Category Archives: France

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13.12.2013 Rroma in Romania

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France Inter (2013) in its coverage, points out at the often precarious situation of Rroma in Romania. The image of the impoverished, often unemployed Rroma corresponds to the idea of a broad French public that Rroma are a burden to the French social security system. The official figures counts about 600,000 Rroma in Romania. It is likely, however, that there are rather about 2 million members of that minority. The problem in this report lies in a mix of poverty issues with an alleged culture of delinquency and mutual exploitation. That these ideas are wrong will sometime soon hopefully be clear to a wider public.

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13.12.2013 The Tale of the Thieving Rroma Clans

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20 Minuten (2013) reports about two young girls who were arrested by the policie in Lucerne while trying to break into a house. Apparently, the girls come from a Roma camp in France. This short news confirms and is in line with the suspicion expressed in the Weltwoche (Gut, Philipp / Scherrer, Lucien 2013). In its article from early November it again talked of a “culture of crime”, which is brought into Switzerland by the Rroma. Articles with ethnic attributions that are not contextualized do promote racism towards an already heavily marginalized minority. More sensitivity in handling ethnic attributions would be highly desirable.

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06.12.2013 The Rroma and the European Free Movement of Persons

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The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma criticized the agreement of EU interior ministers to curb the free movement of persons in the EU. The European Interior Ministers have agreed this week to reduce the allowances for needy immigrants and, where appropriate, again can introduce a visa duty to restrict larger migration flows from South East Europe (Handelsblatt, 2013). The curb on migration within the EU will not solve any problems, but freeze and uphold the dependency structures and injustice among the States. There is also no denying that the exclusion of Rroma is practiced more in some countries than in others.

The German towns President Ulrich Maly asked meanwhile for more tolerance towards immigrants and appealed to the historical responsibility of Germany towards the minority of the Rroma (Unternehmen-Heute 2013).

Böhm (2013) meanwhile suggests that a veritable “competitive repression”  against Rroma is taking place. Western European countries such as France, Germany, or the UK up each others on measures aimed at wanting to limit immigration from Romania and Bulgaria. The widespread exclusion of Rroma, which only make the migration necessary and the real problem is usually ignored. Instead, virtually all immigrants from Southeast Europe are collectively identified as poverty immigrants and thus as migrants, who apart from their poverty have no real reason for asylum (20 Minuten, 2013). Furthermore one often forgets that the assessments of the security of countries done by the states to assess the discrimination of minorities such as the Rroma are often inadequate or euphemistic, especially if the analysis comes from the countries themselves. To declare the immigrants from South East Europe broadly as poverty immigrants ignores real practices of exclusion that are not looked at by these country assessments.    

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29.11.2013 France: The eviction of illegal Rroma settlements continues

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L’express (2013) reports on the eviction of a Rroma camp in Saint-Ouen. The settlement lodged around 250 people. Only about a dozen provisional shelters were provided to the evicted people. The French authorities are thus continuing a strict regulatory policy which may bring more short-term public order but goes against and hinder the long-term integration of Rroma.

Meanwhile, the plans of the mayor of Paris in the Paris agglomeration to set up a reception centre for homeless Rroma is raising displeasure of many parties and neighbours (Le Figaro, 2013).

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29.11.2013 Manuel Valls and French Rroma Policies

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L’ express (2013) reports on the statements of the French Minister of the Interior Manuel Valls on the television station France Inter: Valls tried to downplay his polemical statements from mid-September, “Manuel Valls a affirmé qu’il n’avait “jamais dit” que les roms n’avaient pas vocation à s’intégrer. “Je pense que les Français ont parfaitement compris ce que je disais”, a-t-il ajouté. Le ministre de l’Intérieur a ensuite nuancé ses précédentes déclarations. “Dans ces campements, il y a bien sûr des familles roumaines ou bulgares qui ont de vrais projets d’intégration en France. Bien sûr”, a-t-il rectifié.” [Manuel Valls affirmed that he “never said” that Roma did not want to integrate. “I think that the French perfectly understood what I said:, he added. The Interior Minister then nuanced his preceding declarations. “in these settlements, there are of course families from Romania or Bulgaria who have real integration projects in France. Of course”, he did add.] These reassuring statements, however, should not obscure the fact that Valls in fact Rroma flatly stated that they lack integration will and have a “tendency to want return to Romania” something that brought him an accusation of defamation.

Meanwhile, the New York Times (Rubin 2013) reports in a almost absurd article about French mushroom dealers who accuse Eastern European Rroma of mushroom theft. The Rroma learnt about the locations of wild mushrooms by working for French mushroom dealers and are now harvesting the mushrooms in “illegal” Night and Fog actions. There are no laws that prohibit collecting mushrooms in state land. The absurd accusation of mushroom theft are reminiscent of earlier accusations such as the ones levelled against Jews whereby they would poison the wells or enriched themselves illegally on the back of the prosperity of others. The alleged mushroom theft shows that Rroma are generally accused of all ills without any real proof.  “Jean Louis Traversier of the French forest service estimates that more than 80 percent of this year’s harvest of 50 tons of mushrooms in just the southeastern Drôme and Ardèche regions were taken by Romanian and Bulgarian citizens to Spain. Locals tend to describe them all as Roma, but officials, including Mr. Traversier, say it is not possible to conclude that from their passports. […] They are wrongfully accusing the Roma community,» said Francine Jacob, vice president of the French Union of Gypsy Associations. «Delinquency exists — that we cannot deny — but it’s not systematic.» 

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25.10.2013 Rroma Between France and Romania

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Delage / Tepeneag (2013) report on a residential project in the Romanian Tinca, a project supported by the municipality of Lyon with 300,000 euro. The aim of subsidised housing for local Rroma is to help them integrate into the labour market. Lyon follows the whishes of the French government to prevent the Rroma migration to France. However, accommodation does not solve the problem of high unemployment among Romanian Rroma, hence their lack of social integration which can only be successful be bridged with a commitment from both sides. Delage / Tepeneag summarize: “Ainsi, pour ce centre imaginé par des ONG françaises et roumaines, et qui accueillera bientôt les Roms les plus démunis de Tinca, Lyon a investi près de 300.000 euros. “Cela va permettre de leur assurer l’accès à des douches, à des lave-linges, pour qu’ils puissent se présenter décemment à d’éventuels entretiens d’embauche, ou à l’école pour les enfants”, explique à BFMTV Monica Suciu, de la Ruhuma Foundation” [Thus, for this centre imagined by French and Romanian NGOs, and which will soon welcome the poorest Rroma in Tinca, Lyon has invested about 300,000 euro. “This will allow them to access to showers to washing machines, so they can look decent for possible job interviews or at school for children”, Monica Suciu, of the Foundation Ruhuma told BFM TV.] France Info (2013) adds that there is a will to build a dignified existence on site among the Romanian Rroma. Often this is very difficult because of the access to the labour market is very restricted. The Romanian Rroma policies, according to the statements of Rroma in Tinca, are ineffective.

Delpla (2013) takes a critical look at the French Rroma policies. He criticises the dominant practice to return Rroma to their reported country of origin. On the one hand one ignores the massive discrimination in countries like Hungary or Romania – now also France – and on the other hand, the fact that they are a European transnational minority and therefore, have no particular homeland. What must be sought is a pan-European integration of Rroma and no back and forth between different  a minority status in nation-states: “La solution du gouvernement français est de renvoyer les Roms non nationaux dans leur pays d’origine, en expliquant que c’est à ces pays d’origine de s’en occuper – avec des fonds européens. C’est une mauvaise idée, car, dans ces pays d’origine, les Roms sont victimes de racisme manifeste […] Il faut traiter ce problème au niveau européen, à la fois parce que les Roms sont le peuple le plus transeuropéen et parce que les solutions nationales ne marchent pas.”[The solution of the French government to send non-French Rroma in their countries of origin, explaining that this is for their country to deal with – with European funds. This is a bad idea, because in the country, Rroma are victims of overt racism […] We must deal with this problem at European level, both because the Rroma are the most transnational people and because national solutions do not work.]  Delpla also argues for making the Rroma citizen of Europe only and not members of a specific state. This would strengthen the EU’s role in the enforcement of their rights massively according to Delpla.

Bouclay (2013) in his article for Valeurs Actuelles pokes fun at the efforts of the community Romeurope. The collective in his brochure simply blends out the prejudice against the Rroma on issues such as begging, theft and prostitution. According to Bouclay, the Rroma are receiving proportionally too much support: “En réalité, loin d’être une communauté soumise à la vindicte de Français xénophobes, les Roms sont soutenus par de puissants lobbys. Le collectif Romeurope compte une quarantaine d’associations financées par l’argent public. Sans viser à l’exhaustivité, un rapide florilège de leurs subventions suffit à donner le vertige.” [In fact, far from being a community subject to the condemnation of French xenophobia, Roma are backed by powerful lobbies. The Romeurope account forty associations funded by public money. Without aiming to be exhaustive, quick flurry through their subsidies is enough to make you dizzy.] He paints a very one-sided picture of support funds distributed to present the French Rroma policies in a good light. The actual points of discussion of the current debate remain virtually untouched.

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18.10.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The ruthless expulsion of a fifteen year old Gypsy girl to Kosovo, a girl who lived with her family for five years in France, drew added attention to the migration policies of that country. The girl was picked up during a school trip by the police and taken directly to the airport. The uncompromising internal politics of the interior minister Valls has led to severe tensions within the Socialist party. Many exponents of the party have accused President Hollande to continue a policy similar to that of his predecessor Nicolas Sarkozy and to tolerate Manual Valls as a “sarkozy like prefect”. Meanwhile in Paris, a demonstration with a few thousand participants demonstrated against the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and French immigration policies (Lehnartz 2013). In an interview with Euro News (2013) Dibrani suggests that Kosovo is not her home now. Her whole life, her future, is in France. She does not understand the migration policy of the socialist government. In spite of the controversial policies, Manuel Valls remains the most popular minister  of the Socialist party according to surveys. The right-wing National Front has seen a massive increase of voters in recent months.

Despic – Popovic (2013) trace the historical context of the relationship of Kosovo and its Rroma, a theme of greater public interest in the background of the expulsion of Leonarda Dibrani. She notes that before the Kosovo War in 1999, about 100,000 Rroma lived there[1], today there are still around 30,000. Unemployment and exclusion are daily occurrences. Rroma are regularly accused of having collaborated with the Serbian regime, because several Rroma buried the victims of the Serbian army as gravediggers. With the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state in 2010, many exiled Kosovars, including many Rroma have been forced to return to Kosovo. The deportees, among them many children, often do not speak either the two official languages ​​of Kosovo (Serbian or Albanian), rendering inclusion in the school system more difficult. In addition, access to the labour market and to health care is far from assured for minorities. The UN High Commission for Refugees and Amnesty International, have called for a permanent international protection for Rroma.

Atlantico (2013) takes a critical look at the social integration of Rroma in Kosovo. Since independence in 2008, Kosovo has been criticised by human rights organizations for its violation of the rights of minorities. Discrimination, its resulting poverty, and internal displacement are widespread. Wanda Troszczynska of Human Rights Watch states: “Les pays européens renvoient les gens les plus vulnérables du Kosovo vers une situation de discrimination, d’exclusion, de pauvreté et de déplacement à l’intérieur de leur propre pays d’origine.” [European countries send most vulnerable people back to Kosovo towards a situation of discrimination, exclusion, poverty and travel within their own country.]

Le Carboulec (2013) adds that the deportation of Leonarda Dibrani and her family to the highlights whole question of dealing with asylum seekers in France. Is it appropriate to “surgically” to identify and remove people without papers? The Rroma are therefore once again the focal point of French politics with regard to the treatment of minorities, undocumented migrants and foreigners in general.

Akerman (2013) and thirty other people take the French society made a statement in writing in Mediapart about Manuel Valls’ statements about Rroma. The signatories state their great concern about the denigration of Rroma by the French Minister of the Interior and demand a more respectful handling of the members of this ethnic minority. She herself, as a lesbian, and also gay, bisexual, transsexual or transgender have always had to justify their identity of course wrongly so, in the course of their biography. The Socialist Party should not degenerate into a mere appendage of the UMP but must rely on its socialist values: “Les problèmes roms ont des noms parfaitement connus et nullement originaux : ils s’appellent droit au travail, droit au logement, précarité, stigmatisation, honte et pauvreté. Ce n’est pas nous qui sommes idéalistes, c’est ce gouvernement, son ministre de l’Intérieur, son Premier ministre, et celui qui les a nommés, qui sont racistes.” [Roma problems are well known and not original: they are called right to work, right to housing, insecurity, stigma, shame and poverty. It is not we who are idealistic, it is the government, the Minister of the Interior, the Prime Minister, and he who appointed them, who are racist.]

Francis Chouat (2013), the mayor of Evry takes a position in Le Monde on Valls controversial statements. As mayor, his perspective requires him to take pragmatic solutions about the concerns of his citizens. In the case of Rroma, this means that one must looks straight at the truth. Chouat believes that most of the Rroma living in the illegal settlements live in conditions of exploitation or as part of mafia networks. They therefore have virtually no power to act own or are involved in criminal activities: “La vérité, c’est d’abord la réalité regarder en face. Ce sont les conditions de vie dans les campestratus ment, totalement indignes, les enfants en danger, souvent exploites – comme beaucoup de femmes – par of réseaux mafieux. Ce sont aussi les vols et les Trafics organisés. […] La vérité, c’est donc dire que le claire ment of démantèlement campestratus ment est un impératif. Un pour les impératif Riverains comme pour la roms dignité of populations.”[The truth is, first look at reality. These are the living conditions in the camps, totally unworthy, children at risk, often exploited – like many women – by criminal networks. There is also the trafficking and organized theft. […] The truth is it clear that dismantling these settlements is a must. An imperative for local residents as to the dignity of the Roma population.] Chouat aligns himself to a governmental police way of looking at Rroma, to the eviction of camps which he thus legitimises. The possibility that the Rroma living in camps might simply settle there because of poverty and lack of alternatives is negated. Instead questionable ideas about intra-ethnic clan structures and relations of exploitation are dished to legitimise intervention.

Mouillard (2013) addresses the question of where the EU’s 50 billions earmarked for the Rroma integration went. On one hand, the EU support is divided into three pots: the European Social Fund, the European Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund. From these three funds in turn only a fraction will benefit Rroma. The actual expenditure for the integration of Rroma is difficult to track because the French Household Statistics do not work with ethnic categories. The integration projects named by Mouillard thereafter refer to travellers, people living in ghettoes or marginalised ones as in the case of housing projects. Another problem lies in the fact that EU countries only use a fraction of their assigned money from three funds effectively: “Mêmes faiblesses en Hongrie, où 40% des fonds sont dépensés, ou encore en Bulgarie (20%). Une précision tout de même : cet argent n’est pas perdu. Il retourne dans les caisses de Bruxelles, au titre de la règle du «dégagement d’office.»” [Same weaknesses in Hungary, where 40% of the funds are spent, or in Bulgaria (20%). Accuracy though: the money is not lost. It is returned to the coffers of Brussels, under the rule of “decommitment.”] Another problem lies in the administrative and organizational hurdles, making the access to the funds more difficult.

[1] This figure represents only the visible Rroma. Rroma were very well integrated in Kosovo and often confused with the Turkish minority. The real number was around 250-300,000. Less than 30,000 still live in Kosovo.

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11.10.2013 Rroma in France

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The anti-racism association Mrap has announced it will file a lawsuit against Manuel Valls for incitation to racial hatred. Valls had stated that, in his opinion, most Rroma do not want to integrate, and should return to Romania and Bulgaria. Particularly problematic about Valls’ utterances is that he enjoys broad support among the French population and thereby racist views about Rroma are being represented as indisputable facts. Valls face a fine of up to € 45,000 (2013 Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, 2013).

Strassenburg (2013) takes a critical look at the trial of 27 Croatian Rroma in France. The defendants are accused of organized theft and trafficking: They are reported to have exploited children to earn money for themselves. They “trained them only to steal from the youngest age.” This contrasts with views of critics who hold that the imputed organised structures are a projection of the prosecution: “Mali, [a journalist] could never observe in three years the organized criminal structures, which are reproached to the 27 defendants in Nancy.” This process it is not just about the crimes of the accused, but also about socio-political conceptions of organised crime among the Rroma. “Gypsy Kings” and organised, structured delinquency is primarily a police view of the Rroma, and has been discussed several times. This does not mean that no crimes were committed by Rroma, but that it is very questionable to ascribe Rroma a culturally determined predisposition to organised crime (see L’Express 2013).

Zarachowicz (2013) speaks to the sociologist Jean-Pierre Liégeois about how are being exploited for French politics. Liégeois sees the knowledge about the Rroma as being dominated by large gaps. This ignorance is instrumentalised by politicians to project their own views on it. He deconstructs the travelling lifestyle, which again and again is attributed to them, as being the result of social exclusion, rather than a self-chosen way of life, and therefore as false: “Les familles sont souvent mobiles par obligation, pour s’adapter à des conditions d’existence changeantes, parfois menaçantes. Au cours de l’histoire, on assiste à des déportations, par exemple du Portugal vers l’Afrique et le Brésil, de l’Angleterre vers les colonies d’Amérique et vers l’Australie. Ou, quand des conflits se produisent, les Roms, souvent pris comme boucs émissaires ou bloqués entre les belligérants, doivent partir. […] Les Roms ont ainsi dû intégrer la mobilité dans leur existence, pour s’adapter à un rejet qui reste dominant.” [Families are often mobile due to the obligation to adapt to sometimes threatening changing conditions of life. In history, one sees deportations, for example from Portugal to Africa and Brazil, from England to the American colonies and to Australia. Or, when conflicts occur, Roma, often used as scapegoats or stuck between belligerents, have to  leave. […] The Roma have had to integrate mobility into their lives, to adapt to a rejection that remains dominant.]  He also identifies a historical, European government policy, that either wants to deport or to forcefully assimilate Rroma. In the case of France, the policy of repatriation is currently the dominant paradigm. From a financial point of view, this policy actually costs more than a successful integration.

In his article, Potet (2013) points to an alternative to Valls repressive policy. In Indre, the socialist mayor has built an accommodation, which aims to help immigrant Rroma to integration. The Rroma children can go to the local school. The immigrants had previously been living in a derelict factory. This support is linked to reciprocity: the children must attend school regularly, adults need to search for work, caravans are regularly maintained. With these Rroma-friendly policies, Jean-Luc Le Drenn puts re-election on the line.

The Huffington Post (2013) takes a look across the border from France: There one has problems other than the Rroma. High unemployment rates are at the centre of public attention. Before the economic crisis, the Spanish state set money aside for the integration of resident and migrant Rroma, money meant to facilitate access to education, the labour market, and to health care. This state integration program is still regarded as a European model of a social Rroma policy. This does not mean that exclusion and racism against the Rroma no longer exist in Spain, but this was an important first step towards a successful integration of Rroma.

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07.10.2013 Open Letter to Manuel Valls (in French)

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Monsieur le ministre,

Qu’un ministre de la république démontre son incompréhension d’un dossier au travers de ses propos n’est malheureusement pas rare. Mais que ceci constitue un dérapage fondamentalement raciste est une chose qui après les épisodes de Vichy ne devrait plus arriver. Qu’un immigré, à priori une personne qui théoriquement devrait être plus sensible aux discriminations, dise « Ces populations ont des modes de vie extrêmement différents des nôtres » et « ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles » n’est simplement pas acceptable.

Auriez-vous dit des choses similaires si vous aviez parlé de Juifs ou d’une autre minorité? Certainement pas. Alors pourquoi avec les Roms? Si vous aviez pris le temps de penser quelques secondes à vos propos avant de les dire, vous auriez peut-être évité de dire des choses qui rappellent trop les commentaires et propos antisémites dont la France a malheureusement abusé. En parallèle et pour la citation, Proudhon a écrit en parlant des juifs: « cette race qui envenime tout, en se fourrant partout, sans jamais se fondre avec aucun peuple »[1] ce qui n’est pas forcément loin de vos propos sur l’intégration des Roms. Même Jaurès dit à leur propos « Dans les villes, ce qui exaspère le gros de la population française contre les Juifs, c’est que, par l’usure, par l’infatigable activité commerciale et par l’abus des influences politiques, ils accaparent peu à peu la fortune, le commerce, les emplois lucratifs, les fonctions administratives, la puissance publique »[2] ce qui n’est pas sans rappeler la litanie des maux que l’on attribue en France en ce moment aux Roms.

Il y a des Roms visibles, ceux qui se conforment à l’idée que vous en avez, ceux qui voyagent, qui vivent dans la pauvreté, ont beaucoup d’enfants, et qui dans vos pensés sont sans aucun doute aussi des voleurs et des mendiants; et il y a des Roms moins visibles, ceux qui sont intégrés. Et il y en a beaucoup et depuis très longtemps. Plus que les quelque 15,000 qui campent dans des bidonvilles en France. Après tout, si 12 millions de Roms en Europe se conformaient à vos stéréotypes, ils seraient un peu plus à camper autour des villes de France.

De dire en plus qu’ils « ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles » va beaucoup plus loin. Il y a d’abord ceux qui sont intégrés et que vous ne voyez même pas, et, parmi les Roms qui campent dans des bidonvilles, beaucoup souhaitent une vie meilleure, un travail, veulent que leurs enfants aillent à l’école, et c’est même la raison principale de leur départ de leur patrie. Les Roms ont démontré, un fait historiquement établi, qu’ils se sont intégrés partout où on leur en a donné la possibilité. Il faut malheureusement bien dire que la France ne fait pas partie de ces pays, les ayant pourchassés, déportés et tués rendant la France presque « Zigeunerfrei » pour utiliser un terme plus récent et ce déjà au 16eme siècle et jusqu’à l’arrivée des Sinti allemands (manouches) avec les armées allemandes vers 1870. Ceux-ci ne sont encore que tolérés en France.

Que vous ne désiriez pas d’immigration de masse, que vous ne tolériez pas de campements illégaux est une chose. Que vous assimiliez des problèmes sociaux comme la pauvreté, la mendicité, la criminalité etc. à ceux d’une ethnie en est une autre. La première est une politique – votre choix. La seconde est tout simplement du racisme et n’est par conséquent pas acceptable de la part d’un ministre de la république.

Contrairement à ce que vous dites, l’intégration est la solution. Et ce, dans toute l’Europe. Les Roms sont une minorité transnationale Européenne, et toute solution, si problème il y a, l’est forcément aussi. 

Généraliser le problème social d’un petit pourcentage d’une ethnie et en faire un problème de race, comme vous l’avez fait dans vos propos n’a jamais créé aucune solution durable, et au contraire pousse au nettoyage ethnique et au génocide.  Que vous vouliez faire respecter les lois peut être compréhensible, mais la connotation implicite de vos propos ne l’est pas.

Si vous désirez de plus amples informations moins teintées de préjudices, nous sommes bien évidemment à votre disposition.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Ministre, l’expression de mes salutations respectueuses.

 

[1] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, 24 décembre 1847, dans Carnets de Proudhon N° 6 p. 178 Journal personnel, non destiné à être publié, paru chez Marcel Rivière (TOME II), 1961, p.337, publié sous la direction de Pierre Haubtmann.

[2] Jean Jaurès, 1898, Discours au Tivoli, dans Un journal des journaux, paru chez Créer, 1997, p.87, Pierre Feuerstein.

 

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04.10.2013 Rroma Polemic in France

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Francois Hollande, in a public statement, asked his ministers decidedly to end the controversy on Rroma. According to the government spokesman Najat Vallaud Belkacem,  Hollande pointed out that “solidarity, unity and responsibility” was expected from the ministers. Hollande also considered it unworthy that he had to point out the problematic of this issue to the deputies. The home minister Duflot had asked Hollande for a statement after Valls racist abuse (TAZ 2013).

ORF (2013) points out that the criticism of the EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding on the French Rroma policies led to strong expressions of antipathy towards the European Union. The President of the French National Assembly, Claude Bartolone, called, Viviane Reding the “Mother with the whip.” Even before Reding’s criticism, a spokesman for the EU Commissions had pointed out that violations by France of EU law, in this case of the non-compliance to the freedom of movement, would not be tolerated. The behaviour of some EU countries towards Rroma is not worthy of the 21st Century. Manuel Valls, who is clearly belonging to the right wing of the socialist party, had to endure heavy criticism from his own party. Valls meanwhile insists on a rigorous order policy. He stated: “It is our responsibility to ensure that the centre of our cities, in the middle of residential areas and in the middle of the capital no such camps and misery housing does not occur.”

Radio Dreyeckland (2013) spoke with Marion Cadier who wrote a report for Amnesty International on the forced evictions of Rroma camps in France. The report concludes that since the last review in 2012, the situation of Rroma has not improved. The number of evictions of informal camps has even increased. This practice is also contrary to human rights conventions, since they violate the right to housing, as people living there are made homeless. Although the circular of August 2012 is a progress, it had only been applied very poorly. The evictions render the Rroma integration more difficult and has produced many more homeless people. Temporary lodging in hotel rooms is also a poor alternative because they usually lie in the periphery of the cities and make schooling and social networking difficult. Among more positive points, one notes the abolition of a hiring fee for Romanians and Bulgarians and the provision of funds for integration projects. She also emphasizes that expulsion are falsely referring to the nomadic lifestyle of the Rroma.

Hopquin (2013) reports on a trial of seven Croatian Rroma indicted in France for child trafficking and incitement to crimes. The case reinforces widespread stereotypes about organised delinquency among the Rroma. The defendants had acted under the leadership of a 66 year old woman and dealt in groups of children were to commit thefts for the buyer in France. Hopquin makes no effort to relate the events real events, but uses the presumptuous “cultural reproduction”, in which organized crime which the defendant had assimilated is presented as part of the Rroma culture.

Manuel Valls statements about, in his opinion, non-integration capabilities of Rroma led to different statements by government officials. While the rightist deputies showed great sympathy for Valls and his Rroma policies, in his own party, the socialist party his statements are controversial. But not to all. Significant parts of the left is in favour of a repressive policy towards the Rroma. Valls himself, meanwhile, has never apologised for his remarks, but merely regretted how they had been interpreted (Le Parisien).

In a linguistically brilliant letter, Lefort (2013) appeals to Manuel Valls. Lefort descends from Spanish Kale. He asks Valls to remind himself that he immigrated with his family to France and became a French citizen in 1982, and that many French have an immigrant background. That migration usually occurs for a valid reason and is not a lifestyle. He pleads that Valls should not abandon the historical responsibility that one has towards the Rroma as victims of National Socialism. In addition, many French Rroma fought in the resistance against the Nazis and the Franco regime. This also should not be forgotten. To assign them a “tendency” towards return to Romania and Bulgaria, negates the reason for their arrival: The lack of recognition as a minority of Statea and populationa. Lefort observes: “La guerre mondiale est venue. Et les camps nazis se sont aussi ouverts aux Tziganes. Tu le sais. Mais un nombre énorme de Manouches, de Gitans et d’Espagnols se sont engagés dans la Résistance sur le sol français. Ton père aurait pu en être […] je te demande le respect absolu pour celles et ceux qui se sont engagés dans la Résistance contre le franquisme, puis ensuite contre le nazisme et le fascisme. Contre ceux qui avaient fait Guernica. Et pourtant, à te suivre, ils avaient «vocation» à retourner ou à rester dans leur pays d’origine, ces «étrangers, et nos frères pourtant…»” [World War came. And Nazi camps were also opened for Gypsies. You know it. But a huge number of Manouche, Gypsies and Spaniards enrolled in the Resistance on the French soil. Your father could have been among them […] I ask you for absolute respect for those who were engaged in the resistance against Franco, then against Nazism and fascism. Against those who did Guernica. Yet, to listen to you, they have a  “vocation” to return to or remain in their country of origin, these “strangers, and yet our brothers…”]

Conan (2013) points out that Valls statements are almost exactly the same as the ones made last August by Louis Souchal, the confidant of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault. Louis Souchal is also convinced that many of the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma do not want to integrate in France, but only came here to improve their financial situation as stated in an interview: “Les migrants roumains sont en effet sur des migrations pendulaires organisées. Leur but est de venir en France pour gagner de l’argent puis de rentrer en Roumanie construire une maison (…) D’ailleurs, il faut éviter de penser qu’il s’agit “d’intégrer les Roms”, on intègre seulement “des familles”. On s’en aperçoit lors des diagnostics sur les campements avant les expulsions. Récemment, sur un terrain où il y avait 22 familles, seules deux présentaient vraiment des signes de projets en France.” [Romanian migrants are indeed engaged in pendular migration. Their goal is to come to France to earn money and then return to Romania to build a house (…) Indeed, we must avoid thinking that it is about “to integrate Roma”, one only integrates “families”. This can be seen in the diagnostics in the camps before the evictions. Recently, in an place where there were 22 families, only two really showed signs of having projects in France.]  It is still unclear on which sources Souchal bases his statements. They stand in contrast to statements made by engaged people such as Lefort, who observe a migration due to lack of integration and lack of future prospects. At the same time it is also known that transnational relations with the home country can lead to a better integration in the host country and is not simply, as is now represented,  an evidence of a lack of willingness to integrate.

The Mayor of Lille, Martine Aubry, meanwhile, calls for a consistent way of applying the circular of August 2012, requesting a timely information of the stakeholders, the organisation of alternative accommodation options and a better distribution of Rroma across the country. To put the people on the street, Aubry criticises, bring nothing and complicates the integration (Pagura 2013).

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27.09.2013 Rroma in France

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Balmer (2013) reports on the massive criticism of the EU commission on the French Rroma policies. The reason for the complaint were the repeated statements by Interior Minister Manuel Valls, that the majority of the Rroma are not compatible with the French due to their specific lifestyle and should return to Romania. With these statements Valls drew the criticism of many of his Socialist party colleagues but at the same time also a lot of sympathy on the part of many French mayors who feel alone in confronting informal Rroma camps around Paris. In a statement, Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission, reminded Valls about the agreement of 2010, where  France promised the compliance of freedom of travel and establishment for all EU citizens, including Rroma. France has a law that allows deportation of asylum seekers if they cannot raise enough money for their own livelihood.

Nunès (2013) gives an overview of the responses to Valls statements by various French mayors. Most, including socialist politicians, agree with Valls on his order and return policies. The reasoning is always similar: France is not responsible for solving the world’s problems. With their anarchical way of life, Rroma are not compatible with the French society and should be deported. They are a massive financial burden on the French welfare state, which is battered enough already by the economic crisis. For Clermont-Ferrand, they are primarily passive victims who can not be saved by the overstretched French government at this time and thus must be expelled. By the assignment of a victim role, Ferrand wants to distance himself from ethnic categorizations: “Il n’est pas question de stigmatiser une population, mais, dans une période de pénurie d’emplois et de logements, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de réussir leur intégration. Il faut mettre un terme à l’hémorragie rom en France” [One should not stigmatise a population, but at a time where there is a scarcity of jobs and housing, we are not in a position to achieve their integration. We have to stop the Rroma bleeding in France.]

Vallaud Najat Belkacem, Women’s Rights Minister, clarified the position of the French government in the national Rroma politics: The repatriation is part of a range of measures in dealing with Rroma. French Rroma policies are determined by assertiveness and humanity: assertivness in the sense that one prevents misery, which is no way to live,  by the destruction of Rroma camps. Humanity, in the sense that one always promotes access to education, employment and housing where possible (Le Point, 2013). That these humanitarian interventions are permeated of political views and intentions is an important detail that is not discussed in more detail by Belkacem. Instead, evictions are declared to be humanitarian measures to protect residents who need to be saved from untold misery. That living in an illegal settlement could be an unpleasant but acceptable alternative to permanent expulsion practices for those affected is not considered.

Libération (2013) states that Valls sees his policies as the ones  of leftist politician who takes the suffering and distress of French citizens seriously. That these are anti-socialist policies, which make a distrinct difference between the equality of people established in France, he negates completely: “Le ministre a répété que son action est «celle d’un homme de gauche». «J’ai le devoir (…) d’écouter l’exaspération, les colères, les souffrances de notre peuple», a-t-il argumenté” [The minister repeated that his action is “the one of a leftist”. “I have the duty (…) to listen to the exasperation, the anger, the sufferings of our people.] The Housing Minister, Cécile Duflot, criticised Valls violently stating that he continues to carry on Nicolas Sarkozy’s policies and set a highly questionable order policy based on ethnic origin.

In her analysis, Soullier (2013) also emphasizes the strong connection between French Rroma policies and the election campaign and its associated views of politicians. So Marie Le Pen continue to talk about a “horde” of Rroma who will come to France starting  in January 2014, with the enactment of freedom of movement agreement with Bulgaria and Romania. Other MPs, such as Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, assign to Rroma criminal habits need to be prevented. Few politicians like Dominique Voynet recognise that the problem is cannot only be attributed to the Rroma of desire for integration, but is also the result of a lack of will on the part of government and society to accept them, “C’est difficile de reprocher aux personnes de ne pas s’intégrer quand on leur refuse le droit de travailler.” [It is difficult to reproach people not to integrate when one forbids them to work.]

Social geographer Olivier Legros know also point out that only visible Rroma living in camps are discussed by the media and politicians. The invisible, integrated Rroma are thereby condemned to non-existence, the general public does not even know they exists at all. The Rroma are a projection screen for the unwanted: “Dans le discours politique français, les Roms désignent des personnes qui habitent des bidonvilles aux marches des villes, qui viennent d’Europe centrale et qui menacent la sécurité des citoyens. Finalement, le Rom est une métaphore, un mot qui décrit des indésirables. Ceux qui se sont intégrés, on n’en parle jamais. […] Comment savoir, on ne parle jamais de ceux qui se sont intégrés? Il y en a peut-être dans votre bureau, dans votre entreprise mais ils n’éprouvent peut-être pas le besoin de le dire tous les jours.” (20 minutes France 2013) [In the French political discourse, Roma designate people who live in slums near urban centres, who came from Central Europe and threaten the safety of citizens. Finally, the Rom is a metaphor, a word that describes the undesirable. Those who are integrated, we never talk about. […] How do you know, we never speak of those who are integrated? They may be in your office, in your business, but they may not feel the need to say so every day]. According to Legros, the really questionable thing is that poverty is raised as a stigma and criminalised. It obscures the social conditions that are not the result of personal decisions and actions , but the result of structural, socially institutionalized and maintained inequalities.

Christian Vanneste of the extreme rightist  RPF party (Les Obervateurs 2013), takes the debate as an opportunity to perform an alleged disclosure of the true problems. He pours into racist generalisations that he does not see as racist because they correspond to the real behaviour of the Rroma and are confirmed by statistics. Rright at the beginning of the article he states that there is a clear link between the presence of the Rroma and a rise in crime rates: “Il y a un rapport entre la présence dans plusieurs grandes agglomérations d’une concentration d’immigrés roumains et bulgares et la délinquance.” [There is a correlation between the presence in several large agglomerations of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants and criminality.] He further dishes out the popular notion of networks of organised beggars, con artists and criminal children gangs, elevating the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as a cultural trait. He also quantifies the damage caused metal theft done by Rroma at 800,000 euro. For Vanneste, it is clear that the debate about the Rroma is not about racism but about objectified facts. What he does, is racism with questionable statistics and a correlation of parameters that de facto have nothing to do with each other, because there is simply no such thing as “ethnic culture of delinquency”. The rest of the article consists of a tirade against the EU, which presumes to prescribe the “right” policy decisions to the French government.

Comment: Valls statements, which are culturising and generalising are once again a prime example of the massive politicization of the Rroma identity, which is presented to the outside world as natural and anti-political. It must be stressed once more that integration is a two way process. If Rroma access to education, employment and health care is denied, the integration is nearly impossible. Quite a few French politicians seem not to want to pursue such an integration, because they believe from the outset that Rroma cannot be integrated. Whether they have ever spoken with Rroma for a longer time is highly doubtful. The polemic shows how much policies are controlled by entrenched opinions: One wants well-educated, financially strong immigrants with high social integration capabilities. If they do not meet this ideal, ethnic characteristics are exploited to declare them not “to be integrated”. That this assignment steeped in political and moral views is usually ignored. Rather, this is presented as indisputable nature of the Rroma.

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20.09.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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In France, the polemical debate about Rroma, which arrived at its zenith this summer, does not abate. The UMP deputy Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet indicated in a television interview that in her opinion, in Paris, many are being harassed by Rroma (Le Point, 2013). The paper presents Kosciusko-Morizet’s comments in the context of polemical statements of Gilles Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi. The UMP mayor of Croix, Régis Cauche, assured party members he would provide them support in the event of in the event they would make critical statements about Rroma.

Le Monde (2013) points out that the Rroma are once more misused as an instrument in the French municipal election campaign to grab the votes of conservative voters.

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06.09.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The forced evictions of illegal Rroma settlements continues in France. Bergès (2013) reports on the upcoming evacuation of the largest Rroma camp in Lille. Bergès, using testimonies criticises the fact that the evacuation are actually more a hindrance on a long-term integration,  and that steps taken towards to building one’s own life are thereby made massively difficult or even utterly destroyed. Quite a few of the French politicians,  also some from the left, do not in fact want that immigrant Rroma become part of the French society: they propagate the view of the incompatibility of the Rroma culture of with French values and are disturbed by the slums in the suburbs of French cities. However, it is often the residents of the settlements close to the camps that are bothered by the sight of poverty and misery and ask for evictions to take place. Due to the many evictions in recent months, the social problems have not been solved, but simply shifted towards more and more homeless living in large cities such as Paris.

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30.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Dahman (2013) discusses the one sided presentation of history of Rroma in France. Important chapters on the social exclusion of Rroma are not worked out or only very poorly presented by the French society at large. One such example are the anthropometric passports they had to carry since 1912 which facilitated their identification and delivery to the Nazi regime by the Vichy government. Another one is the 1969 introduction of a passport and the fact they had to report every six months to a police station. This controversial legislation was only repealed in 2012. The dominant historical representation of Rroma in France is one of non-existence or of distorted or false representation. This should change now as well as into the future.

Midi Libre (2013) criticises the ongoing evictions of informal Rroma camps in France. The circular from the summer of 2012, which called for a more organised and humane approach to evictions, such as the timely information of those affected or the provision for alternative accommodation places, has been as good as not at all applied. In fact, the massive evictions of settlements resulted in a forced nomadism, which historically was also often mistaken for the real life of the Rroma. The frequent expulsions also hampers the integration of Rroma, an intended side effect or maybe not. Many politicians reproach the Rroma their lack of willingness to integrate. The irony of this debate lies the fact that there is an effective impediment to integration all the while, while inclusion preached.

De Montvalon and Vincent (2013) highlight a radicalisation of the coverage on Rroma. The newest zenith of this tendency is the presentation of the magazine “Valeurs actuelles” with the provocative title, bordering on defamation “Roma, l’overdose” [Rroma, the overdose]. The Socialist Party reacted to this latest provocation with the demand and constatation, that a decided action is required xenophobia in France. The chronology of this radicalization goes back to the EU accession of Romania in 2007, after which, Nicolas Sarkozy, massively strengthened the migration policy in France, in particular against the Rroma. Vincent and De Montvalon identify these policies as being ineffective. On the contrary, according to statistics on the contrary, these policies led to more criminality among Rroma in France. But even with the change of power of the conservative UMP, the Social Democratic Party under François Hollande, there was no real paradigm shift in the policies towards Rroma in France. Rather, Interior Minister Manuel Valls has continued the evictions policies and even intensified them. In the political discourse, there is still the wrong representation that Rroma do not want to integrate, that they do not want to settle down (although most are Rroma settled) and that these behaviours are part of their culture. These tales are propagated and kept alive both by the right and by the left.

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23.08.2013 Rroma Debat in France

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El Mallass (2013) calls for a paradigm shift in the Rroma policy in France. As a reason for his plea, he takes a controversial headline of the newspaper “Valeurs actuelles” of the 22 August which titled an article with the words “Roms, l’overdose.” [Rroma, the overdosis]. El Mallass sees a glaring blindness amongst the public on the history of the Rroma: Their persecutions under the Vichy regime and the Nazis, as well as the government practices against Rroma in many European countries, which lasted for centuries. El Mallas urges French politicians and the French State to on to take a lead role on a new Rroma policy aimed at their speedy and successful integration: “En somme, c’est à l’État de favoriser l’intégration de la communauté Roms en créant des conditions humanitaires dignes ainsi que l’accès aux droits, leur permettant in fine de sortir de l’illégalité et des no man’s land que sont ces camps insalubres, où l’insécurité quotidienne vient s’ajouter à la violence intracommunautaire qu’aucune règle de droit ne peut régir sans présence de l’autorité publique.” [As summary, the State should further the Rroma  integration by creating worthy humanitarian conditions as well as guaranteeing access to rights, permitting them at long last to get out of illegality and of the no man’s land, what these unhealthy camps are, were daily insecurity adds itself to inter-community violence which no rule of law can deal with without the presence of the public authority.]

Jamet (2013) of Boulevard Voltaire writes a mocking criticism on the latest controversy in the French press. He asks the provocative question as to whether the Rroma should not be considered to be a chance for France. In an ironic language, he pokes fun at the clichés about Rroma and sees them as producers of jobs, the countries with Rroma populations should on the contrary be grateful that they have them: “Combien d’agents communaux du nettoyage, de gendarmes, de policiers, de vigiles, d’agents de sécurité, de serruriers, de plombiers, seraient voués au chômage si les Roms n’existaient pas ! Y a-t-on songé ? Une discrimination séculaire empêche depuis plus de mille ans la communauté rom de se sédentariser, de s’instruire, de s’intégrer aux différent pays qui ne connaissent et donc n’apprécient pas à sa juste valeur la chance qu’ils ont d’avoir été choisis par eux pour lieux de résidence ambulante.“[How many communal agents for cleaning, gendarmes, policemen, vigils, security agents, locksmiths, plumbers would be without work if Rroma did not exist! Did one think about that? A secular discrimination prevents the Rroma community since more than thousand years become sedentary, to educate itself, to integrate in the different countries which do not know and thus do not appreciate fully the chance that they were chosen by them as their mobile residency.]

Following the closure of an illegal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, Moga (2013) discusses the perspectives of Romanian Rroma in France and societal attitudes towards them. She spoke with several families living in the camp, and draws a picture that oscillates between hope and despair. So many of the young Rroma want to go to school and learn French but the registration of the children often fails due to the lack of language skills of the parents. To this, one needs to add the difficult access to the labour market and a vicious circle of social exclusion, a circle that only a few manage to break. Moga criticises the closure of the camp as a hindrance to a successful and above all long-term integration of Rroma.

Polloni (2013) reports a creative idea of ​​the organization Perou of Ris-Orangis: Perou designed forty CVs of prominent Rroma residents in Ris-Orangis who cannot find work. She wants to draw attention to the untapped pool of labour that lies fallow and could actually be a significant economic force for the French economy.

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16.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The Huffington Post France (2013) again discussed Jean-Marie Le Pen Le Pen’s rroma-critical comments. At a press conference on the 13th of August, Le Pen criticised the financial compensation paid to Rroma. Those affected by forced evictions are receive 75 euro in compensation per day if no alternative accommodation available as per a recent court order. Le Pen criticised this compensation would attract a mass migration of Rroma to France, as for them 75 euros per day is a fortune: “«Cette annonce en Roumanie a provoqué un enthousiasme fanatique pour le départ, départ jusqu’ici limité. Des dizaines de milliers, des centaines de milliers, de ces Roms vont partir pour revenir chez nous pour y trouver le pactole. En effet 75 euros par jour et par tête c’est le miracle pour eux.» [This announcement provoked in Romania a fanatical enthusiasm for departures, departures that were up till now somewhat limited. Tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of these Rroma will leave to return [sic.] here to cash in. 75 euro per day and per person is a miracle for them.] He further commented that in case the migration policy remained the same, the Promenade des Anglais in Nice should be soon renamed “ Romenade.”

Le Pen one dimensional representation portrays Rroma as economic refugees, which will push France into economic and social ruin. He consciously uses fears that are prevalent in times of economic crisis and which hinder the integration of the Rroma.

Keywords: France, Rroma, Economic migration, polemic, Le Pen, Huffington Post

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09.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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The Praguer Zeitung (2013) reports new anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic. In Vítkov, about three hundred protesters, many of them from the right-wing came together to demonstrate “for the rights of all decent citizens.” The demonstrators denounced the racism against the white population and propagated slogans such as “the Czech Republic for Czechs”. With several arson attacks on Rroma four years ago, Vítkov has become a symbol for anti-Romany actions.

Schmidt (2013) also draws a gloomy picture of the relation of ethnic Czechs towards Rroma: There were again anti Rroma pogroms in Vitkov this Saturday. Particularly insidious is the fact that the Hungarian railways even provided extra trains for demonstrators of the radical right. In Vitkov, several Rroma were victims of arson attacks four years ago. A girl suffered serious burn injuries and barely survived. She now suffers from persistent anxiety states. Schmidt sees the pogroms as an indication of a worrysome state: The negative attitude towards Roma is supported by a significant part of the Czech majority society: “When the Neonazis sit again in their trains, native “whites” still shout anti-Roma slogans. Normal people, pensioners, families with children. An elderly woman says “The speakers at the rally were right,” about the rioting extreme rightists, and she feels “disturbed” by the Roma she adds. It is not an isolated case.” When open hatred towards Rroma is experiencing wider social support, democracy is threatened in the Czech Republic, as stated by the Czech domestic intelligence agency. Sociologists see the sources of this increasingly socially acceptable  xenophobia among others during the economic crisis: The insecurity on livelihoods of a large middle and lower classes fed the idea that Rroma were coddled by the state.

According to Amnesty International (2013), the European Centre for Human Rights identified nine anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic since April this year. Several instances are concerned about the increasing animosity towards Rroma in the Czech Republic.

  • Amnesty International (2013) République tchèque. Il faut protéger les Roms qui risquent d’être victimes de violences avant le début des manifestations d’extrême droite. In: Amnesty International France online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013) Erneuter Aufmarsch gegen Roma. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Schmidt, Hans-Jörg (2013) In Tschechien eskaliert der Hass gegen die Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 4.8.2013. 
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09.08.2013 The Importance of Education for a Successful Integration

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George Pau-Langevin, the French Minister of Education, discussed in an article in the French Huffington Post the importance of education in a successful integration of Rroma. The Minister of Education criticised that the camps’ evictions stood at the centre of media attention. The successful integration of Rroma in the education should stand at the centre of public interest. The equal and egalitarian access to education is the crucial first step towards integration of Rroma: “L’école pour tous n’est pas un credo démagogique, mais une expression du principe d’égalité sur lequel repose notre démocratie. Il est difficile de rompre avec des décennies, voire des siècles d’indifférence et d’exclusion vis-à-vis des familles Roms. Il s’agit néanmoins d’une obligation pour notre gouvernement, qui assume en la matière une politique courageuse et volontariste, tendant notamment à assurer l’accès à l’École à des enfants en grande précarité” [School for everyone is not a demagogical credo, but the expression of the equality principle on which our democracy is built. It is difficult to break from decades, or even centuries of exclusions of Rroma families. It is nevertheless an obligation for our government, which, in this matter, assumes a courageous and militant politic to ensure school access to children living in precarious conditions.] (Pau-Langevin, 2013).

  • Pau-Langevin, George (2013) Sur la scolarisation des enfants roms. In: Huffington Post France online vom 9.7.2013. 
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02.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Lazerges (2013) does not want to cast the informal Rroma settlements and their evictions as a cultural problem, as many French politicians do, but as a problem of poverty. Lazerges criticises that there is not enough affordable housing for people with low to very low income. Although the eviction of illegal settlements are usually lawful, because the houses were built without a permit, they violate the right to housing, a due to every human being. In addition, the barriers to access education, health care and social protection are still very high, rendering a successful integration of Rroma more difficult, “Mais la levée seulement partielle des mesures transitoires applicables aux citoyens roumains et bulgares est inacceptable et préjudiciable à leur insertion. Nous souhaitons la levée immédiate et complète des mesures transitoires, afin de permettre notamment aux personnes roms de trouver un emploi, pierre angulaire de l’insertion” [The partial removal of transitory measures applicable to Romanian and Bulgarian citizen is unacceptable and constitutes a prejudice against their integration. We wish the immediate and complete removal of these transitory measures to allow, among others the Rroma, to find work, a keystone for their insertion.] Lazerges further calls for a clear distancing from the defamatory statements made by some French politicians that are clearly influenced by the impending Municipal elections. On should much more strive for a clear commitment to a real policy was that promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Leroy (2013) reports on Rroma families in Le Havre, who, with the assistance of the collective  “Hébergement, l’urgence c’est maintenant” are being granted accommodation in various communes. Although families are being fragmented, the 64 Rroma, including 44 children, according to Leroy, are rather cheering this. On the 16th of July, the families were evicted from their camp, a plot of the fire brigade of the Eure and had then settled behind the Church of Saint-Augustin.

Piquemal (2013) spoke with Alain Régnier, the person responsible for the access to housing for the homeless or poorly lodged people (Délégation interministérielle à l’hébergement et à l’accès au logement des personnes sans abri ou mal logés; DIHAL). Régnier looking at the politics under Nicolas Sarkozy who applied an extreme security policy towards Rroma, sees a shift towards more constructive approaches. While the inter-ministerial letter from Jean-Marc Ayrault is still far from being applied in its effective principles, it is nevertheless getting some movement. Régnier argues for a differentiated policy towards the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in France: Firstly, one must promote successful integration which improves the often very poor French skills which would facilitate access to education and housing; and on the other hand one has to promote an intelligent, bilateral policy with Romania towards their integration at home itself and also in support of a possible return. He does not see the difficult access to the labour market as the major cause for the lack of integration. In addition, the French population must be better informed about the history and culture of the Rroma. Régnier still sees to many common misconceptions: many still do not know that there is a difference between the “Gens du voyage” and the Rroma. An important part of his job is to deconstruct stereotypes and prejudices and counteract.

Mamère (2013) criticizes the French Rroma policies as being openly racist: both the right and the left parties are, with regards to their treatment of Rroma, very restrictive and undifferentiated. While with right-wing politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi racial prejudice prevails, leading to a denial of individual differences and a stigmatisation of the Rroma population that needs to be disciplined or expelled, politicians of the left as Manuel Valls are driven by a zealous planning policy, which led the Hollande government to an approximate doubling of forced evictions: “Sous prétexte de faire respecter l’Etat de droit, il [Manuel Valls] présente les camps de Roms comme des zones de non-droit […] En utilisant la justice comme arme de sa politique à deux vitesses, il installe dans l’opinion de la gauche et des démocrates l’idée que les Roms sont une catégorie de la population à mettre au ban de la société.” [Under the pretext to enforce the respect of the rights, he [Manuel Valls] presents the Rroma camps like zones without laws. … Using justice as a weapon for his two speed policies, he instils in the opinion of the left and of the democrats the idea that Rroma are a population category that needs to be banned from society.] For Mamère, Rroma are instrumentalised by many politicians, whether from the right or from left, for purposes of policy: They propagate the incompatibility of Rroma life with that of the French. He regards these policies as a historical repetition of past practices of exclusion, especially the stigmatization of Jews from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. Until 1969, the Rroma in France had to carry an anthropometric passport with them. Tthe task of politicians is precisely to allow and ensure the coexistence of different ways of life, and not to suppress it. To this plea of ​​Mamère we fully agree. However, he involuntarily presents cultural difference between Rroma and French, where almost none actually exists: He speaks almost continuously of Rroma as travellers, whereas most of them are not. The French “Gens du voyage” are usually French citizen who do not speak Rromanes.

Hugues (2013) describes the French Rroma policies as a disgrace for a country that sees itself as the cradle of human rights. In recent years, French policies towards Rroma were repeatedly condemned as inhumane by both the UN and the EU. France must seek a rapid paradigm shift, if it does not want to lose its legacy of tolerance. At the end of July 2013, there have been physical attacks on Rroma in which several were seriously injured. The targeted surveillance policies advocated by Estrosi are another step backwards in the effort towards more tolerance and integration as an alternative to repression and expulsion.

Duquesne (2013) also sees the French population policies towards Rroma as increasingly aggressive. At the end of July, two residents of a Rroma camp were seriously injured in an attack by an armed mob of fifteen people in Saint-Denis. The numbers of evictions increase, Estrosi and like-minded want to prevent the accession of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area, which would result in the freedom of movement with the rest of the EU.

Abdul (2013) reportes on a dispute over water in Wissous, in the Essonne department. The Mayor of Wissous, Régis Roy Chevalier, on 6 July 2013, turned off  three of five hydrants that are close to a Rroma camp.. This after the inhabitants of the camp had tapped the hydrants due to lack of a water supply. Thereupon ensued a debate around the question as to whether, in the case of lack of water supply water may be illegally tapped. While green politicians like Marie-Hélène Brelaud describe Roy Chevaliers approach as obscene,  the Social Democrat decidedly does not want to be seen as a sympathizer of right-wing politicians. He sees himself as a representative of the residents of Wissous and whose will he enforces by the means of law: “M. Roy-Chevalier, le maire de Wissous, souhaite „se différencier de toutes ces personnes“. A l’en croire, cette décision ne relève pas de son autorité de maire, mais de celle de la communauté d’agglomération, dont il est vice-président… „Mon premier parti, c’est Wissous. Je sais que certains partis bien-pensants estiment que l’on peut s’occuper des populations en situation illégale avant les autres. Pas moi“, se défend M. Roy-Chevalier.” [ M. Roy Chevalier, Wissous’ mayor wishes “to differenciate himself from all these people”. If he is to be believed, this decision is not a consequence of his mayor’ office, but is the responsibility of the community of agglomeration of which he is the vice-president… “My first party, is Wissous. I know that certain politically correct parties think that one should take care of illegal population first, I don’t”.] With this statement, Chevalier cuts himself away from a humanism that is ready to break the rules when it is for the better of those concerned.

Fouteau (2013) interviewed the French ethnologist Michel Agier, on the question of the relationship between ethnicity and nationalism. Agier sees France policies toward Rroma as part of a state policy that deliberately defines itself in contrast to outsiders, and these outsiders – the Rroma – are consciously exploited for one’s own identity definition. In addition, from the perspective of the nation state, the state’s borders are strengthened by the assignment of clear categories to various population groups. He describes this assignment of clear categories as a dominant act that intentionally generates distance and provides the justification for eventual the deprivation of rights: “Dans le contexte de la mondialisation, les Roms, ou plutôt ceux qui sont désignés comme tels, sont utiles au pouvoir. Au moment où les États-nations périclitent, où la crise économique fragilise les sociétés “occidentales”, les gouvernants ont besoin de ce nom pour créer un dehors. Ils ont besoin de faire croire à leur altérité absolue, de les constituer en étranger ennemi, pour faire exister leurs frontières. Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité, tout comme expulser des Afghans ou reconduire à la frontière des migrants venus d’Afrique.” [In the context of mondialisation, the Rroma, or rather those who are thus labelled, are useful to the power in place. At a time where nation-states are collapsing, where the economical crisis fragilises occidental societies, the rulers need this name to create an outside. The need to make believe in their absolute otherness, to constitute them as foreign foes in other to make their own borders exist. To expulse Rroma is a way to create nationality, exactly as is the expulsion of Afghans or to send back migrants from Africa.] However Agiers analysis does not go far enough, as he considers Rroma only in terms of methodological nationalism. But Klaus-Michael Bogdal has shown in his detailed deconstruction of stereotypes and prejudices against Rroma that these are not a phenomenon of individual nation-states, but a problem of Europe as a whole. But Agier is correct in that it is at the level of national policies that attention these categories exists.

Sources:

  • Abdul, Shahzad (2013) A Wissous, la “chasse à l’eau” des Roms, privés de bornes à incendie par le maire. In: Le Monde online vom 29.7.2013.
  • Duquesne, Pierre (2013) Roms: «Partout, les agressions se multiplient» In: L’Humanité online vom 30.7.2013.
  • Fouteau, Caroline (2013) “Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité” In: Mille Babords online vom 1.8.2013.
  • Hugues (2013) Roms : La France qui fait honte au pays des droits de l’homme! In: Agora Vox online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Lazerges, Christine (2013) Intégrer les Roms requiert du courage politique, In: Le Monde online vom 31.7.2013.
  • Leroy, Vanessa (2013) Les Roms relogés dans l’agglomération du Havre. In: Paris-Normandie online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Mamère, Noël (2013) Les Roms ou la nouvelle question juive. In: Rue 89 online vom 30.7.2013. 
  • Piquemal, Marie (2013) Les tensions envers les Roms sont plus vives en France qu’ailleurs» In: Libération online vom 30.7.2013. 
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26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The Blick (2013) reported on the controversial statement of the mayor of Cholet, Gilles Bourdouleix, who, while visiting an illegal Rroma camp that was to be evicted made a racist remark to. Bourdouleix is reported to have said: “Hitler may not have killed enough of them.” This occurred after he visited the settlement, consisting of around 150 caravans and after a dispute between himself and the residents. The Rroma are reported to have provoked the mayor with the imitation of the Hitler salute. Bourdouleix, however denied having made the remark. According to him, this is word twisting and a subordination of the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest”, which lost processes against Bourdouleix. The Blick adds that the term “Gens du voyage” refers to the Rroma with French nationality whereas the term “Les Roms” is usually associated with Romanian and Bulgarian ethnic Rroma.

Lehnhartz (2013) adds that the leaders of the Alliance Party “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI), to which Bourdouleix belongs, announced his expulsion from the party. The prefect of Loire-et-Marne has strongly condemned the utterance as a “trivialisation of crimes against humanity.” After Bourdouleix accused the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest” of defamation and manipulation, the newspaper published a recording of the comments on their website in order to legitimize their reporting. Bourdouleix was already noticed in previous years due to defamatory statements against travelling Rroma. But perhaps more frightening than Bourdouleix statement, the fact that 30 percents of the respondents or a survey gave him right to highlight the intentional non integration of Roma with his excessive remarks.

Le Point (2013) reported on 24 July that Bourdouleix resigned from the “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI). The UDI party leaders saw themselves forced to unavoidable and immediate measures following the unambiguous Bourdouleix’ words. Jean Arthuis, chairman of the UDI, further criticised Bourdouleix on the fact that he had not subsequently apologized for the remarks. 20 Minutes (2013) notes that the socio-political topic of Rroma remains controversial and could cause gains for parties of the rights in the upcoming municipal elections of March 2014. La Dépêche (2013) adds that Bourdouleix because of the accusation of “Justification of crimes against humanity” risks up to five years in prison and a fine of up to 45,000 euro.

Lafetter (2013) analyses the debates in France in the context of French Rroma policy of recent years. For Lafetter it is obvious that Rroma, who are increasingly living on the street, are the victims of a failed policy. Although the rigorous practice evicting Rroma from informal camps leads to short-term relief of conflicts with local residents, in the long run, it prevents the integration of Rroma. The leftist government does even more evictions than the previous Sarkozy government: “la gauche démantèle plus que la droite, sans pour autant proposer de solution pérenne de relogement. Selon les chiffres récoltés par Philippe Goossens, de l’AEDH (Association européenne pour la défense des droits de l’homme), 5 482 personnes ont été évacuées de force au deuxième trimestre 2013, contre 2 883 au premier trimestre. Un record depuis 2010.” [The left evicts more than the right, without actually proposing alternative lodging solutions. According to numbers gathered by Philippe Goossens of the AEDH, 5 482 people were forcefully evicted in the second quarter of 2013 against 2 883 during the first quarter. A record since 2010.] The evictions are also almost always done in the name of humanity. One deplores the lack of sanitary conditions in the camps or one orders the removal of the settlements for safety reasons. This, however, renders long-term integration, which should be the ultimate goal, even more difficult.

Moreau (2013) reports on the demolition of informal housing in Bordeaux-Bastide. The competent mayor arranged the eviction and subsequent destruction of residential units to make it impossible to re-use. This was done at the request of the residents, who complained about noise, poor hygiene, verbal attacks, pimping and others. The article reproduces without any reflection derogatory views about Rroma, when he cites: “Après un temps de tolérance, au fil des mois, les pétitions de riverains se sont succédé pour dénoncer des nuisances permanentes occasionnées par cette installation précaire : problème d’hygiène, tapages nocturnes et diurnes, voitures ventouses, sentiment d’impunité, agressions verbales, trafics en tout genre, proxénétisme, fumées noires et odeurs toxiques émanant de feux de métaux volés coulés sur place, etc.” [After a time of tolerance, during the month, petitions from neighbours followed one after the other to denounce the permanent nuisances that this precarious occupation generated: hygiene issues, noise day and night, impunity feeling, verbal aggressions, various traffics, pimping, black smoke and toxic fumes from the fires melting stolen metals on the spot, etc.]

Trossero (2013) reported on the eviction of an informal Rroma camp in Marseille. Due to a large police presence, the eviction generated a lot of public attention. Supporters demonstrated against the removal of the dwellings. The police chief of Marseille Jean-Paul Bonnetain, relativised the large police presence: It was not a confrontation but rather a peaceful eviction.

French Rroma organizations criticize in particular the unilateral practice of evictions: Too little land is made available for the Rroma, thus shifting the problems but not solving them.

Lefebvre (2013) discusses the difficult living conditions in an illegal Rroma camp in Roubaix. Because of the lack of water, residents are forced to tap into the adjacent hydrants, which calls attention of the authorities. Several Rroma were therefore already arrested. The lack of safe water also leads to a marked deterioration of sanitary conditions. Georges Voix, of the League for Human Rights stated: “C’est intolérable, ces gens ne peuvent pas vivre dans ces conditions. Les médecins qui interviennent dans le camp prescrivent la plupart du temps pour des maladies de peau dues à un manque d’hygiène. Et pour cause. Avec cette chaleur, la transpiration, la poussière et l’impossibilité de se laver, tout est réuni pour développer des pathologies cutanées.” [It is intolerable, these people cannot live in these conditions. Doctors who intervene in this camp mostly prescribe medication for skin diseases due to the lack of hygiene. With this heat, sweat, dust, the impossibility to wash oneself, everything is there to develop coetaneous pathologies.]

Moga (2013) reported on an informal camp in Strasbourg, in the district of Saint-Gall. The camp existed for over eight years and is home to around 400 Rroma. Now, the camp is to make way for a set of gardens. According to the responsible persons of Strasbourg, a permanent camp was thought about, especially now that voices were raised for the maintenance of the camp. Marie-Dominique Dreyssé, when she took office in 2008 as the person responsible for Social Affairs, she was shocked by the sometimes precarious conditions in the slums. In response, she founded the project “Place 16”, the only legal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, which opened in 2011. Around 130 people live in fixed caravans, almost all from Romania. Place 16 was to be only an interim station for the families until they have successfully built their own business and integrate. But almost all residents of the facility are there since the beginning. One now hope that with the free movement agreements due in early 2014, their access to the labour market will improve. The organization wants to create more camps that are recognized by the state on the model of the “Place 16” camp. The goal is to build in Cronenbourg and in Port du Rhin camps on which the Rroma can build their own houses, using reclaimed wood. However, regular objections from residents of the projected areas are creating a problem.

The French newspaper L’Express (2013) reports on a special art project in the village Bodvalenke in Hungary. On the initiative of one resident, paintings were mounted on the facades of many houses in the village. The subjects of the images cover the Rroma culture, with the aim to attract tourists and at the same time contribute to greater tolerance towards the Rroma. Bodvalenke has no tourist infrastructure, so engaged residents take care of the tourists themselves.

Sources:

  • 20 minutes (2013) Son dérapage sur les Roms risque de lui coûter cher. In: 20 minutes Suisse online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Blick (2013) Bürgermeister sorgt mit Roma-Beschimpfung für Empörung. In: Blick online vom 22.7.2013.
  • La Depêche (2013) Dérapage sur Hitler et les Roms : Bourdouleix menacé de poursuites pénales. In: La Depêche online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lafetter, Anne (2013) Les Roms poussés à la rue. In: Les Inrocks online vom 24.7.2013.
  • L’express (2013) Des fresques artistiques pour aider les Roms. In: L’express online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lehnhartz, Sascha (2013) Bürgermeister hetzt in Frankreich gegen Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gilles Bourdouleix démissionne suite à ses propos sur Hitler et les Roms. In: Le Point online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Lefebvre, Robert (2013) Roubaix: Coup de chaud pour les Roms du quai d’Anvers. In: La Voix du Nord online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Moreau, Florence (2013) Le squat de Roms se vide. In: Sud Ouest online vom 26.7.2013.
  • Moga, Nathalie (2013) Strasbourg : l’impossible camp rom. In: Rue 89 Strasbourg online vom 25.7.2013.
  • Trossero, Denis (2013) Marseille : expulsion de familles Roms, les associations protestent. In: La Provence online vom 24.7.2013. 
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