An article about Rroma risking their lives to get scrap metal from a still burning warehouse highlights the effect of the crisis on at least some of the Rroma minority in that country.
Amnesty International launched an appeal on the international Rroma day on April 8th, denouncing prejudices against Rroma that still prevail in Europe and give rise to violence and exclusion. They specifically cite the Czech Republic, France, and Greece in this appeal.
In October 2012, a Rromni, Paraskevi Kokkoni was savagely beaten by local men in a context of racism and of attacks by rightist extremists against Rroma in that town. Three men were subsequently condemned to 8 months of jail and to a further suspended sentence of three further years.
A petition signed by 82’000 people was handed over to the Greek minister of the interior on March 6th. This petition urges Greece to act decisively against hate crimes.
Amnesty International (2014) reports about the conviction of three men who, for racist reasons, brutally attacked a Rromni and her nephew in Greece. The men were sentenced to prison terms of eighth months each. Amnesty International offered free legal assistance to the victims. Since the economic crisis and euro crisis right-wing extremist groups like the “Chrysi Avgi” party (Golden Dawn) have enjoyed increasing popularity: ““These convictions are only the first step to justice. Equally important is that the court now recognises the racist motive behind this crime,” said Giorgos Kosmopoulos, Amnesty International’s expert on Greece, who observed the trial. Paraskevi Kokoni and her nephew were punched, kicked and beaten with logs by a group of local men while they were out shopping in the town of Etoliko, western Greece. Paraskevi told Amnesty International that she was singled out as a relative of a local Roma leader. The attack took place amid a series of vicious racist raids on Roma families by groups chanting anti-Roma slogans and threats in the same town between August 2012 and January 2013. In a separate case last month, those attacks were attributed to members and supporters of Golden Dawn in Etoliko.” Rroma are largely organised egalitarian. So-called “Rroma leaders”, as they are mentioned in this article, have mainly representative character. In Greece, there are an estimated 200,000 to 300,000 Rroma, according to assessments of the Rroma Foundation. Many of them have education, work, and have their own homes. Rroma belong to all social classes, but are indeed particularly affected by poverty and discrimination.
Sutton (2014) reports on the Rroma community of a suburb of Thessaloniki. According to the author’s opinion, the access to education for the local Rroma is still very limited. Women and girls are particularly affected as they often get married early due to traditional role models, she states. Sutton tries to show the discrimination against Rroma, but also reproduces one-sided stereotypes about the minority, especially by focusing on marginalised Rroma that are, contrary to her assertion, not representative of all Rroma, but rather a visible minority of the minority: “Statistics on Roma women make for depressing reading. They have on average 10 years lower life expectancy than the rest of the EU’s populations, higher infant mortality, less access to healthcare, limited access to information, extremely high levels of illiteracy, far higher rates of addiction, far, far lower rates of employment, voting and education, poorer housing and sanitation. In addition, girls are married off at 13 and generally start having children immediately, most without any knowledge of material health, infant nutrition or how to read. Despite giving birth in hospitals, the medical system doesn’t work on their behalf. Greek doctors don’t inform social services for a 13-year-old Roma girl in labour, even though this is one place where the vicious cycles of bad health, poverty and disempowerment could be broken.”
The continuing discrimination against Rroma as well as role models and traditions that impede or prevent an individual conduct of life are massive problems, which must be decidedly fought. However, the image of Rroma that is conveyed here which portrays them as a mass of uneducated and illiterate persons, who bear children while themselves in childhood, represents only a part of reality. They are visible Rroma, who live mostly in segregated settlements and are therefore easy to reach for statistical surveys or aid organisations. The integrated Rroma, who have good education, belong to all strata of society and also form part of the minority, are hidden by this account. This is problematic, especially when starting from the liberal premise that the life situation of poor people results from a lack of individual initiative, or even connects the characteristics described here in a fallacy with the culture of the Rroma. Poverty and exclusion have nothing to do with the Rroma culture. The general assertion that Rroma girls are married of at the age of 13, applies only to traditional families and certain groups. Many Rroma want a good education for their children and question traditional role models and early marriages. Sutton also implies this, when she asks the portrayed girls about their own wishes for the future. Nevertheless, a more critical and differentiated presentation of the background and the heterogeneity of the minority would have been very appropriate.
Sutton, Ruth (2014) The young Roma women who are changing their communities. In: Open Democracy online vom 8.10.2014. https://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/ruth-sutton/young-roma-women-who-are-changing-their-communities
Kemmos (2014) reports on an attempted eviction of an informal Rroma settlement in Halandri, a suburb of Athens. The Rroma who, according to the journalist, have been living on the private grounds since 40 years, shall now be evicted, following a decision by the ministry of interior. They were offered a site in Megara, a town forty kilometres east of Halandri. However, the inhabitants of the settlement do not want to move voluntarily to the new location. Firstly, the new site is not yet habitable, and on the other hand, they have set up small businesses in Halandri, such as the recycling of metal, and have a social network there. Upon the police’s appearance, the residents reacted by erecting barricades: “But the residents of the camp, supported by the mayor, decidedly resist. Entrenched in the inside, they organise the defence. The demolition operation that was planned for this morning did not take place. Forty residents of the camp of Halandri, located in the northeast of Athens, were able to block the arrival of the police cars by setting up barricades on the main access roads, producing significant traffic congestion at the entrance to the capital. At another entrance of the camp, trash and tires were set on fire, which forced the evacuation teams to make a U-turn.” The further fate of the settlement is still unclear. In Greece, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, there are 200,000 to 300,000 Rroma. Quite a few of them have training, a job, and a flat. Rroma belong to all social classes, but are indeed particularly affected by poverty and discrimination (compare Citizenside France 2014, Okeanews 2014, Press TV).
The latest report by Minority Rights Group International (2014) criticizes the continuing, strong discrimination against members of the Rroma community. For Hungary, the report passes criticism on the lack of protection against racially motivated violence. The perpetrators of a series of murders that brutally killed six Rroma between 2008 and 2009 were only identified and arrested after massive criticism of the initial investigation. The case revealed institutional racism in the Hungarian police. The protection of the Rroma population from parading right-wing groups is also insufficient, criticizes the documentation, for example concerning the parade of right-wing extremists in Gyöngyöspata, in 2011. The Hungarian law enforcement is pervaded by a strong double standard, the report states: Rroma are repeatedly sentenced to harsh prison sentences for acts of violence against ethnic Hungarians, so-called “anti-Hungarian crime”. However, these judgments are disproportionate when compared to the racist actions against Rroma, which are only insufficiently being investigated by the police: “The resistance of the police to considering bias motivation and effectively investigating crimes reported by Roma victims was illustrated by the inadequate official response to the ethnically motivated ‘patrols’ of extremist paramilitary organizations in the village of Gyöngyöspata in 2011, where the local Roma community were subjected to weeks of abuse and intimidation by armed vigilante gangs (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 173). The report regrets the continuing status quo that the Rroma are not or not sufficiently heard in the public discourse. Therefore, it is necessary that the minority gets help by the state or other organizations in combating this discrimination. However, if the state itself reproduces these racisms or tolerates them, little will change in this situation (compare politics.hu 2014).
Concerning Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia, the report criticizes the prevalence of a sexist image towards Rromnja. These are presented as hyper-sexualized and promiscuous in the public debate, giving a racist explanation for the high number of children among certain Rroma. The fact that ahigh numbers of children is a result of poverty and of a lack of education, and therefore also occur among ethnic Romanians, Bulgarians and Slovaks, is completely disregarded. Therefore, a demographic issue that affects society as a whole is portrayed as an ethnic problem and thus underlined with racist reasoning. Particularly problematic are sterilisations that are still performed on Rroma without the consent =. They testify that eugenic thinking continues until today and is even actively pursued (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 29-30).
Regarding Greece, the report criticizes the continued segregation of Rroma children in public schools, which continues despite repeated admonitions by various courts. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in May 2013, that the implementation of a separate Rroma class at the primary school of Sofades constitutes a discrimination of the right to education. This was the third court ruling that condemned segregation of Rroma children in Greece. In addition, the report criticises the right-wing party Chrysi Avgi (Golden Dawn), who repeatedly agitated against Rroma and was involved in numerous violent actions against minorities. The neo-Nazi movement reasons along highly racist arguments. Member of parliament Dimitris Koukoutsis accused the Rroma of genetic criminality (Minority Rights Group International 2014: 169-170).
Several Irish and British newspapers report the results of an investigation by the Irish ombudswoman for Children – Emily Logan – regarding the child removal by Irish authorities. In the two studied cases, children were taken away from their Irish Rroma parents because they were blond, but the parents are dark-haired. After DNA tests confirmed the biological parenthood, the children were returned to their parents. The authorities took away the children last October, shortly after a blonde Rroma girl was removed from a Rroma camp in Greece. The case confirmed racial prejudice of Rroma being child traffickers, but also proved to be unfounded. The Irish prime minister, Enda Kenny, the justice minister Frances Fitzgerald, and the Irish police commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan apologised for the inappropriate behaviour of the Irish authorities. Such an incident should not happen again and one is striving to implement improvements in the training of police officers: “Ms Fitzgerald also met with the families privately and issued a personal apology. “We regret the pain that they went through,” she said. “It happened out of a determination to protect children, but that determination got skewed.” The Government has pledged to implement a range of recommendations – such as cultural training for gardaí and better information-sharing – aimed at ensuring such a mistake does not happen again” (O’Brien 2014). The incident has left a large uncertainty among those affected. A seven-year-old girl, fearing to be taken away from her parents again, has dyed her hair black. The parents of the two-year old albino boy were in a state of shock and despair for a long time. One of the two families has taken legal action against the authorities. The minister of justice meanwhile announced that it was open to a compensation of the families. In a personal statement, the ombudswoman Emily Logan explains the process of her investigation. She comes to the conclusion that the actions of the Irish police officers were prejudiced and clearly guided by ethnic criteria: “After interviewing 42 people and weighing up the information, I concluded that the readiness to believe that Child A, a two-year-old boy, might have been abducted exceeded the evidence available and was tied inextricably to the fact that his family was Roma. Whatever doubts gardaí had in relation to the boy should have been decisively put to rest when his father informed them the toddler had albinism” (Logan 2014). In the case of the seven-year-old, blond Rroma girl, a combination of misinformation by the hospital, where the girl was born, the past experiences of a police officer and again ethnic profiling led to the child’s removal. Logan complains that the officers were asserted in their prejudices by the case of the Greek Rroma girl (compare BBC News 2014, Logan 2014 II/III, Phelan/O’Connor 2014).
The Greek newspaper Greek Reporter reports on a new case of possible child abduction. Neither the authorities nor the journalists seem to have learned anything from the case of the blond Rroma girl Maria. Instead, they continue to set out from racial prejudice and criteria: a begging Rromni in Rhodes is accused to have kidnapped and abused a blonde, blue eyed, male infant that was with her. Prosecutors demand a DNA test as well as a clear proof confirming the woman’s motherhood (compare Zikakou 2014). The idea of Rroma as child traffickers exists since centuries, as critical literary studies have shown. They are the projection of distrust on the Rroma, who just arrived in Europe, and were accused of paganism and a criminal disposition. These prejudices are an expression of uncertainty in contact with a new group of people who through their mere presence question the rigid power structure of medieval society. However, Rroma converted shortly after or even before their arrival in Europe to Christianity and clearly demonstrated their willingness to integrate.
The custody to the blonde, Bulgarian Rroma girl Maria, who caused headlines around the world last year, has been awarded to the Greek charity Smile of the Child. Maria had been taken from a Greek Rroma couple by the authorities, because she did not appear to be the biological child of the dark-skinned couple. The story fuelled racist ideas about Rroma as child traffickers that were deliberately fomented worldwide. As it turned out afterwards, her biological parents, a Bulgarian Rroma couple, gave Maria to the Greek Rroma, due to extreme poverty. The incident also triggered a debate on racial assessment criteria among the authorities, because Maria had been identified and removed from the family solely because of her appearance. It is biologically possible that dark-skinned parents give birth to fair-skinned children. The foster parents were deprived of custody by the Greek court. Soon they will be charged with child trafficking. According to the welfare organisation, the biological parents have not submitted an application for the return of their daughter. Representatives of the Bulgarian consulate had requested that Mary should be transferred to a Bulgarian care facility, which was rejected by Greece. The Greek charity, which now is adjudicated the right of custody to the girl, also circulated racist stereotypes: “In comments that went around the world, the head of Smile of the Child told the media that he believed Maria was “either sold at maternity, or later abducted, for other … begging, they use these children for begging, or later for prostitution, or, even worse, for selling for other purposes” (Neos Kosmos 2014). Despite the rectification of the case by the biological mother of Maria, who stated to have left her daughter out of sheer poverty in Greece, strong reservations towards Rroma as traffickers remain. This can be read in the comments section of the article from The Daily Mail, which is teeming with racist views (compare Die Welt/AFP 2014, Hall 2014, Savaricas 2014, Wareing 2014).
On the occasion of the upcoming European parliamentary elections, the Pew polling institute examined the opinions of the French, Germans, Greeks, Italians, Poles, Spanish, and English about the European Union, as well as on general social topics. The opinion research institute came, among others, to the finding that Rroma are the most despised minority in Europe, with prejudices in Italy, France and Greece being the greatest: “The most negative views in Europe aren’t directed toward Muslims or Jews. Rather, it’s Roma. [The] chart is really quite remarkable, showing that Spain is the only nation where more people hold positive views of Roma than negative. In Italy, just 10 percent have positive views about Roma, while 85 percent have negative views. Unfortunately, it’s not entirely surprising. Roma, often dismissively referred to as “gypsies” in Europe, have suffered discrimination in Europe for centuries, and some estimates suggest that 70 percent of their European population was killed during the Holocaust.” The study can also be interpreted as meaning that in countries with strong ideological debates about the minority, more people rejecting. Moreover, in the countries with the highest rejection – Italy and France – the media only report about Rroma living in Slums, which promotes a biased view.
The soon to be published special report by the Irish Obudswoman for children, Emily Logan, identifies ethnic profiling in the context of the child removals in October of last year. In response to case of the blond Rroma-girl Maria in Greece who taken into care, in Ireland, two child removals also took place. These were based on racist criteria: The children who were removed were light-skinned and blonde and had dark-skinned, dark-haired parents. That this is genetically possible, though not frequent, was completely neglected. The Rroma parents were rather subordinated to a general suspicion of child trafficking, which is another racial prejudice. DNA tests confirmed the legitimate parenthood of the children taken away. The Irish justice minister admitted the issues in the child removals, but portrayed the circumstances of the removals in a rather belittling fashion: “On occasions people . . . adapt stereotypical images of individuals from minority communities [and] don’t always behave in a manner that’s appropriate,” Mr Shatter said. “Indeed on occasions [they] will jump to conclusions that the basic factual background does not warrant, had they been dealing with individuals who were perhaps born in Ireland and whose families had been in Ireland going back many generations,” he said” (compare Duncan 2014, Irish Examiner 2014, Irish Independent 2014, Newstalk 2014, O’Doherty 2014).
Tzafalias (2014) reports on the candidacy of the Greek and Muslim Rromni Sabiha Suleiman for the European Parliament. Suleiman runs for the left-wing opposition party Syriza, but was dropped from the list again shortly after her nomination. The reasons for her being dropped, Suleiman Tzafalias describes as driven by ethnic disputes: Dimitris Christopoulos, who actively championed for the removal of Suleiman, referred to the supremacy of the Turkish Muslims in the region: “Suleiman’s candidacy would be a show of support for nationalism in an area of Greece which is plagued by it, to the detriment of those Greek Muslims who define themselves as ethnically Turkish. He [Christopoulos] even said that the Muslim minority in Thrace is a “unified Turkish thing”, and – initially – made no mention of those Muslims who define themselves as Roma or Pomak, a Slav-speaking ethnic group. […] Suleiman, who defines herself as a Greek Roma Muslim woman, said all this was happening because the Turkish consulate in Thrace was targeting her, as they wanted to ensure that the Muslim Roma were absorbed into the Turkish minority.” The case described by Tzafalias is a prime example of what is known in the social sciences as “intersectionality”: the simultaneous membership to different groups and the associated special features and difficulties. To better understand the case of Thrace, Tzafalias refers to the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923. As a result of the demise of the Ottoman Empire, two million people should be exchanged between Greece and the newly founded Turkey: the Muslim Greeks to Turkey and the Christian-Turks to Greece. The Rroma are still caught in the crossfire of political efforts to homogenize ethnic states. A worrying development (compare Wordbulletin News 2014).
Pastural (2014) reports – on the occasion of the European free movement of workers with Romania and Bulgaria since January 2014 – about possible improvements in the access of Rroma to the French labour market. However, this is not the case. The access to the labour market for the low-skilled Rroma workers remains very difficult: “Full of experience as a result of working in agriculture or construction in Greece and Italy, Ionut Nica waited impatiently for the end of the transitional arrangements, towards the access of Romanian nationals to the labour market of the Schengen area. Since January 2014, Ionut has the right to work. “There was a tremendous hope on the part of Mr. Nica, who expected this splendid date of the month of January as if it would change his whole life”, laments Florence Marrand, social worker at the medical-social establishment of the Conseil général of Puy-de-Dôme, who advises Ionut Nica regularly for a little over one year. “Today, he is deeply disappointed. Certainly, he was able to enrol at the job centre, he could enrol at the work-assistant mission, he was able to answers vacancies. But nothing has changed specifically, absolutely nothing…“ It is to hope that Pastural is wrong with his portrayal of two individual cases, and the inclusion of immigrant Rroma into the labour market will enhance. At the latest, when the effects of the economic crisis are finally gone. One problem is, according to Pastural, the lack of resources to improve ones qualifications, and thus the appeal for the labour market.
Many newspapers chronicle the report published by Amnesty International on April the 8th, the International Rroma Day, which accuses the social discrimination against Rroma. Amnesty International comes to a grim conclusion in regard to the social integration of the minority: the Rroma in Europe are still highly marginalized, the political will to foster them is often deficient and hate crimes against the minority are all too often re-interpreted as a lack of willingness to integrate: “The violent offenders are encouraged by the passive attitude of the governments, which accept a systematic discrimination against the Roma silently”, notes Çalışkan [German secretary general of AI]. “Instead of resolutely opposing violence and discrimination, many European politicians even fuel the notion that Roma are responsible for their own exclusion. Such statements by high-ranking politicians encourage further violence in society and are a distortion of the facts. The current situation of many Roma can be traced back to the years of disregard for the rights of Europe’s largest minority” (Amnesty International 2014/IV). – “In its report, Amnesty urges national governments in Europe [and the European Union] to condemn hate crimes and to clarify that racist acts will not be tolerated. Among other things, the human rights activists propose to collect data and publish data on hate crimes” (Kalkhof 2014). There follows an analysis of the status quo of the minority in the Czech Republic, France and Greece. In all three countries, the defamation of the Rroma is still massive, the report states. While right-wing extremist groups in the Czech Republic rally against the ethnic group, in France the already mentioned discourse of a supposedly lacking will to integrate dominates the debate. This view totally ignores the exclusion of the minority in the sense of a repressive, nationalist governance. If the Rroma are not given any opportunity to integrate, they cannot, no matter how hard they try. Especially worysome is the repression on Rroma exerted by state institutions. This includes both governments and their measures taken against the minority, as well as executive institutions such as the police and the judiciary. Romani Rose describes the voting share of 21% of the openly Rroma-hostile Jobbik party as a “danger signal for Europe” to no longer passively accept discrimination against the Rroma (Amnesty International 2014/I, Amnesty International 2014/II, Amnesty International 2014/III, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2014, Joerin 2014, Kalkhof 2014, Süddeutsche Zeitung 2014).
Yaron Matras, the author of the recently published book “I Met Lucky People: The Story of the Romani Gypsies”, talks in his latest article in the Guardian about the social perception and role of the Rroma in Great Britain. Simple employees, such as the hairdresser of a friend of the author, are said to be complaining about the greater economic competition from immigrants such as the Rroma. In this economically motivated racism, Rroma are wrongly equated with Romanians and commonly used stereotypes about Rroma are strengthened: “Romanians are equated with Roma – hence the association with caravans and the shyness to appear politically incorrect. […] It is the image of Roma on our streets that triggers an emotional reaction, more so than the thought of just any citizen from new EU member states arriving at a job centre in Basingstoke or Leeds. It was the Roma who were singled out last November by the deputy prime minister as “intimidating” and “offensive” in their behaviour. Unfounded allegations that Roma were kidnapping children in Greece and Ireland didn’t help either.“ The really important question – and here Matras is absolutely right – is not how to bring the Rroma to integrate themselves, but how to manage to change the incorrect notions of the majority society about the Rroma. Because if the Rroma are given the opportunity to integrate – what in most countries is only possible very limited so far – they will doubtlessly do it.
Roumpis (2014) paints a bleak picture of the social situation of Rroma in Greece: Segregated schools, growth of extreme right-wing groups, maintenance of pejorative stereotypes and harsh economic conditions make life for many Rroma in Greece an unhappy thing. The prejudice against the minority wad additionally fuelled by the media hype around the blonde Rroma girl Maria. Also, a conservative public accuses the Rroma to burden social welfare: “In Sofades, a town of 6,000 that’s evenly divided between Roma and “balamos” — what Roma call white Greeks — many Roma live in unheated, barely fitting houses made of asbestos, stone and zinc. Although they patronize local Greek-owned shops, they aren’t welcome in cafes and bars. […] Greece’s financial crisis has made matters worse. Many Roma families receive financial assistance for low-income households and having more than three children, an issue that has bred resentment.”
The human rights organization Human Rights Watch (2014) published is “World Report 2014” on the discrimination of the Rroma in the European Union. The report notes that the Rroma are still victims of massive exclusion. They are the main victims of the significant increase in right-wing policies and politicians, together with immigrants and homosexuals. For Germany, this means that Rroma migrants are being confronted with strong prejudices and that the deportation practices do not verify the conditions and discrimination in countries of origin like the Kosovo. France has set a new record in evictions during 2013: around 13,000 Rroma were evicted from their informal settlements during the period of January to September. In Greece, Human Rights Watch critiques the continuing segregation of Rroma in public schools. Additionally, the Rroma are being illegally persecuted and monitored by the authorities. For Croatia, the organisation criticised the exclusion of Rroma from public institutions such as schools, hospitals and social institutions. In Romania, the Rroma are still victims of numerous evictions and are generally disadvantaged in public life. A particularly bad assessment befalls Hungary, when it comes to the integration of Rroma. The report notes: “Roma were faced also last year with discrimination and harassment. The mayor of the city Ozd in northern Hungary separated Roma settlements with an estimated 500 families from the public water network. In January, the European Court of Human Rights judged Hungary guilty of discriminating two Rroma students, because the authorities had placed them in special schools. In July, the court upheld the decision of a prohibition on the Hungarian Guard, an extremist group agitating against Jews and Rroma. In August, a Budapest court convicted four men for murder, who had been involved in racist attacks in the years 2008 and 2009, in which six Roma had been killed, including a child.” As long as the economic conditions in Europe remain poor, the Rroma face an unfavourable fate. They are the first to suffer from social ills. It is much to be hoped that the bad tradition of centuries-old discrimination against the minority will soon be consigned to history.
Metro News (2014) examines the role of torture against minorities based on a publication of the organization Action des Chrétiens pour l’ abolition de la Torture (2014). The Rroma in Hungary continue to be victims of the actions of paramilitary, right-wing extremist groups, with the authorities alarmingly often closing their eyes to injustices: „Quant aux Roms qui ont subi des violences, ils n’ont quasiment aucune chance d’obtenir justice même quand ils disposent de certificats médicaux attestant leurs blessures. Les policiers refusent généralement d’enregistrer leur témoignage ou n’examinent pas sérieusement la plainte qu’ils ont déposée. De la même façon, les juges montrent de la mauvaise volonté à instruire ces affaires.“ [As for Rroma who are victims of violence, they have almost no chances to obtain justice, even when they have medical proofs of their wounds. The policemen generally refuse to register their testimonies or do not follow seriously the complaint they have registered. In similar fashion, the judges show bad will to instruct such complaints.] In Greece, 20 % of the victims of violence by the authorities are Rroma, although they represent only 3.58% of the population. The number of crimes motivated by racial hatred against Rroma has also increased in Greece.
Laur (2014) explores the street prostitution in Basel. Again, as told earlier about the now closed Zurich Sihlquai, the prostitutes are said to be of mainly Rroma origin. How the author got this information remains unclear. Rroma are a minority of about 800,000 to a million members in Hungary. The identification of ethnic membership is anything but easy, as the case of the blond Rroma girl in Greece has shown. Furthermore, not all members of the minority speak Rromanes. The Rroma membership of the portrayed women has therefore to be critically questioned. Laur states: “Many of these prostitutes come from Hungarian Rroma families. They are usually prepared early for their future profession. An evil fate and yet they appear externally unbroken on the road in Basel [ … ] . None of them moans, not feeling victimized. They do sex work because they see no alternative.” Discussions about Rroma and prostitution are often performed in conjunction with terms such as clan structures or forced prostitution. By stating that it is poverty that leads the portrayed women into prostitution, Laur may be closer to the reality than the estimates of support agencies and the authorities. These ascribe the prostitutes usually a victim status, which neglects the factor of poverty: “As you sell your muscle strength, you can also sell your body”, says Peter Thommen, a bookseller at Rheingasse and connoisseurs of the scene. To get upset about it or to moralize doesn’t bring anything. But he finds the prices scandalous, they are much too cheap. Exploitation can be found in other industries such as in the construction industry or in agriculture too. Furthermore, there is a lot less excitement than about prostitution, while the scandal is in fact the same.” However, when seeing prostitution as a form of work, one should be cautious not to trivialize dangers as the infection with deadly diseases and psychological damages.
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