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02.05.2014 Germany wants to declare Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina safe countries of origin

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Several German newspapers reported on the pending draft bill of the federal government to declare Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina to be safe countries of origin. The new legislation would allow to process asylum applications from these Balkan states within a week, what according to critics would clearly happen at the expense of individual cases. Many journalists believe that the vast majority of the applicants coming from the Balkans – in 2013 there were more than 20,000 – are Rroma. How they obtained this information is not discussed any further. In its statistics, according to the law, Germany only records the national but not the ethnic affiliation. Since 2009, for citizens of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina there is no visa requirement: “The right to asylum in Germany is awarded only to few of them – last year there was a total of three. 120’070 immigrants from the Balkans have tried to sue for the right of asylum in court. 39 Serbs, 26 Macedonians, and 17 Bosnians were then allowed to stay. In nine cases out of ten, the asylum applications of this clientele are “obliviously unfounded”, the authorities argue. Therefore, the federal government wants to declare these three Balkan countries as “safe countries of origin”” (Käfer 2014). With the new legislation, the federal government would lo longer have to justify why it rejects an application for asylum from the three countries. It assumes no profound persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. A very different notion is communicated by human rights organizations and left-wing politicians: Rroma in the three countries are still heavily discriminated against, both by the authorities and regarding the access to the labour market, schools, and health care. This view is also supported by several reports, such as the last activity report of the European Commission about the national Rroma strategies (Europäische Kommission 2013). The UN refugee agency criticizes the German Federal Government for focusing too much on the topic of political persecution, and thus neglecting discrimination against minorities and human rights violations. Tom Koenigs, former UN special representative in Kosovo, also emphasizes that the classification of nations as safe countries of origin comes at the expense of individuals who are de facto victims of persecution (Armbrüster 2014). Refugee fates are fates of individuals and have to be treated as such, he states, thus securing the protection of those who are actually in need of help. The Rroma Contact Point shares this viewpoint (compare Gajevic 2014, Geuther 2014, Rüssmann 2014, Schuler 2014, Südwest Presse 2014, TAZ 2014).

Ehrich (2014) furthermore points out that the declaration of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia- Herzegovina to safe country of origin gives the states wrong signals regarding their minority policy, since they are also candidates for the membership in the European Union: “Apart from the consequences for individual Roma who actually need asylum, the declaration of the countries as “safe countries of origin” harbours a threat to Europe. Serbia and Macedonia are already official candidates for EU-membership. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a potential candidate. Declaring these states “safe countries of origin” could destroy incentives to improve the situation of Roma in these countries.”

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12.03.2014 Talking to each other instead of about each other: German visit in Bulgaria

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Plück (2014) reports about the visit of the German FDP deputies Alexander Graf Lambsdorff and Joachim Stamp in Plovdiv, where 50,000 Rroma are living in mostly precarious conditions. Lambsdorff states that the aim of the visit is to talk with the people concerned and to thereby get rid of the one-sidedness in the debate on Rroma. Unfortunately, there isn’t really anything new to hear in Plück’s article: Bulgaria is said to be an economically weak country that is plagued by severe corruption. Because of nepotism, EU funding programs are very poorly implemented. The Rroma representative Anton Karagyozov meanwhile confirms stereotypical notions of clan structures, widespread crime and misery: “He reported plainly of the financial support for children whose fathers are dead or sitting in jail and whose mothers have left them in Stolipinovo to earn money with prostitution in Western Europe. He reports from the strict clan structures, such that a woman can be “stolen” by a man if she does not want to marry him. In plain language this means rape and a subsequent wedding.” Such stories may be useful for obtaining support funds. But they do not contribute at all to the successful integration of the Rroma. Rather, they nourish the clichéd notions that are mentioned again and again in the debate on “poverty immigrants”. Plück’s article does not change any of these misconceptions.

Merkelt (2014) meanwhile reports on a cultural event in Duisburg. In an old fire station, a Rrom sang “Gypsy Songs” for the visiting Gadje. Author Rolf Bauerdick read from his controversial book, trying to counteract cliché ideas in his own way, even though he inevitably confirms many stereotypes. As he only portrays already visible Rroma in his book, most of which live in economic misery, he does not really confront the public image with new ideas.

Scherfig (2014) complements the theme with a report on the integration project “Harzer Strasse” in Berlin-Neukölln. In 2011, the Aachen housing company bought three mostly inhabited by immigrant Rroma and massively overcrowded apartment buildings, and renovated them. The adult residents almost exclusively work and try to improve their language skills. The housing complex “Harzer Strasse” is considered a showcase project, as it demonstrates the possibility of successful integration, based on promotion and simultaneous demand: “Since the first of January 2014, the free movement of persons is valid for Romania and Bulgaria. [ … ] Critics fear the “immigration into the German social system.” […] However, almost all Roma in the Harzer Strasse have been working for several years and also pay into the social system. […] According to the federal employment agency, Bulgarians and Romanians only make up 0.7 percent of Hartz IV recipients.”

Another aspect of the immigration debate are immigrants from former Yugoslavia. Blasius (2014) reports on the sharp rise in the number of asylum procedures by immigrants from Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, many of them are said to be Rroma. Almost all applications for a permanent residency permit are rejected because the citizens of the former Yugoslavia are not recognised as political refugees: “Despite the often miserable living conditions, Roma are not recognized as political refugees from former Yugoslavia. Unlike Roma from the EU-countries Bulgaria and Romania, they have no permanent right to stay.” In response to this, Blasius states, many of the rejected just file new applications, as they are entitled to under the law. Therewith, the flood of applications can be explained. The German grand coalition meanwhile plans to classify Bosnia, Macedonia and Serbia as safe countries of origin in order to enable accelerated deportations. The classification will be done at the expense of the immigrants who get no voice in the process, but de facto are affected by precarious conditions in their countries of origin. While the proponents of deportations rely on country analyses, which declare no or very minimal discrimination against minorities in countries like Serbia, the proponents of the asylum seekers state the exact opposite. Subjective experiences, which can rarely be proved with documents, are usually neglected in favour of official country analyses that assess the social situation in a country.

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11.04.2014 Robert Kushen: the integration of Rroma remains a challenge

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On the occasion of the international Rroma Day, the chairman of the European Rroma Rights Centre, Robert Kushen, reflects on the situation of the Rroma in Europe and the continuing challenges for this minority (Kushen 2014). He arrives at a sober view: the decade of Rroma inclusion, which was adopted in Sofia in 2005, and encompassed the countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Spain, unfortunately cannot fulfil the expectations that it raised. Rroma are still affected by widespread poverty, discrimination, unemployment and insufficient access to public institutions such as schools and hospitals: “Despite this political recognition of an unconscionable social crisis, Roma remain among the poorest, unhealthiest, least educated and most marginalised European citizens. The data are devastating: Across Central and Southeast Europe, 90 percent of Roma live in poverty. Fewer than one third of adults have paid employment. Only 15 percent of young Roma have completed secondary or vocational school. Nearly 45 percent of Roma live in housing that lacks basic amenities. Life expectancy in Roma communities is 10-15 years less than in non-Roma communities, with many Roma lacking access to insurance and health care.” Kushen refers in his judgement to information from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP 2013). Reasoning with such figures is not without dangers, since the representation of the Rroma as uneducated, poor, and unhealthy is often interpreted by the polemical, public discourse as a cultural peculiarity of the minority, although these characteristics are inevitably a poverty phenomenon. Although is not to deny that numerous Rroma are poor and uneducated, the relevant question is whether such an argument can contribute to the  integration of the Rroma. In addition, surveys often only take into account the visible Rroma, because the integrated ones are hard to identify as Roma and difficult to contact. Not only images of misery are needed, which generate compassion, but also images of success that allow a positive identification.

Kushen continues with information about the marginalization of the Rroma in Italy, France, Sweden and Hungary, and then gets on to the latest report from the European Union on the situation of the Rroma. The report published on April the second this year, can not present success stories either: “In early April, the European Commission convened a “Roma Summit” and issued a report assessing how member states are doing in addressing the interconnected problems of poverty and discrimination which the Roma are facing. The report noted “the persistence of segregation” in education, a large and in some cases widening employment gap between Roma and non-Roma, big differences between Roma and non-Roma in health insurance coverage, and an “absence of progress” in addressing the need for housing. Finally, the report noted that discrimination remains “widespread” (compare European Commission 2014).

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19.03.2014 The Rroma and the European free movement of persons

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Rosendorff (2014) reports on an informal Rroma camp in the Gutleutviertel of Frankfurt am Main. The 19 Romanian Rroma who lived so far on an industrial wasteland must vacate the location. The social security office will clarify whether the residents of the settlement have pursued social insurance work. If not, they are not entitled to social security benefits and are likely to be expelled, Rosendorff states. The 37-year-old Rrom Mirkea sees the asylum system as unfair. He criticizes: “My country is terribly corrupt, and I can not get a job there”, he says. “Why does Europe exist? We are all colleagues. I do not understand why so many German say ‘shit Romanians’. We have financed our food by collecting returnable bottles. We do not steal”, asserts Mirkea.” The deportation method described is in conflict with the free movement of workers within the European Union, to which Romania and Bulgaria belong since January 2014. Under this scheme, residents of member states are allowed to reside six months or longer in another EU-member state if they are actively looking for a job.

Die Linke (2014) criticizes in a recent statement the efforts of the government coalition to classify the countries Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina as safe countries of origin. With this decision, asylum reasons such as discrimination and exclusion would no longer be recognized: “As long as even only one asylum seeker from these countries is recognized as requiring protection, there can be no acceleration of proceedings by law. In 2013, at least 64 Serbian and 43 Macedonian asylum seekers were recognized as refugees or were given protection from deportation on humanitarian grounds. In two thirds of these cases, recognition was granted only by the courts, because the measures taken under an emergency procedure by the federal office for migration and refugees were wrong.” Die Linke criticizes correctly that the discrimination against Rroma is insufficiently highlighted by such country analyses. When determining migration policies, economic and not socio-political considerations are central to decisions, which is done at the expense of minorities such as the Rroma.

Gedziorowski (2014) spoke with Joachim Brenner, director of the Förderverein Roma. Brenner criticizes the widespread reservations about the minority and the polemical discourse against immigrants that is not dominated by facts but suspicion and emotions: “The whole terminology of tide, currents and wave – this is scaremongering. We took notice that we have to do more in the social counselling, but we also have to work with more people who live in poor conditions. [ … ] The last demoscopic studies by sociological institutes show that the resentments have not diminished, but still are manifest. When looking for housing Sinti and Roma have major problems.” Brenner further criticizes that it is above all a lack of political will, which leads to the marginalization of poor people and minorities, and not the lack of financial resources, which are certainly present. This may be seen with reference to the housing project Kulturcampus Bockenheim, which encountered great resistance by the welfare department from the very beginning.

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28.02.2014 Germany wants to declare Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina “safe countries of origin”

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Schäfer (2014) reports on the plans of the German federal government to declare the Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina “safe countries of origin”. As a result of this, asylum applications from these countries can be processed more quickly in the future. The letter of the German federal ministry of the interior states: “that in all these countries ( … ) neither political persecution nor torture or inhuman or degrading treatment takes place and no threat by reason of indiscriminate violence in situations of international or internal armed conflict.” Left-wing politicians like Ulla Jelpke demanded the deputies of the federal states to withhold the authorization for this policy. The new policy is said to primarily affect Rroma: “As a matter of fact, “90 percent of these people are Rroma, who are fleeing systematic discrimination and hazardous exclusion and poverty.” In the countries concerned, Rroma are exposed to “multiple forms of discrimination, taken together they certainly justify refugee protection”. But this protection  “is sacrificed on the altar of a populist debate”, said Jelpke.” While proponents of deportation rely on country analyses that state none or only very minimal discrimination against minorities in countries like Serbia, Macedonia or Bosnia-Herzegovina, proponents of the asylum seekers state the exact opposite. Subjective experiences, which can rarely be proved with documents, usually are dismissed in comparison to the official analyses that assess the social situation in a country. Bernd Mesovic from Pro Asly criticises that restrictive asylum practices are already in place now and serious examinations of the reasons for flight are not applied (compare Tiroler Tageszeitung Online 2014, Die Welt 2014, Zeit 2014).

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14.02.2014 Debate about social conditions in the countries of origin of people threatened with deportation

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With the debate over the right to stay of a Rroma family from Macedonia in Germany, the massive disagreements over the conditions in the countries of origin of people threatened with deportation became apparent. While proponents of deportation rely on country analyses, which state that no or very minimal discrimination against minorities in countries like Macedonia exists, supporters of the asylum seekers claim the exact opposite: “With a deportation to Macedonia the Roma family faces a hopeless fate”, writes member of parliament Kühn-Mengel to Rosenke. If the family will be deported, the Rustems will be exposed to “institutional discrimination”, warns the politician.” The father of the Rustem family had been beaten so heavily in his home country that he lay in comma for several days, according to his own statement. Subjective expertise, which can rarely be proved with documents, usually face hard resistance against official analyses that assess the social situation in a country (Kölnische Rundschau 2014, Wochenspiegel 2014).

Gajevic (2014) reports on the deportation of Rroma from Germany to Kosovo. She points out that in the opinion of social scientists and left-wing politicians, the situation for many Rroma in the Kosovo is precarious. Because they often do not speak Albanian, an enrolment into school is usually not possible. The supply of water, electricity, food and sanitation is often poor and discrimination as a minority is anything but irrelevant:  „Largely unnoticed by the public, Rroma living here in Germany are increasingly forced to move back to Kosovo. According to the left party viewpoint, this is often a return into misery. The response to a request by the left party to the federal government shows that in the past two years, nearly 850 people were reported into the Balkan country, nearly half of whom were Roma. [ … ] The federal government signed in 2010 a readmission agreement – against fierce criticism – with the republic that split from Serbia, which allows to send back 2500 refugees every year.”

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13.12.2013 Rroma from South Eastern Europe: Economic Migrants or Refugees?

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The Welt (2013) reports currently on practices against migrant Rroma in Hamburg. The responsible Minister of the Interior Michael Neumann wants to continue the deportations of asylum seekers from South Eastern Europe, despite the massive criticism from Greens, the Left and the FDP. This does not mean, according to the Interior Minister that the deportations were not individually critically examined. Again, one must be amazed that migrants from Southeast Europe are held from the outset for Rroma, although this fact is not recorded in the statistics. Many immigrants from the Balkans are members of other ethnic groups. However, it is true that Rroma are particularly affected by exclusion. Radio Dreyeckland (2013) rightly criticised that the protection rate of asylum applications from Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Bosnia-Hercegovina fixed at 5% is too low. Many Rroma in these countries are discriminated against and should not therefore be treated as pure poverty refugees. This is also criticized by Jelpke (2013): The asylum applications of immigrants from the Western Balkans are being processed in shorter and shorter periods. This is due to the coalition agreement between the CDU and the SPD. This document plans to declare the western countries of South Eastern Europe to be “safe countries”. This makes it increasingly difficult for migrants from these countries to get a successful asylum application. A protective claim is still just awarded 0.1 to 0.6 percent of applicants from Serbia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The federal states of Schleswig-Holstein, Bremen and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, meanwhile decided a deportation moratorium for the winter months (Carini 2013).

Haug (2013), in his article, points to the discrepancy between integration efforts communicated by the State and the real experienced exclusion. Rroma deported to Serbia mostly find there an income on the edge of society or live on welfare. Against the official statement of Serbia, that Rroma are not persecuted in the country stand in contrast to the misery and hopelessness: “Where it can be, they are marginalized, the victims reported. You get no jobs and are not informed of your rights. Even for food the meagre money barely suffice. […] “On paper, there are now many measures to end discrimination against these people,” says the lawyer. The trip did however convinced him that: “In daily life the affected ones feel little of it””

The President of the German Association of Cities Ulrich Maly goes against simple explanations in connection with immigrants from Southeast Europe. The migrants are often discriminated against and are hoping for a better life in Germany. He appealed to the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and argued against a policy of isolation, as demanded by several parties. Rather, one must promote the integration in Germany and in the countries of origin: “These are not people who come and go with open hands to the administration. They come for other reasons. Because they are oppressed at home, perhaps even feel persecuted. They come because they believe that they will find a better life with us. These are reasons that one initially must respect.” Maly therefore goes against an alliance of politicians and citizens fearing a “social tourism” on the German social welfare system from the beginning of 2014. Bulgarians and Romanians will then be able to search unrestricted fro work in the European Union, thanks to the European free Movement Agreement (Kusicke 2013).

Leber (2013) sees the debate about immigration marked by varying degrees of coverage in social systems. The “general principle of European free movement” meets various forms of social welfare. That, however, this is not necessarily a contradiction in a polemical debate, however, it is often forgotten. Instead, it is dominated by a politics of fear, which flattens the heterogeneity of migration phenomena and propagandises the immigration of unskilled problem cases. It is this utilitarian thinking is criticized by Koch (2013) in his account of the problem. It means a ranking of people on questionable, inhuman principles.

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29.11.2013 Support versus recognition of the Rroma

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Mappes-Niediek (2013) provides information about a restaurant project in the Slovenian town of Maribor. The restaurant will be operated by Rroma and to a certain extent reduce the high unemployment locally. Against this project co-initiated by the mayor, local resistance has been organised: the critics, among them local representatives, fear that the restaurant will become a Rroma meeting place where there will be only Rroma. The cook Ajša Mehmeti decidedly stated that she wants it to be a restaurant for all. For Slovenes, Serbs, Bosnians and Rroma. But for the project to work, it needs not only the support of the mayor, but also the support of the local population. So far, this is missing: “Meanwhile, the Roma have the key for the local. The contract is signed, an architect has looked at the rooms. But the Maribor Rroma do not look like winners. Friendliness or integration you can not just win by fighting.”

On the basis of the fate of the young Rrom Orhan Jasarovski, Gojdka (2013) discusses the injustices of the social structures and asylum procedures. Orhan has epilepsy and a lame leg. He came with his family as a youngster from Macedonia to Germany. Here he hopes for a better life outside of poverty and exclusion. He works hard and wants to study. But the German migration authority has other plans. Orhan and his family have to return to Macedonia. After numerous legal hurdles and thanks to the support of German helpers, he manages to make it back to Germany. But the recognition as Rrom remains difficult. As before, there is a clear discrepancy between verbally expressed sympathy and real recognition: “In a literature seminar at the university a lecturer speaks finally about Sinti and Roma: “An anti-social people on the margins of society”. Jasarovski boils. His pulse skyrockets. Every word is like a knife in his heart. Anger about the lecturer. Rage over his own cowardice not to have outed oneself. Then Jasarovski stands up. “I know best what Roma are,” he says, “I ‘m Gypsy.” Many friends renounce their friendship. Too deep are the literary and non-literary stereotypes of the thieving Gypsies, the travellers and the child abductors. In the literature, one must analyse these pictures scientifically, says Jasarovski. But he also knows that he can not meet the bitter reality scientifically.”

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27.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Martens (2013) casts a sober look at the predicted mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria when the treaty on the free movement of people becomes a reality in January 2014. He criticises the dire prophecies by pointing to the admissions of other Eastern European countries where similar predictions were made. After Poles were allowed free establishment in Europe, it did not come to the predicted mass exodus. A standard objection is usually that one strives to better the situation of Rroma in their countries of origin with regard to access to education and the labour market. At the meeting “For educational situation of Roma in (and out of) Southeastern Europe” different social scientists and politicians spoke about their experiences and insights. Martens criticises how these subjective views are presented as objective truths, and in turn reproduce stereotypes, despite the good intentions behind it. For example, the green politician Franz Romeo in his speech uncritically reproduces the prejudice “Serbs and Bulgarians, refer to Roma children as “brown gold”” because they are abused for the benefit of organ trafficking.

Deutsche Welle (2013) reports, as many other media previously did, about angered residents over new Rroma migrants in Duisburg. Indignant voices about what are deemed Rroma insults convey an image of the incompatibility of the Rroma and German way of life. Such debates are as old as the history of migration itself. Immigrants’ cultural characteristics are exploited in order to channel the fears of the people associated with a changing situation. Debates on migration and immigrants always reproduce ideas about ethnic unity in the sense of ethnic nationalism. That migration can also be enriching, is, however, often like negated. Instead, the media attention focuses on problem cases. That these represent the norm rather than the exception is highly doubtful.

The preconceived notion that most Rroma have none or a very poor education is also reproduced by Aufderheide (2013) in her article on programs for Rroma in Duisburg. For better integration, immigrants will be tested on language skills, education and work experience. Aufderheide, not wrongly but very uncritically, speaks generally of a low education level and writes them off as welfare recipients. This supports conservative voices who fear a massive impact of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria on the German social welfare system: “When the complete freedom of movement enters in force in the coming year, people will stand in line in front of the job centres to submit applications for Hartz IV. Skilled workers, which employers are clamouring for, will only be found in this population with a magnifying glass. Which of course does not necessarily mean that these people can’t do anything.” The idea that successful integration can be promoted by encouraging people, seems to be completely alien to her.

On the immigration debate, Grunau (2013) gives an closer look at the issue of poverty. He notes with a reference to Mappes-Niediek that it is often the poverty of immigrants, which is perceived by residents as being undesirable. This is then mixed with a cultural background: “They are just as rejected as poor people all over the world. The problem is poverty, not Roma, which the author proves with many examples.” Also forgotten in the polemics debate about poverty immigrants is that in the 1960s and 1970s, tens of thousands of Rroma arrived as guest workers from Yugoslavia to Germany and live there well integrated. What one can observe, therefore, is the ethnicization of a poverty problem. Ignoring the integrated, invisible Rroma, many of whom they fear to be publicly recognised as Rroma and named as such so because they fear that they could be excluded from their social environment is associated with this phenomenon: “This is also an investigation on Roma who came as guest workers in the 60s, 70s, and have noted: “We are perceived as Italians, as Turks, Yugoslavs we’re doing much better here if we are not perceived as Roma..” They have kept their identity secret, with the consequence that they have made ​​a career, are integrated, are established” (Grunau 2013/II). Barbara Lochbihler, Member of the European Parliament, sees the lack of integration of Rroma in the education system in most European countries as an important factor for the persistence of poverty and the remaining low enrolment rates. The experience with education, which parents could be pass on to their children is lacking.

Arbutina (2013) analyses the Rroma political participation ability. He notes with a reference to Zeljko Jovanovic of the Open Society Foundation, that for many Rroma, due to the blatant poverty, politics constitutes an incidental phenomenon. Moreover, in several Eastern European countries the will to let Rroma really to participate in the country’s politics is lacking. Socially widespread nationalist views hinder the implementation of political multiethnic states in which all voices are allowed to speak. As an example of the political and social integration, Macedonia can be identified: there are well-established parties representing the interests of the Rroma and Rromanes can be studied as a language in the universities. Jovanovic stresses, however, that Rroma should not only build on the integration will of governments but should also put more efforts themselves towards a successful integration.

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05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
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10.05.2013 Šutka TV

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The first official Rroma TV channels, TV Šukta, was founded by Andrijano Dzeladin in September 2012 in his apartment in Paris. The native Macedonian felt misrepresented by the reporting of illegal Rroma settlements in in France and he decided to found his own TV station. The programs are designed to create a counterpart to the often one-sided coverage on Rroma and highlight the cultural diversity of this minority. The only drawback is that all programs are broadcasted in Rromanes and thus the majority society with its distorted view on Rroma will not be touched. The channel, initially produced only by Dzeladin and a station employee, focuses on musical, cultural and culinary programs and can be seen on http://www.livestream.com/tvsutka the Internet (Boitiaux 2013).

Source:

  • Boitiaux, Charlotte (2013) Live from a Paris apartment, the first Roma TV station. In: France 24 vom 9.5.2013. 
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15.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reinger Burger (2013) of the FAZ concerns himself rather one-sidedly with the topic of poverty migration to Germany. He focuses on the media hype surrounding an apartment tower in Duisburg, which is regularly visited by politicians and journalists. There is nothing really new that he can tell, but he lets the residents speak out in an emotionally loaded way without any context with residents complaining about littering and rising crime. The gloomy forecast from people responsible for integration in Duisburg, which says that because of the freedom of movement within Europe that will start at the beginning of 2014, they will need to spend an additional 15 millions, cannot be missing. Men mostly do undeclared work while many young women prostitute themselves. He brings a few new points to the debate namely that many in Germany believed that Rroma, as they are travellers, would only temporarily stay in Germany. The opposite is the case: Many want to stay and build a future for their children, because in Romania and Bulgaria they see no future for themselves. Hannes Swoboda, chairman of the SPD in the European Parliament demands a dedicated Commissioner for Rroma issues. To ignore the situation is not an adequate response to the prevailing events.

The Welt (2013) reports on the action of Saxony’s interior minister Markus Ulbig. He will travel from March 17th to 20th to Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo and talk to state, charities and Rroma representatives. His aim is to rationalise the debate about poverty immigration. Migrants from Southeast Europe are almost to 100% not political refugees but are fleeing poverty. This leads to the abuse of political asylum.

The Bremen SPD politician Martin Korol is being excluded from the local SPD fraction (Möller 2013, Hudemann 2013, Stengel 2013). After anti-Rroma statements were made public on Korol’s website, a public debate started centred on the content and intentions of this blog. Korol tried to appease it, which did not succeed with his party colleagues. From his point of view he wanted to start a constructive debate on the situation of Rroma in Germany. Since his statements go against social democratic principles, an exclusion proceeding has been instituted against him. Korol only just became a citizen of Bremen.

Arndt (2013) is writing a report for the Konrad Adenauer Foundation on the situation of Rroma in Bulgaria. The article consists of a series of statistics which does not describe how they were collected and does not discloses their sources disclosed nor discusses them. Arndt distinguishes initially three dominant minorities in Bulgaria: Bulgarians of Turkish origin, Pomaks and Rroma. About the Rroma living conditions, he reports is fully in line with the standard misery views: the majority of Bulgarian Rroma live in closed communities, 55% in urban areas and 45% in rural areas. The number Rroma completing school is blatantly lower than among ethnic Bulgarians. Illiteracy, particularly among women, is also much higher. Many Rroma children speak little or no Bulgarian, when they arrive at school. This data may be correct, even though in the absence of any sources, criticism is almost impossible. The report becomes problematic when it starts to operate on the level of values. Arndt notes for example that: “Due to the shortcomings of their socialization they often lack the necessary social behavioural patterns required to be successful in school. […] The biggest obstacle to a successful integration is likely to prove to be the ghettos with their patriarchal and feudal, often criminal structures, less so the Roma culture.” What shortcomings in the socialization does Arndt mean? How is this justified? His article postulates facts without context and these are not explained. This approach is seriously to be questioned. 

Sources:

  • Arndt, Marco (2013) Geschlossene Gesellschaft. Zur Lage der Roma in Bulgarien. In: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung – Auslandsbüro Bulgarien vom 8.3.2013.
  • Burger, Reiner (2013) Das bessere Leben im Problem-Hochhaus. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 11.3.2013.
  • Delius, Mara (2013) „Die Zigeuner“, ein imaginäres Kollektiv Europas? In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Die Welt (2013) Ulbig will Situation der Roma auf dem Balkan erkunden. In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Ebbinghaus, Uwe (2013) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner, um sie zu verachten. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 13.3.2013.
  • Hudemann, Steffen (2013) Rassismus oder Denkanstoss? In.: Radio Bremen vom 22.2.2013.
  • Möller, René (2013) SPD meidet Martin Korol. In: Radio Bremen vom 8.3.2013.
  • Staats, Christian (2013) Kitsch und Hass. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Stengel, Eckhart (2013) Auch SPD-Fraktion will Rechtsabweichler loswerden. In: Frankfurter Rundschau vom 1.3.2013. 

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15.02.2013 Rroma Family Deported

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Abdoulaye Penda Ndiaye from the 20minutes paper in Lausanne reports on the expulsion of Rroma family to Macedonia. One of the two daughters of the couple had had a medical problem with the hip, which a condition not sufficiently well treated in Macedonia. The family learned about their fate just after the sudden death of their one-year son, who suffered from a genetic defect. The parents are under shock and are be treated in a hospital in Lausanne against severe depression. The Swiss Federal Office for Migration disputes the claim from the family that the father was persecuted by the Macedonian police, and also discredited the claim that medical care in Macedonia is not available. The family is therefore forced to leave the country.

Source:

  • Abdoulaye Penda Ndiaye (2013) «Mon fils est enterré ici, et on expulse ma famille!» In: 20minutes Lausanne vom 11.2.2013.
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01.02.2013 Accelerated Return of Rroma to Serbia and Macedonia

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The NZZ writes about the accelerated return of Rroma asylum seekers to Serbia and Macedonia, which is the result of a new policy of the national migration office (BfM), which implemented a so called 48-hours procedure for people from countries, which are declared safe of prosecution. This new policy may seem favorable from the viewpoint of the BfM, which sees the Serbian and Macedonian Rroma as economic migrants, which don’t have any “real” reason for migration to Switzerland. However, this viewpoint dismisses the ongoing, de facto discrimination of many Rroma in Serbia, which suffer from ongoing racism against them. The article by Andreas Ernst acknowledges, that the policy doesn’t recognize the ongoing problems of Rroma in Serbia, but the author doesn’t seem aware of the questionability of declaring a country safe of prosecution, but not considering the role of ethnic minorities like the Rroma. Ernst sees the topic as an economic issue and that Rroma should be better fostered in their home countries. The problem of de facto social discrimination doesn’t receive the attention it should. This becomes also evident, when reading the interview with Mario Gattiker, supervisor of the BfM. According to Gattiker, who takes the line with the official political assessment, there is no persecution of Rroma in the Balkans. The political categorization of Rroma as not being persecuted may be true when analyzing their situation through official evaluations. The range of what persecution really means and what Rroma people experience de facto, can not be covered by this official political assessment. One young Rroma man from Belgrad, for istance, told about his abuse through the Police of Belgrad in “Menschen bei Maischberger». He described the situation of Rroma in Serbia as one of strong discrimination.

The RCP wants to emphasize, that official political assessments of countries, declaring minorities free of discrimination, have to be consumed with prudence.

Sources:

  • ARD (2012) Feindbild Sinti und Roma: Sind wir zu intolerant? «Menschen bei Maischberger» vom 20.11.2012.
  • Ernst, Andreas (2013) Problem ist gelöst – ausser für die Roma. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013.
  • Häuptli, Lukas (2013) Weniger Asylgesuche dank Schnellverfahren. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom vom 27.01.2013
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18.01.2013 Fostering Social Housing in Bosnia-Herzegovina

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Liechtenstein will foster education and public housing of Rroma in Bosnia-Herzegovina with 105’000 Swiss francs, helping the local international organization for refugees and migration aid (IMFH). According to the article, a big part of the aid money will be used to build facilities of the public housing program, which is aiming to improve the conditions of Rroma living in countryside, often under precarious hygienic conditions. From the viewpoint of the state of Liechtenstein, the housing program will also help to decrease migration movements to Western Europe, which are caused by social-economic hardships.

The educational program of the foundation “Kinderdorf Pestalozzi” is currently enabling around 5’000 Rroma children in Serbia and Macedonia to get a regular school education. The state of Liechtenstein is also fostering this program with a financial contribution (Lichtensteiner Vaterland 2013).

Source:

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04.01.2013 Rroma as “hostile others”

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The television program “Der Club” of the Swiss national television company arranged a discussion about the topic of Rroma as “hostile others”, appearing in public only in connection with negative events. The participants of the discussion were Stefan Heinichen of the Rroma Contact Point Zurich, Mustafa Asan, a Swiss-Macedonian dual citizen and Rroma, Alexander Ott, supervisor of the immigration authorities of the police corps Bern, Julia Kuruc, social worker for the women organization “Flora Dora”, Brigitte Hagmann, supervisor of the section West-Balkans of the DEZA and Martin Heule, a folklorist. The discussion started with the topic of Rroma being publicly present as beggars and what backgrounds and motives there are to this activity. The participants agreed upon the insight to differentiate between Rroma identity and the criminal activities – begging or more explicitly organized begging, is prohibited in many Swiss cities. More importantly however, it was criticized that criminal activities are often hasty and uncritically attributed to Rroma, even though most people are not capable of identifying the language Rromanes or other markers of Rroma identity. Therefore, there is a picture of criminal Rroma, which is actively produced and spread by public actors as the police, un-reflected media and public persons, which builds on prejudices and lacking knowledge about Rroma. Not rarely, people of East-European origin, which are not Rroma and who engage in criminal activities, are identified as Rroma.

Another important aspect is the striking poverty of many minority groups in Eastern Europe, often even big parts of the entire population. This socio-economic hardships force people to organize and band with each other in order to overcome lacking means of financial income. Organized begging – as Julia Kuruc states – is therefore often not a choice, but a necessity for survival.

The negative stereotypes attributed to Rroma are so strongly anchored in many European societies, that also in Switzerland, people of Rroma origin are often reluctant to publicly state their Rroma identity. The consequences can be social exclusion, the strengthening of prejudices against persons and consequently more disadvantages. Therefore, many Rroma prefer to label themselves with their nationality and keep their ethnic identity a secret.

Mustafa Asan stated, that from his viewpoint, the events concerning Rroma are often reduced to a perspective of majority-society, excluding problems as the lacking will of majorities to integrate and support Rroma and therefore change their ongoing problem of exclusion and discrimination. Stefan Heinichen added, that one should stop to speak of a “Rroma problem” but start to speak of a societal problem. Of European society, which still has striking problems in integrating Rroma economically, socially and politically. Brigitte Hagmann criticized the lacking efforts of many East-European governments to actively change the miserable situations of Roma. On the other hand, it would be to simple to ascribe Rroma just to role of victims, but that it is necessary that Rroma themselves deploy an active part in changing their situations long- and short-term.

Another aspect is the difficulty of portraying the way Rroma really life. Life worlds of Rroma are very diverse, depending on their family and national history, their religion, their insisting on traditions or their subsequent softening and alteration, their group membership and social integration. Heinichen clearly hesitates when asked to explain Rroma traditions.  

As goal to improve the conditions of Rroma the participants identify better integration into the education system and better embedding and access to the economic sphere. Also, the problem of severe poverty of many people in Eastern Europe, which is important to separate from the topic of Rroma, has to be addressed.

Also the German television program «Menschen bei Maischberger» on ARD elaborated on the notion of Rroma as hostile others. Only seven days after the Swiss program, it joined elected green politician Claudia Roth, Christian-civil politician Joachim Herrmann, supervisor of the Central Council of Roma and Sinit in Germany Romani Rose, Rroma attorney Nizaqete Bislimi and Swiss journalist Philipp Gut from the «Weltwoche» in a discussion. The debate also started with the elaboration on the established negative stereotypes about Rroma, which since several hundred years continue to negatively influence the life worlds of Rroma. The discussion then continued with Philip Gut denouncing criminal activities of Rroma in Switzerland. He stated again and again, that his article in the «Weltwoche» was based on proofed facts, but he failed to intelligently distinguish criminal activities from the topic of Rroma identity and origins. Romani Rose and Claudia Roth therefore accused him of deliberately making a racist connection between ethnic origin and criminal activities. Gut defended himself by explaining that what he condemned was that certain Roma groups used children to implement burglaries, but that he didn’t accuse the Rroma as a whole of criminal activities. However, the mere fact, that he made a connection between Rroma and criminal activities, was enough to evoke the outrage of Romani Rose and other participants of the discussion.

Taking side with Romani Rose’s viewpoint, the author wants to emphasize the importance of not making an undifferentiated connection between criminal activities and Rroma ethnic identity. The making of this connection fails to consider vital questions of respect and ethics towards an ethnic group as the Rroma.

Source:

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04.01.2013 Rroma in Switzerland

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The radio program «Treffpunk» from DRS1 from the 11. October 2012 elaborated on the situation of Rroma in Switzerland. Swiss-Macedonian Rroma Mustafa Asan, who also participated in the television program «The Club», speaks shortly about the majority of “invisible Rroma” in Switzerland – about 50’000 people, who keep their identity a secret and gives some examples of the language Rromanes. As already explained in former articles, many Rroma people keep their ethnic identity a secret because of the intensity of negative stereotypes attributed to them, which have embedded themselves in the minds of many people and have been 

Stefan Heinichen explains the realities behind the stereotypes: Most Rroma are not travellers but sedentary and live integrated in the different nation states. Interesting for the situation of Switzerland is the differentiation of Rroma and Yeniche: Rroma have their origins in India, whereas the origins of the Yeniche are traced back to central Europe itself. Heinichen explains that the goals of the Rroma Contact Point are to work against misinformation in the media, to sensitize the public about the topic of Rroma, to create a more realistic notion of Rroma amongst the public, the strengthening of Rroma identity, especially amongst young Swiss Rroma, to connect Rroma groups under each other, the fostering of the integration of Rroma into Swiss society and the collaboration with the authorities.

Heinichen emphasizes that Rroma identity is primarily constructed through the language Rromanes, with its Indian origins and its four main dialects: The Nordic, the Balkan, the Carpathian and the Wallachian dialect. Rromanes is mainly a spoken language, with a small amount of textualisation. Not all Rroma speak Rromanes though. The exclusion of Rroma from societies has the paradox side effect to strengthen group cohesion and identity. Heinichen also stresses the importance of the Rroma family for Rroma identity and the reverence to elderly people, especially elderly women. Another tradition, which is talked about in the program, is the notion of honor and shame, which Heinichen explains as a pillar of Rroma traditions.

One issue elaborated by Swiss folklorist Martin Heule is the view of Switzerland as a successful «integration machine», which builds upon economic inclusion. In his perspective, the 50’000 Rroma living in Switzerland were successfully integrated through the well functioning local economy, which incorporated them successfully. Excessive economic competition, as it can be found in more poor countries in Eastern Europe, fosters racial hatred and mutual discrimination.

Source:

  • SRF (2012) Roma in der Schweiz. «Treffpunkt» vom 11.11.2012.
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