As more than 5% of the Prague population is officially a member of one of the recognised minorities, the city is mandated by law to establish a minority council. Besides Hungarian, Polish, Slovak, Ruthenian, Ukrainian, Russian, German, Jews and Rroma are also represented.
On the occasion of the forthcoming European elections, Rudolf Sarközi, chairman of the Austrian National Minority Advisory Council of the Roma, calls for a separate ethnic groups commissioner for Rroma and other minorities in the European Union. This commissioner should urge the EU member states to respect the rights of minorities and prescribe sanctions if needed: “For Sarközi it is “high time” that a male or female commissioner for minorities with a focus on ethnic groups, Roma and Sinti, as well as refugees that escape from worldwide crisis areas to Europe, is put in place. […] Thereby, a “permanent, political and societal solution for Roma and Sinti in Europe” could be found, he said in a statement” (Vienna online 2014). In an extensive interview with mokant.at, Sarközi explains his views on the current situation of the Rroma in Austria. He states a clear decline in discrimination since the official recognition of the Rroma minority and the attack of Oberwart in 1995. The tragedy caused a caesura in the Austrian society and created an awareness of the discrimination against the minority. As far as the culture of the Rroma concerns, Sarközi denies uniform characteristics that all Rroma share: “Is there a separate, unified culture of the Roma? This does not exist. Not even among the Austrian Roma people. Why? We live in different nation-states. Most Sinti belong to Germany and were influenced by this culture. We have adopted the culture, which is predominantly present in the country or the region. To select the German example: In Berlin, the Sinti or Rrom will be as Prussian as the Prussian, and in Bavaria as Bavarian as the Bavarians!” (Winterfeld 2014). One has to contradict him in one point, however. He denies that there are overarching traditions. These exist, even if the various groups practice them differently. The most Rroma speak Rromanes, going back to Sanskrit, they share many traditions. The statement that the Rroma belong to different religions, Sarközi is absolutely right. He moreover stresses how important it is that the majority population makes offers of integration, to the Rroma as well as other minorities. For without such a willingness to accept other people in a society, a positive integration – and not an assimilation – is very difficult to achieve. Sarközi also emphasizes the importance of education for a successful integration of the Rroma. After all, education increases self-confidence and social recognition.
Osipova/Ou (2014) report on threats and acts of violence against Ukrainian Rroma in Sloviansk, in the eastern Ukraine. Seven of about one hundred and fifty houses of Rroma families in Sloviansk were looted by armed men. A Rromni, Natasha Cheripovskaya, showed the journalists how the looting exactly took place. They were wearing masks and first shot at the windows, to spread fear. They asked for money and gold. Her family had to respond that they had neither gold nor money. The neighbours watched everything, also in a state of shock. Then the masked men ransacked the family’s flat. Cheripovskaya emphasizes that they had no problem with Russians or Ukrainians before the riots in the Ukraine. The young Rrom Pyotr Povolsky also expressed grave concerns over the events. They have many children here, he states. Out of fear they no longer sleep in the houses and no longer go into the city, although they have been living there since years. Minorities such as Rroma are regularly the victims in countries with political upheavals and the associated, unclear power relations.
On the occasion of the international Rroma Day of April the 8th, Dus (2014) discusses the efforts of the European Union to integrate Rroma. The conclusion in the latest report from Amnesty International is bleak in this regard: the rights of the minority are under- respected, and their advancement is deliberately sabotaged. Romania is said to have applied only a fraction of the total funding to support Rroma. Policy makers accuse the Rroma of deliberately not wanting to integrate. Dus further speaks on the dispute between Eastern and Western European politicians: Western European politicians accuse their colleagues of shifting repeatedly the integration of this minority to Western Europe, although a pan-European commitment is inevitably necessary. In addition, there is a increasing popularity of right-wing nationalist slogans and worldviews, which are particularly hurtful to minorities such as Rroma.
A total arrogance is the subsequent testimony of the political scientist and historian Pavel Kandel, head of the centre for ethno-political and inter-state conflicts at the European Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences: “The reason for the hostile attitude consists mainly in the fact that they do not work and for the most part do not want to work. This is immanent to the Rroma generally. There are of course examples that testify to the contrary, but they primarily refer to the sedentary Roma. These are by and large not numerous.” Kandel loses all credibility as a scientist with this highly polemical statement. To allege the Rroma of a general unwillingness to work is highly racist. He therefore totally dismisses the actual reasons for the lacking integration of the Rroma: exclusion, defamation and persecution of the minority, who have a history of hundreds of years. However, Kandel’s racism doesn’t end here. He claims that the Rroma intentionally burden the Western European welfare system, use illegal methods to enrich themselves, migrate in mass movements to the West, and are culturally incompatible with the Western European societies: “With the accession of the countries of Eastern Europe [ … ] to the European Union, they [the Rroma ] were offered the opportunity for unimpeded movement to where the standard of living is higher and where a complex system of social aid exists. And even if they do not take advantage of these opportunities, there are many more possibilities for increasing their standard of living by using their standard methods in the rich European countries. From this follows their mass migration into the West. In addition, it results in the harsh reactions of the population and the authorities in the West. It is a collision of two ways of life that have very little in common. First, the Roma themselves create problems. Secondly, unauthorized pogroms in relation to the Roma have to be ascribed to themselves. The alternatives are to take them in either protection or to chase them out. To chase them out is easier.” With these supposedly scientific, but in truth completely absurd generalizations and accusations, Kandel makes himself guilty of demagogy against the Rroma. He reproduces almost all the negative stereotypes that exist about the minority. Hundred thousands of Rroma live in Western Europe and are fully integrated, work and coexist with the majority population without problems. The statement that the “chasing out” of the Rroma is easier than to take them into protection is a request for exclusion, pogroms and violence against the minority, which is clearly a fascist statement that is punishable. The statements of the cited historian Nadezhda Demetr are also undifferentiated, although she indicates the necessity of education for the integration of Rroma. Demetr states: “But the situation turned against them. Because the Roma are illiterate in their mass. 80 percent cannot read or write at all. And they cannot find their way in a new world. [ … ] Special programs for the adaptation of the Roma to normal life are required, of which in Europe exist enough by the way. Why these programs do not work, is a special issue.” This article is a prime example of experts who misuse their authority shamelessly, to speak truth about a phenomenon. Instead of intelligent, sophisticated analyses, they provide polemic, biased knowledge that openly discredits and insults the Rroma. They also do damage to the credibility of the social and historical sciences, by discrediting any scientific standards of objectivity and critical analysis.
Mappes-Niediek (2014) takes a dispassionate look at immigrants from South East Europe who are settling down in Germany. He tries to draw a differentiated picture of the reasons for their migration, which lies beyond simple generalizations. Poor Rroma from Southeast Europe don’t migrate to Western Europe or Germany with the aim to abuse the local social welfare system. They come with the aim to lead a life in dignity. Their own family and close friends provide a social safety network, on which one can rely on during hard times: “The poverty immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria don’t come here because of the social benefits in Germany, but because you can live a better life here. They come with their families and with close friends. [ … ] The poorest of the poor who live in Romania, mainly in rural areas, mostly don’t migrate at all.” Mappes-Niediek then turns against the widely held view that education is the key to solving most problems. Education only brings something, the author states, if Rroma are allowed to integrate into the economy and the economy offers enough available jobs. Otherwise, a university degree doesn’t helps to improve one’s situation: “Education is not the key, or at least not there where the poverty immigrants come from. Everywhere in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe the relationship between education and a good life is broken, and indeed for everyone, not only for the Roma. An entire generation has made the experience that education doesn’t help in anything. They have seen it with their parents. The father was an engineer, his mother a Russian teacher. Today, the mother goes to clean and the father is drinking […].” With these statements, Mappes-Niediek takes a pessimistic view at the stagnant economies of many countries of the former Eastern bloc. The denial of benefits and possibilities to integrate is said to create what many want to prevent: slums, problems, crime. Mappes-Niediek takes a dispassionate look at the debate about poverty immigrants from Eastern Europe. However, he also perpetuates ideas of mainly impoverished, marginalized Rroma, as they are spread by the mass media and therefore established and culturalised.
This view contrasts with the short article in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, which focuses on the work of the social worker Lucia Bleibel with immigrant Rroma. Bleibel grew up in Slovakia and speaks Rromanes and Romanian. On behalf of the Internationale Bund and the city of Hanau she takes care of the integration of marginalized Rroma in the Hessen town. Bleibel’s task is to remind the immigrants of the compulsory schooling, the German health care system and the compliance with general rules. The short text focuses entirely on the visible, impoverished Rroma and thereby keeps politicized notions of cultural alterity upright, despite or perhaps because of its emphatic perspective on the topic (Glaser-Lotz 2014).
The Voice of Russia (2013) reports on the EU program ROMACT, in which Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Romania, and Slovakia participate, a program that is mainly intended to promote social and economic integration of the Rroma. Upon these EU plans, Russia’s Minister of Nationalities Vladimir Sorin announced that the Rroma’s lack of economic integration is mainly due to their travelling lifestyle. He reproduces misconceptions – most Rroma being sedentary – but above all, he trivializes the fact that the travelling way of life was the result of social exclusion. From an economic perspective, the 12 million European Rroma represent a largely untapped “worker reserve” that need be tapped. That the will of the European population is also necessary in addition to a better integration into the education system and the labour market, is easy to forget (Iskenderow 2013).
Voice of Russia (2013) spoke to the historian Nadezhda Demeter about the growing “Rroma phobia” in the Czech Republic, which gained media attention with the pogroms in Budejovicy last week. Demeter sees a discrepancy between social institutions such as the Roma Faculty at Charles University in Prague, the Czech Rroma party or human rights organisations for minorities and the effective integration and equality of Rroma in everyday life. In spite of the existence of such public institutions, many Rroma do not get work, are excluded from medical treatment and are denied of potential living space. The so-called Rroma phobia has origins in the denial of a part of Czech history where the memory of the murder of Rroma is not acknowledged. She also speaks about invisible Rroma who are not perceived as such: “there are not that few Roma in the Czech Republic who are educated and, so to speak, from the middle class. But they do not learn their native language, have completely assimilated. Apparently, they still know that once their documents were labelled with an ‘R’. And they do not want to attract attention, they hide their belonging to their tribe.”
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After a flood of articles last week, the debate over the feared mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania to Germany has somewhat abated. News is now dominated by some more articles, which try to bring rationality and reflexion to the debate.
For example, Bild newspaper published an editorial entitled “The truth about the Rroma in Germany.” It shows that after the establishment of residency rights for citizen from Poland, no mass exodus to Germany took place. In addition to the usual portrayal of a Rroma family living in poverty, the article actually gives a voice to the invisible Rroma noting that: “An estimated 120,000 Gypsies live in Germany, 70,000 of them with German citizenship. Many have studied and are successful.” In contrast, they postulate the existence of a large mass of very poor Rroma living on the edge of criminality (Kiewel, Solms-Laumbach, Winterstein 2013).
The TAZ denied once again the inflated figures that have been mentioned in the course of this debate. On the one hand, it was hardly mentioned that a significant number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are actually seasonal workers. The number of migrants in Germany is smaller by that large amount. TAZ states a number of 58,000 seasonal workers out of the to 147,000 migrants claimed by the German Federal Statistical Office. In addition, far from all immigrants have an automatic right to Hartz IV funds.[1] He who in his business cannot provide official payment information, has no right to social benefits (Dribbusch 2013).
Also Preffer (2013) of the FAZ criticizes the culture of one-sided discussion in this debate and takes Maybrit Illner talk show as an example. In the hysteria surrounding the predicted mass immigration the fact that the number of “unqualified poverty migrants” is a minority was never stated. Preffer therefore calls the statistics of the Rhine-Westphalia Institute for Economic Research the “Non-statistic of the month”. Preffer qualifies the Maybrit Illner talk show as not fruitful, as far as the reduction of stereotypes and fears goes. As catchy picture of Rroma in conjunction with human trafficking, prostitution, crime and garbage dumps was presented instead. The only non-politician present was the Rroma Representative Dotschy Reinhard but she could do little in this political tug of war.
What is amazing is the dedicated and constant belief in almost all articles and television shows that the problems of extreme poverty, rising crime in German municipalities and increasing prostitution and illegal employment are explicitly a Rroma issue. That these problems exist is not to be denied. It is important to take them seriously. However, it is highly problematic to present them as problems of a Rroma way of life or of a Rroma identity. With this ethnicization, no problems are solved, only new ones created. Numerous articles assign a victim role to Rroma and establish a clear link between victimization and identity. In spite of good intentions, this results in one more inappropriate preconception on Rroma. They are effectively deemed to be immature and to lack of free will.
The next surprise is the high level of expertise that most authors claim to have about the situation of Rroma in South-Eastern Europe. Again, discrimination and the poverty of the Rroma are the key factors presented, but few of the authors seem to have reliable sources on Rroma in the countries concerned and to rely instead on the common views of the general population.
Martens (2013) mocks the Rroma debate with reference to the comedian Gerhard Polt. In the last few days and weeks, many of the concepts on and representations of Rroma were first immediate impressions, which would then be generalised to all Rroma. Polt makes fun of this tendency in his article “All about the Russians’”. Martens deconstructs and denies the cliché of Rroma King, the hidden force pulling all the strings and forcing Rroma them to beg and who imposes his will in all areas of life. This has nothing to do with reality, definitively not in its cliché form. Martens concluding reference to the invisible Rroma is of particular interest and has been pointed out by the RCP many times. He notes this:
These are extreme cases of “visible Roma.” They need contrasted by the “invisible Roma” over who have found their livelihood as nurses, cleaning ladies or construction workers and are well integrated. That is why they are no longer perceived as Roma. These “invisible Roma” have no interest in identifying themselves to the begging or criminal “visible Roma”, which are perceived by the majority of the general population as the only representatives of their people. Roma are always the others (Martens, 2013).
Carsten (2013) refers to the situation of the Rroma in Europe as a misery circle and sees their situation, and this is to be strongly endorsed, primarily as an acceptance problem. Europe must finally stop to consider the Rroma as the continent’s last wild horde and accept them as human beings and citizens. This includes overcoming a tradition of prejudices on Rroma handed down from generation to generation. Breaking this negative preconceptions cycle is in the interest of all involved.
Mappes-Niediek (2013) also contributes to the deconstruction and negation of false prejudices. He focuses on the idea that there is an extensive network of Rroma gangs organising prostitution, begging and theft. In this cliché, Rroma are victims, but also “agents of a threatening power”. Mappes-Niediek points out that is in the viewer’s mind who transforms a woman with a girl into a supervisor who collects the money. Particularly problematic is the view “that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the norm among the poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania”. This is an extreme form of cultural attribution with which one wants to explain the poverty itself away. Ultimately, however, it is simply poverty, as Mappes-Niediek aptly states:
To understand the behaviour of Roma poverty migrants one need not be a criminologist and also do not need to study ethnological works. It is sufficient, in essence, to imagine how you would live even if you had no money, no job, no apartment. This is not a pretty picture, and who does not have to confront itself with it, tries to avoid it (Mappes-Niediek 2013).
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[1] Social benefits in Germany
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