advancement. The former Commissioner for Human Rights of the European Union, Thomas Hammarberg, stated in his report «Human Rights of Roma and Travelers in Europe»: “with thousands of Roma children effectively excluded from the mainstream education system in the Czech Republic and condemned to a future as second class citizens every year… it is now time to speed up the implementation of the inclusive education agenda” (Open Society Justice Initiative 2012).

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11.01.2013 Gypsies and the anthropology of Enlightenment

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The literary scholar Klaus Michael Bogdal wrote a book about the representation of Rroma in European literature during the last centuries. Before, he intensely concerned himself with historical discourse analysis and Foucault (Bogdal 2011). He unfolds a story of the representation of Rroma in Europe from the Middle Ages to the present, in which he shows how they have always been constructed as an antipode to bourgeois values ​​in order to differentiate and depict oneself in opposition to them. The Roma were portrayed as savages, who live in an anachronistic, archaic society. Through depicting them as a «nomadic horde» in a state of nature, they became the antipodes of bourgeois values ​​and the source «a permanent civil war against state order» (Bogdal 2011: 162).

The images that are evoked about them – which rarely have to do anything with reality – were passed down over centuries through literature and oral tradition. Negative literary descriptions were often used as ethnographic facts and further disseminated. All the pejorative stereotypes that are attributed to the Rroma – that they are thieves, children robbers, vagabonds, spies for the Ottomans – constitute a form of negative dialectics, a form of domination of men over men through knowledge. In this case, the quality of knowledge plays a secondary role. For the public it doesn’t matter if the negative stereotypes correspond to reality, but that they become the dominant narrative about the Rroma, which dominates all other narratives. This form of disciplining of humans through knowledge by misattribution is also called «epistemological violence». Bogdal states: «Die Argumentation der Kontrahenten ist weniger durch den Willen zum Wissen, als durch deutende Gewalt charakterisiert. In ihren Abhandlungen erzwingen sie die Lesbarkeit des Fremden, Anderen, indem sie dessen Zeichen nahezu beliebig innerhalb des eigenen Verstehenshorizontes deuten“ (Bogdal 2011: 146).

Miss-ascription of knowledge about the Roma was not confined to verbal forms of racism and social exclusion and discrimination, but was applied to control them. In Switzerland one used the knowledge about them, to identify, intern and chastise them. As part of the initiative “Kinder der Landstrasse” hundreds of Roma and Yenish were taken away their children and placed in orphanages, psychiatric and educational institutions or foster families. In several lectures the fascist attitude of the supervisor Alfred Siegfried became evident. However, he remained head of the organization until shortly before the dissolution in 1973. He continued to separate children from their parents, order sterilizations and internments in psychiatric hospitals and thereby made the lives of many Roma and Yenish an agony. The Rroma children were often declared mentally incompetent and therefore remained in the power of the patronizing organization (Meier 2003).

In Germany, institutionalized pejorative knowledge was distributed about them – based on pseudo-scientific racial theories that were then classified as science  – which allowed their systematic murder by the Nazis. Bogdal emphasizes that it is not knowledge about the Roma that allowed their exclusion and extinction, but the power to enforce a certain knowledge about them. He states: «Es ist also nicht das Wissen über die Zigeuner, das bestimmte staatliche Gewaltmassnahmen erforderlich erscheinen lässt, sondern ist umgekehrt nach 1933 die Macht vorhanden, ein bestimmtes Wissen in allen gesellschaftlichen und staatlichen Bereichen weitgehend durchzusetzen» (Bogdal 2011: 337). One accuses the Rroma of the destruction of the foundations of society, caused by their lack of possessions and differing lifestyle. Through this they would illegitimately demand the work of the majority. Poverty is therefore criminalized a declared a stigma. One also attributes them hereditary criminality and begins to physically measure them. In the wake of the Nazi extermination policy «actions should no longer prevented, but lives exterminated» (Bogdal 2011: 340). State racism, which builds on the deviation of a defined norm, and decides over «useful» and «useful« lives as form of biopolitics, becomes and institutionalized variable. Positive knowledge about the Rroma, as produced by the Enlightenment anthropology and ethnography, which propagate for the integration of the Roma, remain unheard. Bogdal sees a supremacy of the positivist sciences, which have dedicated themselves to progression and applied knowledge, but unfortunately create a form of negative dialectics through unethically applying their knowledge. He states: «Die beiden für die Wahrnehmung und Verortung der epochalen Wissensformationen, die aufklärerische Anthropologie und die Ethnographie, brachten vor allem in ihren philosophischen und kulturhistorischen Dimensionen immer auch positive Aspekte zur Sprache und zogen, wenn auch nur für kurze Momente, die Möglichkeit einer Assimilation und Integration in Erwägung. Hingegen haben ausgerechnet die modernen, sich dem gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt und der praktischen Anwendung verschreibenden Wissenschaften der ersten Jahrhunderthälfte die Politik der Verfolgung, Ausgrenzung und Vernichtung bewusst befördert und gerechtfertigt» (Bogdal 2011: 342).

Source:

  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2011) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner. Eine Geschichte von Faszination und Verachtung. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag.
  • Meier, Thomas (2003) Hilfswerk Kinder der Landstrasse. In: Becker, Helena Kanyar (Hrsg.) Jenische, Sinti und Roma in der Schweiz. Basel: Schwabe & Co, S. 19–38.
News Eastern Europe Romania

11.01.2013 Controversial call to sterilize Rroma in Romania

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The NZZ writes about a right-wring extremist groups in Romania, named «NAT88». The extremists made a public call, offering Rroma women 300 Leu (82 Swiss francs) if they brought proof to have sterilized themselves successfully. The call was legitimized by the extreme right-wingers by proclaiming «violence of Rroma against the Romanian majority». The statement was criticized harshly by the Elie Wiesel Institut, the Romani Criss organization and the centre against Racism, denouncing the call as a severe attack on the Rroma minority and the society as a whole.

Source:

Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

11.01.2013 Agitation against Rroma in Hungary

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Ritterband (2013) accounts a racist agitation of the publicist Zsolt Bayer against Rroma in Hungary. The publicist Zsolt Bayer defamed Rroma as «murdering animals» using his newspaper «Magyar Hirlap» as a circulation organ. Bayer is known to be a political companion and personal friend of prime minister Orban. The reigning Fidesz party distanced itself from the statements made by Bayer, but didn’t condemn them. Judiciary minister Tibor Navracsics criticized Bayers comments in a public television program, denouncing the statements as incompatible with the Hungary’s democratic principles. Orban himself didn’t take any public position. Zsolt Bayer is known to have made racist agitation before, also using the «Magyar Hirlap» to make anti-Semitic comments against Jews.

Odehnal (2013) complements the topic with a shocking detail: Not only did Bayer compare Rroma with animals and said that they had no place amongst other humans, but propagandized for their immediate extinction. Taking side with the Hungarian left-wing opposition parties, who filed criminal complaint against Bayer because of demagoguery against Rroma, the RCP condemns Bayer’s agitation deeply. Such a public call for the extinction of the Rroma should not be let unpunished. It deeply scares and astonishes, that such a misanthropic statement is aloud to be made public by the Hungarian media and laws. That the proponents of the article appeal to freemdom of the press can only be called absurd. It abandons any sense of ethics and respect towards people in general.

Pester Lloyd (2013/I) states that un-firm distancing of Fidesz from the racist statements shows that the party is trying to bind voters from the ultra right-wing Jobbik party. The article concludes resigned that a silent toleration of racism and open hatred has become a normality in Hungary.

In the most recent article Pester Lylod (2013/II) confirms that the Hungarian chief prosecutor has droped charges against Bayer, stating that there is no visible danger of people persecuting Rroma. Pester Llyod raises the legitimate question what reasons laws have, if they are not applied or only in a very restricted way.

Source:

  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) Aufruf zum Massenmord. In: Tagesanzeiger vom 9.1.2013.
  • Pester Lloyd (2013/I) Der Freund schweigt. Halbherzige Distanzierungen: das offizielle Ungarn und der Fall Bayer. In: Pester Llyod vom 9.1.2013.  http://www.pesterlloyd.net/html/1301orbanschweigt.html
  • Pester Llyod (2013/II) Fall Bayer: Roma vertretter sagt Treffen ab, Staatsanwalt sieht keine Hetze. In: Pester Llyod vom 11.1.2013. http://www.pesterlloyd.net/html/1301bayerupdate.html
  • Ritterband, Charles E. (2013) Hetze gegen Roma in Ungarn. In: Neue Zuercher Zeitung vom 10.01.2013. 
France Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe

04.01.2013 Rroma Names

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The publication «TANGRAM 30» by the federal institute against racism gives an interesting differentiation of terminologies associated with Rroma. They differentiate between Rroma, explained to be a meta-term for the numerous groups of around 8 or 10 million Rroma living in Europe. The Rroma, which became sedentary in central Europe around the 15th century – the exodus out of India starting in the 10th century – are termed «Sinti» in Germany and Austria, «Manouche» in France and «Gitans/Kalés» on the Iberian Peninsula. The authors stress additionally:

«In einem engen Sinn schliesst der Begriff Roma die Manouches/Sinti und Gitans/Kalés aus und umfasst nur einen Zweig der aus Indien zugewanderten Hauptgruppen. Die grössten dieser Gruppen leben in Rumänien, Ungarn, Slowakei und Bulgarien. Im TANGRAM wird der Begriff Roma in dieser Bedeutung verwendet.»

The logic in this distinction is not explained nor whether if it has political, ethnological or other reasons. The «Manouche», mostly based in France, are explained to regard themselves as a separate group from the Rroma. On which sources this statement is based, is not explained. The term «Gadsche» is used to denote non-Rroma people. It can be seen as a tool for the construction of Rroma identity in separation to the majority of societies.

Source:

  • Tangram 30 (2012) Jenische, Sinti/Manouches und Roma in der Schweiz. Bern: Eidgenössische Kommission gegen Rassismus. 
News Eastern Europe News Switzerland North Macedonia

04.01.2013 Rroma in Switzerland

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The radio program «Treffpunk» from DRS1 from the 11. October 2012 elaborated on the situation of Rroma in Switzerland. Swiss-Macedonian Rroma Mustafa Asan, who also participated in the television program «The Club», speaks shortly about the majority of “invisible Rroma” in Switzerland – about 50’000 people, who keep their identity a secret and gives some examples of the language Rromanes. As already explained in former articles, many Rroma people keep their ethnic identity a secret because of the intensity of negative stereotypes attributed to them, which have embedded themselves in the minds of many people and have been 

Stefan Heinichen explains the realities behind the stereotypes: Most Rroma are not travellers but sedentary and live integrated in the different nation states. Interesting for the situation of Switzerland is the differentiation of Rroma and Yeniche: Rroma have their origins in India, whereas the origins of the Yeniche are traced back to central Europe itself. Heinichen explains that the goals of the Rroma Contact Point are to work against misinformation in the media, to sensitize the public about the topic of Rroma, to create a more realistic notion of Rroma amongst the public, the strengthening of Rroma identity, especially amongst young Swiss Rroma, to connect Rroma groups under each other, the fostering of the integration of Rroma into Swiss society and the collaboration with the authorities.

Heinichen emphasizes that Rroma identity is primarily constructed through the language Rromanes, with its Indian origins and its four main dialects: The Nordic, the Balkan, the Carpathian and the Wallachian dialect. Rromanes is mainly a spoken language, with a small amount of textualisation. Not all Rroma speak Rromanes though. The exclusion of Rroma from societies has the paradox side effect to strengthen group cohesion and identity. Heinichen also stresses the importance of the Rroma family for Rroma identity and the reverence to elderly people, especially elderly women. Another tradition, which is talked about in the program, is the notion of honor and shame, which Heinichen explains as a pillar of Rroma traditions.

One issue elaborated by Swiss folklorist Martin Heule is the view of Switzerland as a successful «integration machine», which builds upon economic inclusion. In his perspective, the 50’000 Rroma living in Switzerland were successfully integrated through the well functioning local economy, which incorporated them successfully. Excessive economic competition, as it can be found in more poor countries in Eastern Europe, fosters racial hatred and mutual discrimination.

Source:

  • SRF (2012) Roma in der Schweiz. «Treffpunkt» vom 11.11.2012.
Germany News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe North Macedonia

04.01.2013 Rroma as “hostile others”

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The television program “Der Club” of the Swiss national television company arranged a discussion about the topic of Rroma as “hostile others”, appearing in public only in connection with negative events. The participants of the discussion were Stefan Heinichen of the Rroma Contact Point Zurich, Mustafa Asan, a Swiss-Macedonian dual citizen and Rroma, Alexander Ott, supervisor of the immigration authorities of the police corps Bern, Julia Kuruc, social worker for the women organization “Flora Dora”, Brigitte Hagmann, supervisor of the section West-Balkans of the DEZA and Martin Heule, a folklorist. The discussion started with the topic of Rroma being publicly present as beggars and what backgrounds and motives there are to this activity. The participants agreed upon the insight to differentiate between Rroma identity and the criminal activities – begging or more explicitly organized begging, is prohibited in many Swiss cities. More importantly however, it was criticized that criminal activities are often hasty and uncritically attributed to Rroma, even though most people are not capable of identifying the language Rromanes or other markers of Rroma identity. Therefore, there is a picture of criminal Rroma, which is actively produced and spread by public actors as the police, un-reflected media and public persons, which builds on prejudices and lacking knowledge about Rroma. Not rarely, people of East-European origin, which are not Rroma and who engage in criminal activities, are identified as Rroma.

Another important aspect is the striking poverty of many minority groups in Eastern Europe, often even big parts of the entire population. This socio-economic hardships force people to organize and band with each other in order to overcome lacking means of financial income. Organized begging – as Julia Kuruc states – is therefore often not a choice, but a necessity for survival.

The negative stereotypes attributed to Rroma are so strongly anchored in many European societies, that also in Switzerland, people of Rroma origin are often reluctant to publicly state their Rroma identity. The consequences can be social exclusion, the strengthening of prejudices against persons and consequently more disadvantages. Therefore, many Rroma prefer to label themselves with their nationality and keep their ethnic identity a secret.

Mustafa Asan stated, that from his viewpoint, the events concerning Rroma are often reduced to a perspective of majority-society, excluding problems as the lacking will of majorities to integrate and support Rroma and therefore change their ongoing problem of exclusion and discrimination. Stefan Heinichen added, that one should stop to speak of a “Rroma problem” but start to speak of a societal problem. Of European society, which still has striking problems in integrating Rroma economically, socially and politically. Brigitte Hagmann criticized the lacking efforts of many East-European governments to actively change the miserable situations of Roma. On the other hand, it would be to simple to ascribe Rroma just to role of victims, but that it is necessary that Rroma themselves deploy an active part in changing their situations long- and short-term.

Another aspect is the difficulty of portraying the way Rroma really life. Life worlds of Rroma are very diverse, depending on their family and national history, their religion, their insisting on traditions or their subsequent softening and alteration, their group membership and social integration. Heinichen clearly hesitates when asked to explain Rroma traditions.  

As goal to improve the conditions of Rroma the participants identify better integration into the education system and better embedding and access to the economic sphere. Also, the problem of severe poverty of many people in Eastern Europe, which is important to separate from the topic of Rroma, has to be addressed.

Also the German television program «Menschen bei Maischberger» on ARD elaborated on the notion of Rroma as hostile others. Only seven days after the Swiss program, it joined elected green politician Claudia Roth, Christian-civil politician Joachim Herrmann, supervisor of the Central Council of Roma and Sinit in Germany Romani Rose, Rroma attorney Nizaqete Bislimi and Swiss journalist Philipp Gut from the «Weltwoche» in a discussion. The debate also started with the elaboration on the established negative stereotypes about Rroma, which since several hundred years continue to negatively influence the life worlds of Rroma. The discussion then continued with Philip Gut denouncing criminal activities of Rroma in Switzerland. He stated again and again, that his article in the «Weltwoche» was based on proofed facts, but he failed to intelligently distinguish criminal activities from the topic of Rroma identity and origins. Romani Rose and Claudia Roth therefore accused him of deliberately making a racist connection between ethnic origin and criminal activities. Gut defended himself by explaining that what he condemned was that certain Roma groups used children to implement burglaries, but that he didn’t accuse the Rroma as a whole of criminal activities. However, the mere fact, that he made a connection between Rroma and criminal activities, was enough to evoke the outrage of Romani Rose and other participants of the discussion.

Taking side with Romani Rose’s viewpoint, the author wants to emphasize the importance of not making an undifferentiated connection between criminal activities and Rroma ethnic identity. The making of this connection fails to consider vital questions of respect and ethics towards an ethnic group as the Rroma.

Source:

rroma.org
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