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05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
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28.06.2013 Human Trafficking, Rroma, and Switzerland

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The Swiss TV (2013) interviewed Jean-Luc Vez, Director of the Federal Office of Police (Fedpol). According to Fedpol’s Annual Report 2012, during the year, 5’055 reports of human trafficking were logged. According Vez, the clear increase in reports is due to the introduction of the witness protection program for victims of human trafficking. According to the report, 69% of those affected are from Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria and are members of the Rroma minority.

Source:

  • Schweizer Fernsehen (2013) Menschenhandel – es kommt Licht ins Dunkel. In: Schweizer Fernsehen online vom 25.6.2013. 
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28.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany and Austria

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In a long article, Carstens (2013) reports on the Romania trip of the Berlin district councillor Franziska Giffey. He tries to present a detailed picture of the situation on the ground, but he fails due to his preconceived belief that all Rroma want to move to Germany. He describes the representatives of the Romanian village Cojasca as caricatures but who are ultimately only interested in profit through economic relations with Germany. The mayor of Cojasca, according to Carsten, tries first to get Giffeys to agree to finance a factory with German money, then switches to asking for funds for the local school canteen and ends with offering his services in Germany as a translator. Carsten’s bottom line reasoning is simple: children’s allowances and benefits in Neukölln and in general in Germany are so high when compared with the low income in Romania, so that it provides essential stimulus for migration wherever poverty exists. He may not be wrong, but he oversimplifies the complexity of transnational migrations. He neglects questions about social cohesion of groups and communities, does not ask anything about the history of the Rroma in Romania, does not question the Romanian and German migration policies. If migration is considered only from an economical perspective as this often happens and is also Carsten’s view, questions about social integration, historicity, the role of individuals and the power of political discourse are simply neglected. Poverty migration exists, but it is not nearly as one-dimensional as Carsten’s represent it: It also takes courage to leave one’s own home behind and to travel to another country whose language you do not speak properly. Transnational relations are formed more or less depending on the structures of the participating countries and the possibilities of the involved persons. He who upholds the rules of the free market and therefore the freedom of workers should be self-critical, if he / she sees the new residents of a given country as poverty migrants from other countries who actually come as bearers of wealth and expertise. The reality is more than the just visible on the surface and certainly not just an intellectual construct.

Dernbach (2013) points out in her article the widespread pejorative views about Rroma. On the occasion of the presentation of Markus End’s findings “antiziganism – the state of research and the counter-strategies” she discusses the situation of Rroma in Germany. End points out that the stereotypes are still strong in the minds of the masses and that the thematising violence and discrimination against Rroma usually only is put in relation to events in Eastern Europe and not in their own country.

End (2013) points out in his publication about strong grievances regarding media coverage and the public abuse of Rroma. There is almost no research which focuses on antiziganism, the regulation of the press provides insufficient protection against discrimination, politicians can even make derogatory or racist remarks against Rroma without any consequences. Broad sections of the population continue to exhibit strong prejudices against Rroma, such as the belief that Rroma tend to criminality. Based on those views, discriminatory acts against Rroma occur regularly and these are seldom followed upon.

Hämerle (2013) spoke with the Romanian President Basescu on the relationship between Romania and the European Union. The conversation also covered the role of Rroma. Basescu stated: “There are virtually no problems with Romanians who emigrated, the whole debate revolves around the economic migration of the Rroma. But the Western states dare not to say this, which is why they prefer to talk about problems with Romanian immigrants. We will then make progress when they openly admit: Yes, the Rroma minority is causing problems, and we need to resolve this.” Regarding this point, Basescu seems to be poorly informed about the German, French and English media. There, this is in fact treated exactly as a Rroma  problem or question. Basescu sees a reluctance of Romanian Rroma to use existing educational opportunities. Combined with the significant differences in wealth between Germany and Romania, the raises the economic migration question. To solve this migration and to better integrate the Rroma needs a pan-European solution.

Gottschlich (2013) reports on the efforts of the North Rhine Westphalia Interior Minister Ralf Jäger to better integrate the Rroma in the cities of the province. The federal government is also required to get involved, as signing of the Schengen Agreement on the free movement of persons resulted in increased migration and in the concentration of migrants in individual cities. Specifically, he called for the safeguarding of health care and the promotion of school enrolment. But efforts in the countries of origin such as Romania and Bulgaria are required.

Sources:

  • Carstens, Peter (2013) Willkommen im Roma-Dorf. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 26.6.2013. 
  • Dernbach, Andrea (2013) Sinti und Roma beklagen Vorurteile. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 27.6.2013.
  • End, Markus (2013) Antiziganismus. Zum Stand der Forschung und der Gegenstrategien. In: Mediendienst Integration online vom 28.6.2013.
  • Gottschlich, Peter (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung: Innenminister Ralf Jäger will Städten helfen. In: RP online vom 24.6.2013.
  • Hämmerle, Walter (2013) «Ja, Roma werden diskriminiert» In: Wiener Zeitung online vom 27.6.2013. 
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21.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Kuhn (2013) discusses the letter of Duisburg’s office for foreigners which asked Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants for proof of the legality of their residency in Germany. When the criteria for legal residency are not met, the recipients are threatened with forced expulsion. After three months residency, EU citizens must certify that as they are employees, self-employed or working in a vocational training program. If they do not meet these criteria, they can be expelled. The city administration is defending itself and insists this is not designed against Bulgarian or Romanian Rroma. Critics see the increased scrutiny on immigrants as part of the political disputes over the feared mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria.

Source:

  • Kühn, Oliver (2013) „Illegale Abschiebungen“ von Roma – Linke attackiert Ausländerbehörde. In: Der Westen vom 18.6.2013. 
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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Mouillard / Piquemal (2013) report on the whereabouts of persons displaced from their Rroma camp in Lille. 200 families lived there until last week. The mayor justified the eviction with the statements that the situation in the camp had become unbearable. Both the sanitary conditions, as well as the aggressive begging, prostitution and unsustainable behaviour of the inhabitants of the camps had made the eviction necessary according to Martine Aubry. A circular from the government from 12 August 2012 defines the exact procedures of such an evacuation. This includes the construction of sanitation facilities for displaced people and securing the supply of water and other necessities. Mouillard / Piquemal criticise the caricature representation of Rroma from the authorities.

In Villeneuve d’Ascq, after a series of burglaries, on arrived at a pogrom like situation of the initiated by residents who protested against the presence of Rroma. The Mayor of Villeneuve d’Ascq sees the socio-political situation in his district as poisoned by the presence of Rroma and relativises the humanitarian perspective identifying them as victims of exclusion and racism: “Citoyens européens roumains et bulgares, ils ne sont pas des réfugiés qui fuient une guerre ou une dictature mais des populations qui arrivent, s’installent n’importe où, construisent n’importe quoi, sans respect d’aucune loi ou règlements. Ils n’habitent pas Villeneuve d’Ascq. Ils s’y installent sans droit ni titre.“ [European citizen from Romania or Bulgaria, they are not refugees fleeing a war or a dictature but populations who arrive, settle anywhere, build anything, without any respect to laws and regulations. They do not live in Villeneuve d’Ascq. They settle there without rights.] He calls for better distribution or Rroma in the distribution between communes and for a nationally organised Rroma policy.

The assistant to the mayor of Strasbourg presents a differentiated position. She fought for the establishment of well equipped temporary housing options. Around 150 families live in caravans in the camp behind Strassburg’s train station. This costs the government around 200,000 euro per year. The mayor of Gardanne, Roger Meï, seized the initiative and built accommodation on a former mining area. Meï sees his action as a counterpoint to the national policies and visions that are seldom followed by concrete action: “On est fiers de ce qu’on a fait. François Hollande a dit il y a quelques mois qu’il ne devait pas y avoir d’expulsion sans solution de relogement, de belles paroles. Nous, on a agi “ [We are proud do what we die. François Hollande said a few months ago, that there should be no expulsions without more permanent lodging solutions. Pretty words. We acted.]

The Assistant Minister of Social Affairs of Bordeaux, Alexandra Siarri, is outraged by the simplifications in the representations of the situation: Either say you that France can’t afford to integrate Rroma and they have to leave, or one sees them as victims to be saved. The situation around the evictions of Rroma camps in France remains a politically charged issue that is abused for electoral purposes and the people of the country are being sensitised about Rroma. The danger is in a strong negative representation with disparaging views towards the Rroma, which is taking place in the French media, representing Rroma almost exclusively in the form of delinquency and poverty.

Nahoum-Grappa (2013) thematise the various forms of racism against the Rroma in Europe. While in Greece, extreme-right parties have gained during the economic crisis and act with physical violence against foreigners and minorities, in France, the evacuation of illegal has become a status quo. This is especially a view from outside that dominates the media and public image, less than concrete knowledge about the life of Rroma in the camps. Nahoum-Grappa takes a clear position against the regulatory practices that she feels are inhuman and anachronistic, and are a form of socially sanctioned state racism. She notes: “Brûler, écraser, massacrer tout cela sous les yeux d’une famille que l’on met à la rue, et ce à chaque fois qu’ils reconstruisent, c’est une pratique barbare d’avant la démocratie. Mise à la rue, la famille traîne avec ballots et enfants. Le corps de la mère reste le seul habitat de l’enfant tout petit. Les hommes et les vieux, le blanc des yeux jaune, tournent dans la jungle de la ville: tous vivent dans un temps historique d’avant l’idée d’égalité.” [Burn, crush, massacre, all under the eyes of a family that is thrown to the street, and this every time they rebuild, is a barbarous practice predating democracy. On the street, the family errs with children and bags. His mother body remains the only housing for a small child. The men and the old ones, the white of their eyes turning yellow, walk around in the city jungle: all live in historic times from before the idea of equality.]

Francetv (2013) reported a Rroma slum in Marseille. The settlement is generating protests by local residents and, according to right-wing politicians, threatens the social peace. A media tempest was caused by a government advisor Didier Réaul, who called on Twitter for physical violence against the Rroma. He had asked for Molotov cocktail to be thrown on the illegal camps. The UMP deputies Guy Teissier described the camp as well as the many other France as a social powder kegs. If no solid measures are to be taken soon, the National Front will get massive increase in votes in the next elections.

Sources :

  • Francetv (2013) Un élu marseillais UMP prône la violence contre les Roms. In: Francetvinfo vom 8.6.2013.
  • Mouillard, Sylvain/ Piquemal, Marie (2013) Roms : quand les mairies expérimentent des solutions concrètes. In: Libération vom 11.6.2013.
  • Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique (2013) Le traitement actuel des Roms est celui d’une Europe oublieuse de ses crimes. In: Le Monde vom 11.6.2013. 
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31.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Peters (2013) informs about the fate of Nizaqete Bislimi, a “poverty migrant” from South Eastern Europe, who now works as a lawyer. It addresses the different facets of her life, such as the difficulty to openly stand by her Rroma origin. She notes: “I’m not going to adjust my life. […] I did not want to be a Gypsy woman, I felt ashamed. […] When I confessed it once to a girl friend she said that: You? But you’re clean! And good in school!” Peters shows the bias contained in the politicians’ reasoning such as for example Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich: They distinguish only between economically interesting, elite-migrants and poverty immigrants. That the transitions between these two extremes is continuous and that poverty immigrants can improve their attractiveness to the labour market, is not taken into account in this simplistic views. There follows a detailed description of the regulatory hurdles that Bislimi had to overcome to study law and get a residence permit. The statistics on the predicted povertymigration are to be taken with caution: for example, the number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria from 2007 to 2011 passed “from 64,000 in 2007 to 147,000 in 2011 more than doubling” but this number ignores thousands of seasonal workers, According to Peters even up to two-thirds. In addition, 20.9 percent of the Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants have a college degree, a proportion higher than the one of the majority population in Germany, which is at 18.1 percent.

At the end of the article Bislimi confirms the issue raised by Contact Point Rroma on visible and invisible Rroma and the reduction of Rroma identity around poverty: “I personally know of lecturers at universities, students, entrepreneurs, doctors. But most do not identify themselves as Roma, fearing old stigmata, from which they want to especially to protect their children.”

Gürgen (2013) discusses the work of the regional office for job training, integration and democracy (RAA). The organisation is committed to the successful integration of immigrant children in German schools, the focus currently lying on immigrated Rroma children. After initial reservations, especially on the teachers’ side, the work of the organisation is now broadly recognised and brings a lot of positive experiences. The aim is to successfully mediate between immigrant families and public schools. On the families’ side, according to the project spokeswoman Susanna Ismailovic, there are deeply rooted reservations about state institutions. A positive fact is that all the active auxiliary teachers speak Rromanes.

Walther (2013) speaks about two “invisible Rroma” who have successfully studied political science and subsequently spent two months at the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) in Flensburg. The two young Rroma are a stark contrast to the usual stereotypes and image of Rroma propagated in the debate on poverty immigrants: They are not poor, uneducated, work-shy and criminal but hard-working and intelligent. Diana Iuliana Pirjol and Aleksandar Marinov come from a humble background in Romania and Bulgaria. They emphasise that their families support them in their efforts and see education as a valuable resource. Regarding the anti-Rroma policies in Western and Eastern Europe, Aleksandar Marinov states, “We have no national state, to which we can feel connected, and must rely on the support of the government.” This really simple fact has been lost on many European government so far.

Sources:

  • Gürgen, Malene (2013) Pilotprojekt für Roma. In: Neues Deutschland vom 31.5.2013.
  • Peters, Freia (2013) Die Roma, die unbedingt nach oben wollte. In: Die Welt vom 30.5.2013.
  • Walther, Antje (2013) Den Roma auf der Spur. In: Flensburger Tageblatt vom 28.5.2013. 
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17.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schupelius (2013) is critical of the “Action Plan for the integration of foreign Roma” proposed by the Senator for Integration Dilek Kolat (SPD). Kolat worked together with several research groups in recent months to define steps for a successful integration of immigrant Rroma. Among the recommended measures one finds tenant counselling, promoting enrolment of Rroma children in school, prevention of violence and the psychological support for prostitutes. The action plan will very likely not be implemented due to lack of funds. Schupelius criticized the months of work of the working groups under Kolat, whose catalogue of measures, being obvious, does not justifythe required research time.

RBB (2013) reports on the planned shelter for 22 Rroma families in Berlin-Charlottenburg. Because the owner of the designated property does not share the politicians’ plans, the projected emergency housing did not come to be. The Integration Commissioner Monika Lüke accused the leaders to have acted clumsily in selecting the locality and to have presented the decision to the district authorities as a fait accompli.

Krampitz (2013) discusses the work of Duisburg’s pastor Dieter Herberth. He works for the successful integration and acceptance of immigrant Rroma. He sees the immigrants from Southeast Europe as poverty migrants who see no future in their homeland. Those who find any work, even modestly paid, tend to stay in their country. He sees the idea that immigration exists solely to benefit from social services social funds as flawed. “Only people in difficult social circumstances come to NRW (North Rhine Westphalia).” Herberth requests the residents more tolerance towards Rroma. Integration does not happen overnight. The immigrants are often members of Gurbets group who is be particularly discriminated against in Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary.

Steeger (2013) gives information on a Rroma celebration in Neukölln. The “Herdelezi”, a festival in honour of Saint George and the patron saint of Rroma, was celebrated with lots of music and enthusiasm. It was organized by the youth organization Foro Amaro, an organisation where Rroma and Gadje are working together and committed to a tolerant, non-racist society. Herdelezi is celebrated by both Muslim and Orthodox Christian Roma all over the Balkan.

Sources:

  • Krampitz, Martin (2013) Pfarrer wirbt um Verständnis für Roma in Duisburg-Bergheim. In: Der Westen vom 13.5.2013.
  • RBB (2013) Notaufnahme für Roma-Familien nicht in Charlottenburg. In: RBB online vom 14.5.2013.
  • Schupelius, Gunnar (2013) Pläne für Roma-Familien sind unbezahlbar. In: BZ Berlin vom 12.5.2013.
  • Steeger, Gesa (2013) Balkan-Pop gegen Vorurteile. In: TAZ vom 12.5.2013. 
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10.05.2013 Rroma in the UK

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Kann (2013) deconstructs the widespread myths about the Rroma commonly found in the British media. He ironically notes at the beginning that they, the Rroma, all have huge weddings, live in caravans and are constantly thinking of a migration to England to live at the expense of social welfare, and defines these views as being a media myth. Most of the 300,000 British Rroma are sedentary. The nomadism normally ascribed to them may partly be a cultural trait, but, but is mainly the consequence of seasonal work and of political persecution. There is also a rampant myth that they are intentionally unemployed based on the fact that they do not like to work and that they are not willing to learn. Kann contrasts these stereotypes with Rroma success stories of artists and academics. Rroma are even statistically under-represented in British prisons. British media is also confusing Irish Travellers with Kale Rroma. While the Irish Travellers came in 19th Century to England as well as after the Second World War due to the thriving construction industry, the Kale-Rroma are in UK since the 16th Century. A second and third wave of immigrants arrived after the end of the Soviet bloc and later with the establishment of the European Community. It was never a mass migration, as claimed by polemical media. Rroma are not a burden on the British welfare but an asset for the British society.

During May and June, the English “Community Channel” will report on the life of Rroma and Travellers in the UK. The reports will document and portray both ordinary people as well as celebrities from literature, art and science (Community Channel, 2013).

Jay (2013) of the Daily Mail reports on the plans of the European MEPs Jean Lambert to better link immigrants to social and health care. This is in contrast to the plans of Prime Minister David Cameron, who wants to cut social assistance for immigrants. The somewhat racist article by Martin Jay begins with the generalizing statement: “A Green Party MEP is demanding that immigrants who come to Britain to beg and commit crimes should be guaranteed the right to full state benefits and even be provided with police protection.” The author this unjustly assumes that all immigrants only come to the UK to beg and steal. Somewhat later, his statement on hordes of Rroma, particularly women who harass people on the street, can only be described as sheer racism. Jay says: “In particular, she [Jean Lampert] wants the hoards [sic; hordes] of Roma Gypsies – in particular the women – who illegally harass people on the streets of central London to ‘not be excluded’ from social security benefits as ‘undocumented migrants.” That such defamatory statements can be made under the label of freedom of expression is a scandal and shows a total lacks of respect for people. Later, Jay mixes, the terms “illegal immigrant” and “migrant” and finally equates them. He conjures the picture of a mass immigration of 50,000 Romanians and Bulgarians per year up as soon as the freedom of movement comes into force, referring to forecasts from Migration Watch. These migrants, it is suggested, would draw social benefits. This article has nothing to do with objective journalism. It is an affront to all members of minorities and supporters of humanism.

Source:

  • Community Channel (2013) Gypsy Roma Traveller Season: Highlights. In: Community Channel (UK) vom 10.5.2013.
  • Jay, Martin (2013) Roma gypsies should be guaranteed cash hand-outs and police protection, claims London MEP. In: Mail One vom 7.5.2013.
  • Kann, Alex (2013) 5 Big Fat Myths about Gypsies, Travellers and Roma. In: The Independent vom 9.5.2013. 

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26.04.2013 The Rroma, the EU and the Freedom of Movement

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Plüss (2013) reports on the plans of several EU member states – and also of Switzerland – to restrict the movement of persons in Europe. This freedom of movement allowed people, so far without a work permit, to settle in another state and to pursue an occupation and to a certain extent receive social benefits. The EU criticized the plans of Germany, Austria, the UK and the Netherlands, who want to clamp down on so-called poverty immigrants from Eastern Europe. From the perspective of the relevant EU Commission, mass immigration is a politicised perception of the concerned countries, but not a statistical reality in itself. The EU also has been working for several years on its own strategy to prevent the feared Westwards migration from Eastern Europe. It strives to better integrate ethnic groups such as Rroma in their home countries. However, many involved parties question the success of these ventures.

Kopeinig / Kramar (2013) report on a heated atmosphere on this debate in Berlin and Vienna. The interior ministers of Germany, Austria, the UK and the Netherlands complain about the abuse of the welfare by poor immigrants, who are frequently Rroma. The ministers of Germany and Austria, Hans-Peter Friedrich and Johanna Mikl-Leitner are currently in the middle of an election campaign and thus request in this regard a clear distinction between the treatment of nationals and immigrants. Even the conservative press in the UK warns against a mass immigration of Rroma from Eastern Europe, an immigration whose factuality is but hard to establish. In addition, the one-dimensional abuse of social welfare that is talked about is to be questioned. The contexts behind such migration as well as the sources and facts of the migration numbers are too little discussed.

In the still ongoing debate in Germany about the feared mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria, the first concrete actions are being taken. Berlin’s integration commissioner Monika Lüke confirmed the plans of the capital to provide emergency shelter for up to 100 homeless immigrants. The city government wants to forestall the exploitation of immigrants by landlords, respectively prevent them from their questionable practices of high rents, low quality abodes. Integration Senator Dikel Kolat also adopted a so-called “Action Plan Roma”. There are already 160 welcoming classes for Rroma children to prepare their integration into German schools with a strong focus on German language courses. The planned shelters are part of the action plan. Resistance against this project is increasing. The City Council Carsten Engelmann for social affairs commented negatively against the plans, fearing that current local tenants and landlords would be negatively impacted or even forced to leave (Thomsen 2013).

Loy (2013) added further to the subject by pointing out that Kolat plans transition home for foreign newcomers whose financing it still pending. He also states that many Rroma have had bad experiences with government bodies and administration and thus have reservations in engaging with authorities. The Senator responsible for integration earnestly hopes on the successful integration of Rroma children through professional training programs. She also denies the controversy surrounding the welfare abuse. 80% of Romanians and Bulgarians in Berlin are employed and thus entitled to receive social security benefits.

Siebert (2013) presents an interview with Benjamin Marx, a representative of the organisation “Aachen Siedlungs- und Wohnungsgesellschaft” which works on the integration of immigrant Rroma. In the Berlin district of Neukölln, there are 600 Rroma families, most from Fântânele in Romania. Marx travelled to Fântânele to get an idea of ​​the life there. Life there offers few prospects and poor educational opportunities, which is why the migration to Germany is associated with hopes for a better future. Marx seems itself also not entirely free from prejudices. He is quoted with a statement bordering on defamation: “It is hard to imagine a situation in which families of Gypsies would be able to live in a good neighbourhood with someone else. Among them, own groupings emerge, they ‘arrange things’, ‘promise stay in Germany’, for which they ask for money.” Such statements are an unnecessary generalisation and one-dimensional representation of members of an ethnic group that can only be described as stupid. Especially the statement that Rroma are not be able to live together with other people can only be described as racist. Marx also questions the sense of the inclusion of Romania and Bulgaria in the EU. This was a terrible mistake, because the countries were not yet ready for it. Siebert leaves this statement without comments and therefore adds to the overall strangeness of this article, which can only be described as one-sided.

The Cologne City Gazette (2013) reports on defamatory statements of Cardinal Joachim Meisner against Rroma from Slovenia. He is referring to Rroma as not able to inegrate, and to Rroma families as having many children. The Cologne social critic Günther Wallraff sharply criticises these statements in the article. Meisner’s remarks reminds “of the propaganda from other times aimed directly at the forced sterilisation of women of so-called anti-social child-rich families.” In this Wallraff refers of course to the systematic destruction of Rroma under the Nazis, where they were branded as anti-social.

Christine Langenfeld, chairman of the Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration, is committed to the successful integration of immigrant Rroma. There is a need for a successful mediator between immigrants, political authorities and local communities. She also engages herself to prevent the formation of lawless areas within economy, something that affects Rroma in particular. The Rroma have a right to protection by the law, since the EU is not only a domestic market but also a community of values ​​is (German Turkish News 2013).

Lehner (2013) reports on a podium discussion in Salzburg, where the correspondent and author Mappes-Niediek and the writer Karl-Markus Gauss debated on the impoverishment of Eastern Europe. Mappes-Niediek criticised the economic policies of Western European and international business leaders who have contributed with their massive measures to impoverishment of broad sections of the population in Southeast Europe. The EU needs to primarily promote local economies and not waste too much energy on poorly engineered social policies. The writer Gauss severely criticised the European banking sector, which consumed lots of tax money, thus preventing these funds from being used to boost the labour market. Mappes-Niediek also pointed to a little-known fact. Until the mid 19th century, Rroma in Romania were treated as slaves: “Roma were completely subjugated for many centuries, not even owning their own bodies. Families were torn apart, their members are sold separately. This influences the current situation, as they never possessed land, land that they could have passed by inheritance.” He also points to the deterioration of the situation since the fall of the Eastern Bloc. Previously many Rroma were working, albeit poorly paid. After the fall of the Iron Curtain, the employment crisis means that unemployment increased massively. This impoverishment for many Rroma meant a return and a reliance on traditional economic and life forms, which often are no longer appropriate.

In Freiburg, 500 people demonstrated against the forced deportation of approximately 60 Rroma from Germany. The demonstration was organized by the action group “the right to stay”, against the deportation policy of the red-green government (Badische Zeitung 2013).

Bochtler (2013) reports on a Rroma family in Freiburg, which is affected by the deportation policy. The Sacipis family has successfully integrated, all family members go for a job, but now finds itself faced with deportation. Local activists are fighting for a more sensitive approach with members of the minorities and demand that one considers the history of German Roma policy in this question. The outcome of the conflict remains unclear for the time being.

Sources:

  • Badische Zeitung (2013) 500 Demonstranten protestieren gegen Roma-Abschiebung. In: Badische Zeitung vom 21.4.2013. 
  • Bochtler, Anja (2013) Etlichen Roma-Familien in Freiburg drohen Abschiebungen. In: Badische Zeitung vom 19.4.2013.
  • Deutsch Türkische Nachrichten (2013) SVR-Vorsitzende: Roma-Zuwanderung stellt Kommunen vor eine grosse Herausvorderung. In: Deutsch Türkische Nachrichten vom 23.4.2013.
  • Kölner-Stadtanzeiger (2013) Günter Wallraff kritisiert Meisner. In: Kölner-Stadtanzeiger vom 23.4.2013.
  • Kopeinig, Margaretha/Kramar Konrad (2013) Roma: Angst vor der importierten Armut. In: Der Kurier vom 26.4.2013.
  • Lehner, Gerhard (2013) Armut unter Roma: Schwere Kritik an EU. In: ORF vom 22.4.2013.
  • Loy, Thomas (2013) Senat plant Hilfe für die Roma. In: Der Tagesspiegel vom 23.4.2013.  
  • Plüss, Mirko (2013) Ventilklausel einmal anders rum. In: Tages-Anzeiger vom 25.4.2013.
  • Siebert, Armin (2013) Integration von Sinti und Roma in Deutschland: “Harzer Straße ist keine Lösung”. In: Stimme Russlands vom 23.4.2013.
  • Thomsen, Jan (2013) Notbleiben für Familien. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 26.4.2013. 
Bulgaria Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania Serbia

19.04.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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In the context of the ongoing debate in Germany about Rroma,  DerWesten (2013) reports about the Rroma situation in the Balkans. In the course of the debate, some centre-right politicians have expressed the fear that large crowds of poverty migrants from Romania and Bulgaria would flood Germany. Key to the debate discussion on the freedom of establishment between Germany and the new EU member states Romania and Bulgaria due to come in force at the beginning of 2014. The journalist visited the Rroma settlement of Fakulteta in the Bulgarian capital Sofia. He presents the common image of misery in a suburban ghetto where there is much suffering and little prospects for the future. He cites young men looking for better living conditions in Western Europe, mainly in because they are marginalized in Bulgaria itself, and often cannot engage in any remunerated work. The Rroma settlement is also misused by local business as an illegal landfill, where they unload their trash next to the houses and huts of the Rroma. In addition, lack of sanitation leads to disease, especially among children. The journalist asks about the truth of the feared mass immigration due to poverty and concludes that it is not the case, referring to the low numbers of migrants quoted by the European Union and the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma.

Neverthelss, the journalist of DerWesten fails to paint a differentiated picture of Rroma in the Balkans. He also falls into the pitfall of misery stereotypes and the portrayal of a parallel world. At the end, he tells of his encounter with a Rrom who runs a transport company, and who is angry at the lack of representation of integrated Rroma in the media. This remains a marginal statement in this article otherwise dominated by a presentation of misery:

The sun is slowly setting on Fakulteta. […] Some men are standing in a circle around two fighting dogs. With shouts, they fire the dogs and they pounce on each other head-on. For foreigners it seems required to leave the this place with the incoming darkness. Almost 400 kilometres to the northwest, right in the middle of the Serbian capital Belgrade, one finds the notorious Roma settlement of Belvil. There are no brick and mortar houses, no cars, no horses. Only crooked huts made of everything that can be found. And tons of waste.

Source:

  • DerWesten (2013) Niemand will sie haben. – Reise zu den Roma auf dem Balkan. In: DerWesten vom 17.4.2013. 
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22.03.2013 The Invisible Rroma from Germany

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The ARD report “How Roma experience discrimination in Germany” (2013) shows how strong the prejudices of the majority against the Rroma truly are, and are increasing now due to the current debate. The media hype about Rroma as social help recipients and as the cause of rising crime and littering, is contrasted in this report against integrated Rroma from Germany. They – except the protagonist of the documentary – keep their identity secret. There were too many bad experiences with negative stereotypes. The young Rroma student depicted in the report is an exception. She wants to make a difference politically, right the highly distorted picture that society has on Rroma. The report shows clearly, how strong the power of media and prejudices are.

Even articles such as the one of the TAZ (2013) confirm the public perception that neglected Rroma living on the border of criminality. Although the article highlights the positive efforts of the Berlin Integration Supervisor Monika Lüke who wants to build a dormitory for homeless Rroma, it is such a one-sided reporting resulting in an nourishing the problem mentioned in the above report, namely that of a unilateral construction of identity of the Rroma based on negative sterotypes.

Bulgaria’s President Rosen Plevneliev, in an interview with the German magazine Focus, disputes the existence of a mass migration of Roma to Germany (Epoch Times Germany 2013). The statistics are doubtful. On often speaks of millions of Rroma in Bulgaria, even though according to government statistics, only 300,000 Rroma live in that country. Bulgaria also has undertaken massive efforts to secure its border. He criticized that Romania and Bulgaria unfortunately always serve as convenient explanation for problems of the partner countries of Europe (Europe Online Magazine 2013).

The German President Joachim Gauck criticized during his visit to Schleswig-Hohlstein the hysterical debate on Rroma immigration from Romania and Bulgaria and the ignoble tradition of discrimination and exclusion (Spiegel Online 2003). He stressed that the people left their homes because of poverty and discrimination and stated it is wrong to stigmatize an entire ethnic group. Such prejudices are a disrespect for the well integrated Rroma living in Germany since the 1960s. The statement quoted at the end of the article stating that “in the first six months of last year, about 500,000” emigrated from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany is to be really questioned. This would truly correspond to the predicted mass immigration.

Dagmar Rosenfeld and Özlem Topcu (2013) of the Zeit see the feared mass immigration in Duisburg already having become a reality. They visited a high-rise building in the district Rheinhausen Bergheim, where mainly Rroma are living. 6’176 people from Bulgaria and Romania, mainly Rroma have immigrated recently to Duisburg. The report cited report on immigration from South-eastern Europe (Duisburg 2013) notes that Duisburg, because of its numerous, empty houses in poor condition attracts poor immigrants. Not every immigrant child can be offered a pace in school because rooms and teachers are missing and many of the immigrant children and adults cannot read nor write. In addition, there is also probably forced and child prostitution. The article concludes with the sober observation that social peace in Duisburg is in jeopardy. Emotional and hatred have taken hold.

Sources:           

  • Epoch Times Deutschland (2013) Bulgariens Präsident bestreitet massenhafte Zuwanderung von Roma in andere EU-Staaten. In: Epoch Times Deutschland vom 22.3.2013.
  • Europe Online Magazine (2013) Plewneliew: Keine massenhafte Zuwanderung bulgarischer Roma. In: Europe Online Magazine vom 22.3.2013.
  • Memarina, Susanne (2013) Wohnen ist das Problem. In: TAZ vom 21.3.2013.
  • Rosenfeld, Dagmar / Topcu, Özlem (2013) Das umkämpfte Haus. In: Die Zeit vom 14.3.2013.
  • Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter (2013) Ausgerenzt: Wie Roma in Deutschland Diskriminierung erleben. In: Monitor (WDR) vom 14.3.2013.
  • Stadt Duisburg (2013) Zuwanderung von Menschen aus Südost-Europa. In: http://www.wir-sind-du.de/?p=5227 (22.3.2013).
  • Spiegel online (2013) Gauck macht sich für Sinti und Roma stark. In: Spiegel online vom 22.3.2013. 
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15.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reinger Burger (2013) of the FAZ concerns himself rather one-sidedly with the topic of poverty migration to Germany. He focuses on the media hype surrounding an apartment tower in Duisburg, which is regularly visited by politicians and journalists. There is nothing really new that he can tell, but he lets the residents speak out in an emotionally loaded way without any context with residents complaining about littering and rising crime. The gloomy forecast from people responsible for integration in Duisburg, which says that because of the freedom of movement within Europe that will start at the beginning of 2014, they will need to spend an additional 15 millions, cannot be missing. Men mostly do undeclared work while many young women prostitute themselves. He brings a few new points to the debate namely that many in Germany believed that Rroma, as they are travellers, would only temporarily stay in Germany. The opposite is the case: Many want to stay and build a future for their children, because in Romania and Bulgaria they see no future for themselves. Hannes Swoboda, chairman of the SPD in the European Parliament demands a dedicated Commissioner for Rroma issues. To ignore the situation is not an adequate response to the prevailing events.

The Welt (2013) reports on the action of Saxony’s interior minister Markus Ulbig. He will travel from March 17th to 20th to Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo and talk to state, charities and Rroma representatives. His aim is to rationalise the debate about poverty immigration. Migrants from Southeast Europe are almost to 100% not political refugees but are fleeing poverty. This leads to the abuse of political asylum.

The Bremen SPD politician Martin Korol is being excluded from the local SPD fraction (Möller 2013, Hudemann 2013, Stengel 2013). After anti-Rroma statements were made public on Korol’s website, a public debate started centred on the content and intentions of this blog. Korol tried to appease it, which did not succeed with his party colleagues. From his point of view he wanted to start a constructive debate on the situation of Rroma in Germany. Since his statements go against social democratic principles, an exclusion proceeding has been instituted against him. Korol only just became a citizen of Bremen.

Arndt (2013) is writing a report for the Konrad Adenauer Foundation on the situation of Rroma in Bulgaria. The article consists of a series of statistics which does not describe how they were collected and does not discloses their sources disclosed nor discusses them. Arndt distinguishes initially three dominant minorities in Bulgaria: Bulgarians of Turkish origin, Pomaks and Rroma. About the Rroma living conditions, he reports is fully in line with the standard misery views: the majority of Bulgarian Rroma live in closed communities, 55% in urban areas and 45% in rural areas. The number Rroma completing school is blatantly lower than among ethnic Bulgarians. Illiteracy, particularly among women, is also much higher. Many Rroma children speak little or no Bulgarian, when they arrive at school. This data may be correct, even though in the absence of any sources, criticism is almost impossible. The report becomes problematic when it starts to operate on the level of values. Arndt notes for example that: “Due to the shortcomings of their socialization they often lack the necessary social behavioural patterns required to be successful in school. […] The biggest obstacle to a successful integration is likely to prove to be the ghettos with their patriarchal and feudal, often criminal structures, less so the Roma culture.” What shortcomings in the socialization does Arndt mean? How is this justified? His article postulates facts without context and these are not explained. This approach is seriously to be questioned. 

Sources:

  • Arndt, Marco (2013) Geschlossene Gesellschaft. Zur Lage der Roma in Bulgarien. In: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung – Auslandsbüro Bulgarien vom 8.3.2013.
  • Burger, Reiner (2013) Das bessere Leben im Problem-Hochhaus. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 11.3.2013.
  • Delius, Mara (2013) „Die Zigeuner“, ein imaginäres Kollektiv Europas? In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Die Welt (2013) Ulbig will Situation der Roma auf dem Balkan erkunden. In: Die Welt vom 14.3.2013.
  • Ebbinghaus, Uwe (2013) Europa erfindet die Zigeuner, um sie zu verachten. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 13.3.2013.
  • Hudemann, Steffen (2013) Rassismus oder Denkanstoss? In.: Radio Bremen vom 22.2.2013.
  • Möller, René (2013) SPD meidet Martin Korol. In: Radio Bremen vom 8.3.2013.
  • Staats, Christian (2013) Kitsch und Hass. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Stengel, Eckhart (2013) Auch SPD-Fraktion will Rechtsabweichler loswerden. In: Frankfurter Rundschau vom 1.3.2013. 

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08.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The heated discussion about the immigration from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany continues. Opinions are still divided and range between of gloomy forecasts of overburdened social security system and increasing shadow economy to call for moderation and a rationalisation of the debate and arguments. That the forecasted consequences of such an immigration are political constructs is only emphasised by some of the German media, others simply see them as given and as an inevitable fact.

Duisburg’s Mayor Sören Link speaks of 15 million additional costs to social welfare. He calls on the EU to improve the situation in Romania and Bulgaria quickly so that the people affected – from the perspective of many politicians and journalists primarily Rroma – do not even come to Germany. Link’s concern is based on the upcoming enactment of the freedom of establishment between Germany, Romania and Bulgaria from early 2014 onward. By then, the citizens of the countries concerned will be allowed to stay longer than the current 90 days without work permit in Germany. Link is in line with the gloomy predictions of the German Cities Association and does not really critically questions the issue (Schmidt 2013).

According to a survey by the weekly newspaper Focus, a majority of German citizens is in favour of a restriction of immigration from all EU countries. The Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich is quoted as saying that the cities should strive for their own good is a strict compliance with existing legislation. He is alluding specifically to the unfair abuse of social aid funds and calls for tougher controls and fines. Migration researcher Klaus J. Bade is presented as the antipode to Friedrich. Bade criticizes the hysterical reactions to migration from South Eastern Europe and identifies the dire predictions on the consequences of mass immigration as a political construct. Statistics on the massive increase in welfare costs due to immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are presented at the end of the article. How accurate these statistics from the Federal Labour Office are or how they were constructed is not presented nor discussed (Focus 2013, Berliner Zeitung 2013).

Frigelj (2013) reports on what he calls a “clash of two worlds”. The article focuses on visible Rroma with a negative image living in social housing in Duisburg. As a starting point the journalist chooses a well-established couple living in that estatge since a long time who, since the influx of Southeastern Europeans, “including many Rroma”, no longer feels safe. The majority of the article focuses on the negative issues resulting from the arrival of migrants from Eastern Europe and propagates the image of a drastic disruption of social peace. That there are indeed negative consequences and issues will not be denied, but the one-sided focus on negative stereotypes on Rroma and South-eastern Europeans needs to be decidedly criticized. Sections as the one that follows bring no contribution to the rationalisation of the debate: “The couple Halle and neighbours tell about catastrophes  on other side of the street: loud music, shouting, and barbecue feast till late in the night, garbage thrown out of the windows, human excrement on the premises, no manners, no decency.” As a counterpoint in this debate, the article portrays a resident priest, who is campaigning for a more differentiated and objective debate. According to Frigelj very few of the involved parties want to achieve this.

Joachim Brenner (Voigts 2013) from the association Förderverein Roma e.v. in Frankfurt criticizes what in his view constitutes the exaggerated figures of the immigration from Eastern Europe. He notes: “The excitement is constructed. With the slogan “The boat is full” votes can be gotten. That more people are coming than ten years ago may be true, but still: We are moving into an area where, for a society like ours, what is socially feasible is not significant. It’s a shame if this is so hyped.”

Thorpe (2013) enriches the debate by post from a Rroma village in Bulgaria. The local situation is portrayed as most German politicians and journalists present it: a life of misery, poverty, without future. The food is often bought on credit. A university degree often doesn’t even help Rroma to find work because of the discrimination. Migration seems the only way towards a better future in more dignity. Prostitution of Rroma girls in Western Europe is presented as a voluntary decision that had nothing to do with human trafficking, but is made out of economic considerations. The social reality displayed in this article cannot be denied, but once again the focus is solely on  marginalized Rroma living in misery. At more thorough research would have unearthed better-off Rroma can that do not conform to these stereotypes. These Rroma who are not written about in the newspapers, are an integral part of the Rroma reality, and even though they represent the majority, they are almost unknown to the general public. The article finally touches that topic when the Rroma representative Rumyan Russinow is quoted. It states that those Rroma who work abroad and do not take any social state benefits are invisible because they operate outside the public stereotype of Rroma, stereotypes which are constructed also by the media: “Stereotype are created by the media, who blow the behaviour of a tiny minority out of proportion.”

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma calls for a more concrete intervention of the federal government in cities affected by the immigration and for a solution to the problem of poverty and exclusion in the countries concerned (Frasch 2013). Efforts to improve the situation of Rroma often bear no fruits because of lack of political will to improve the Rroma situation. One often would prefer if they did not exist. He also sees a problematic blanket criminalization of immigrants especially for those who left their countries of origin because of poverty and a lack of perspectives. Such presentation of the facts plays right in the hand of right-wing parties, which so successfully politicized this theme.

In an interview with the Schwabian newspaper (Kling 2013), he also provides fixed point: “The dispute on the free movement within the EU will be held in Germany on the back of a minority. We are confronted here with immigrant fleeing poverty, which are then criminalized solely as Roma: they exploit social care systems, they throw dirt and grime in front of the door, and so on and so forth.“

Michael Martens (2013) of the FAZ writes about the status quo in the Bulgarian society. The resignation of Prime Minister Simeon Djankov, and the protests were symptomatic of the poverty and underdevelopment of the Bulgarian state. For this reason, the Bulgarians are leaving their country in droves. According to statistics of the European Statistical Office, the number of Bulgarians shrank from 2001 to 2011 from 8.15 to 7.33 million. Martens criticized the position paper of the German Association of Cities for an ambiguous naming of the problem.“ While the integration of ethnic Bulgarian (and Romanian) immigrants usually proceeds without significant difficulties, the migration of Roma creates significant problems.” This statement is not acceptable from an RCP’s perspective. Although it may not have been intentionally aiming at a blanket condemnation of all Rroma, as a principle an ethnic representation of an issue is always decidedly to be questioned. Representing the problematic immigrants as Rroma may, in Martens’ view help finding a solution, but ethnic representation and categorisation is always dangerous. This is why, on the other hand, the careful wording of the German Association of Cities is clearly welcomed.

On needs to criticise the Articles of Staat (2013), which reproduces the stereotype of rich Rroma kings who live on the exploitation of Rroma children. As a source, a social worker Norbert Ceipeck is named. He tells of his experiences in Romania, an expertise which is not in doubt. In particular, he details the estate of a Rroma King whose wealth solely stems from the exploitation of Rroma under him. Children were taken away from their parents and taught to steal or even forced into prostitution. The existence of such Rroma chiefs is actually not that clear, as noted by Martens (2013). There are indeed hierarchical relationships and dependencies, but professionally organized exploitation systems, organised by Rroma exploiting other Rroma highly doubtful. These are more an exception to the rule rather than the norm. Speaking of Rroma kings facilitiates the cliché of exploited underlings at the mercy of a chief, exploiting each others, and as such also partly responsible for their own misery:

The children take the long-distance bus to Western Europe und groups of three to five. Each group is accompanied by a woman. Ceipek calls these women “wardens”. Before the groups depart, middlemen organize the accommodations at the destination. The middlemen are also Roma and as the couriers and wardens belong to the inner circle of clan chiefs. […] The clan chief finds ways to entrap the parents of children in ever more debt. When the girls are older, 15 or 16, they are sold to another clan. The new clan pays a large sum, but he expects the girls that they give birth to many children. “The girls literally have to produce children” says Ceipek. Just so does the business model keep  running (Staat 2013).

Such statements are, even if they want to denounce poverty, are simply as racist towards the Rroma as the repetition of the standard stereotypes.

The report by Weuster (2013) is satisfied with the context-free playback of crimes that were committed by Slovak Rroma on a house in Mülheim. She notes: “Within days, seven Roma refugees ravaged an empty house in Mülheim. burnt wooden banister, ripped conduits from the walls, used rooms as a toilets and garbage dump.” That she might raise ethnic hatred and xenophobia appears unbeknownst to the author.

The same can be said of the article by Brücher / Xanthopoulos (2013). Titles such as “In 7 out of 10 thefts and burglaries, Roma are the perpetrators” can only be described as racist and amateurish. Every journalist should be aware that that making a connection between ethnicity and delinquent behaviour is inherently racist. This should be obvious, even without studying sociology or anthropology.

Kiewels (2013) article, “I am Rom – and did it” gives the impression that most of the Rroma are hostile to education and illiterate. The success story of Jane Simon, who managed to make he baccalaureate (A-levels) by studying in evening classes is to be welcomed especially since currently there are many negative messages on Rroma in the press, but the contextualization of the article is unfortunate. Ex negativo, the article reinforces the negative stereotypes against Rroma.

The Bild newpaters continued its series with an article called “The Truth about the Roma,” (Bild 2013). In this recent article it identifies six so-called truths about the Rroma in Germany: 1. There was no mass immigration. This finding must be greeted, as statistics did not consider seasonal workers and leavers. Moreover, the term “mass immigration” is a question of definition. From what number onwards does one o speak of mass immigration? 2. Many cities are overwhelmed and have to prevent extortion and excesses. This should not be denied, but it must be stressed that these events have nothing to do with Rroma per se. 3. Crime is increasing: 2011 crime statistics listed 26,348 Romanians and 10,960 Bulgarians criminals. How many of them are Rroma is not recorded. The importance of the last statement should be emphasized. Wilfully making connection between ethnicity and criminal activities is unnecessary and racist. 4. The countries of origin are the problem, because Romanians and Bulgarians are disproportionately at risk of poverty and Rroma are often marginalized. 5. Europe is failing in helping Rroma in South Eastern and Eastern Europe, with many unsuccessful programs. We clearly agree on points 4. and 5. 6. About half of the Rroma cannot read or write. This number, coming out of an EU statistics, stating that only 42% of Rroma are likely to finish the elementary school, may be true, but begs the question on how the overall number of Rroma (i.e. the total was determined, as this number in itself is subject to discussion). It is nevertheless very questionable to reaffirm in this way the stereotype that Rroma are illiterate. We cannot agree with this statement.

The Rroma debate in Germany is also misused by far-right parties in Germany to fuel hatred, as the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger reports. The faction Pro NRW (North Rhine Westphalia) is planning to march in front of several refugee camps to protest what they deem to be an abuse of asylum. This rightist party uses the heated debate to stir up their racist views (Schmalenberg 2013).

The TAZ (Jacob 2013) reports on the problem of invisible Rroma in Germany. The article describes the life of the Rroma interpreter Diana S., who, in spite of professional success conceals her origins. She talks about the open rejection she experienced in Romania, where she was ostracized at school, despite excellent performance and where she was discriminated against. Also in Hamburg, where she now lives, she keeps her Rroma origin for herself. Too negative was the experience when she revealed her Rroma identity to some friends.

The newspaper “Die Zeit” reported on the work of the Hungarian Rroma activist István Forgács (Bota 2013). Forgács grew up in a Hungarian town near the border with Austria. His family benefited from the financial skill of his father during the collapse of the socialist system. He went to the university and worked for renowned organizations. Today he runs his own counselling centre for Rroma issues. Forgács calls for greater commitment on both sides: both the Gadje (non-Rroma) and the Rroma have to do more for a successful coexistence. Exactly as in the current debate in Germany. Contrary to may other experts, he sees the problem not as poverty issue but renames clearly as a Rroma one: on “Stop to call it poverty. We do not need more money for social inclusion, but for Roma projects. Roma Fund. Best a Roma Bank, which lends money to the states for 20 years for their local Roma projects.” He sees the necessity for Rroma to change their image, so that the rooted hatred they suffer from finally abates. This is why Roma projects are so important.

According to the report of Soldt (2013) of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the immigrants in Mannheim they examined, contrary to what many German media and politicians state are not just Rroma, but are members of the Turkish minority from Bulgaria. The Rroma, which in Neckarstadt-West represented from seven to nine per cent rather came from France, from where they left due to Sarkozy’s policies against Rroma. Mannheim wants to use language courses and “low-key integration proposals” for the integration of migrants. 20% of immigrants hold a university degree, 40% have a vocational qualification, and most Bulgarian immigrants are highly motivated to work. It is very important to keep them away from the shadow economy.

Sternberg (2013) from the Märkischen Allgemeine paper writes about the so-called “Rroma houses” in Neukölln. In most of these, Rroma are exploited by corrupt landlords, and only in a few did charities provide decent conditions. Sternberg’s article is in line with the general hysteria over mass immigration: Mafia-like structures are the rule, Rroma are systematically exploited and still come in droves to Germany because they here for take advantage of social care. The article provides no real new views to the debate, but confirms the conservative fears about the negative impact of immigration.

Jürgs (2013) provides a summary discussion of the talk show Maischberger on poverty immigration. He reports a strong clash between the CDU politician Wilfried Scharnagl and Rroma activists Hamze Bytyci. Scharnagl demands a visa regime and laments at the lack of EU intervention. The Integration Minister Guntram Schneider criticizes the in his view incompetent federal action regarding immigration. The activist Michael Will Hard criticized politicians for rejecting responsibility and for putting the blame on EU and on the Federal government. Concrete concepts are in demand. This is also request by the author Özlem Gezer of the Spiegel, who proposed intensive years in education and language for immigrants. The show was more of a political slugfest rather than a forum for concrete and fruitful proposals. 

Sources:

  • Berliner Zeitung (2013) Migrationsforscher warnt vor Abschottung gegen Roma. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 2.3.2013.
  • Bild (2013) Die 6 Wahrheiten über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Bota, Alice (2013) „Das sage ich euch als Zigeuner“. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Brücher, J. / Xanthopoulos G. (2013) Bei 7 von 10 Diebstählen und Einbrüchen sind Roma die Täter. In: Bild Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Frigelj, Kristian (2013) „Mit Zugug der Roma prallen Welten aufeinander“. In: Die Welt vom 25.2.2013.
  • Focus (2013) Zwei Drittel der Deutschen wollen Zuwanderung begränzen. In: Focus vom 2.3.2013.
  • Frasch, Timo (2013) „Deutschland muss viel mehr Druck ausüben“. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013. 
  • Jakob, Christian (2013) Keiner weiss, dass wir Roma sind“. In: TAZ vom 7.3.2013.
  • Jürgs, Alexander (2013) Ex-“Bayernkurier”-Chef rechnet mit der EU ab. In: Die Welt vom 27.2.2013.  
  • Kiewels, Maximilian (2013) Ich bin Roma – und habe es geschafft. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013.
  • Kling, Claudia (2013) Die Roma werden zum Sündenbock gemacht. In: Schwäbische Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Exodus aus Bulgarien. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 18.2.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Schmalenberg, Detlef (2013) Auf der Jagd nach Feinbildern. In: Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger vom 8.3.2013.
  • Schmidt, Ingo (2013) Immer mehr Roma kommen nach Duisburg – Stadt fordert Hilfe. In: Der Westen (WAZ) vom 1.3.2013.
  • Soldt, Rüdiger (2013) Auf dem Arbeiterstrich. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Staat, Yvonee (2013) Elend als Geschäftsmodell. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013.
  • Sternberg, Jan (2013) Wohnprojekte in Berlin für Roma vom Balkan. Märkische Allgemeine vom 8.3.2013.
  • Thorpe, Nick (2013) „Wir dreckigen Zigeuner“ – Das Elend der Roma. In: Die Welt vom 23.2.2013.
  • Voigts, Hanning (2013) „Die Aufregung ist konstruiert“. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 25.2.2013.
  • Weuster, Katrin (2013) Roma haben mein Haus verwüstet. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013. 
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04.03.2013 Persistent Rroma Debate in Germany

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After a flood of articles last week, the debate over the feared mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania to Germany has somewhat abated. News is now dominated by some more articles, which try to bring rationality and reflexion to the debate.

For example, Bild newspaper published an editorial entitled “The truth about the Rroma in Germany.” It shows that after the establishment of residency rights for citizen from Poland, no mass exodus to Germany took place. In addition to the usual portrayal of a Rroma family living in poverty, the article actually gives a voice to the invisible Rroma noting that: “An estimated 120,000 Gypsies live in Germany, 70,000 of them with German citizenship. Many have studied and are successful.” In contrast, they postulate the existence of a large mass of very poor Rroma living  on the edge of criminality (Kiewel, Solms-Laumbach, Winterstein 2013).

The TAZ denied once again the inflated figures that have been mentioned in the course of this debate. On the one hand, it was hardly mentioned that a significant number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are actually seasonal workers. The number of migrants in Germany is smaller by that large amount. TAZ states a number of 58,000 seasonal workers out of the to 147,000 migrants claimed by the German Federal Statistical Office. In addition, far from all immigrants have an automatic right to Hartz IV funds.[1] He who in his business cannot provide official payment information, has no right to social benefits (Dribbusch 2013).

Also Preffer (2013) of the FAZ criticizes the culture of one-sided discussion in this debate and takes Maybrit Illner talk show as an example. In the hysteria surrounding the predicted mass immigration the fact that the number of “unqualified poverty migrants” is a minority was never stated. Preffer therefore calls the statistics of the Rhine-Westphalia Institute for Economic Research the “Non-statistic of the month”. Preffer qualifies the Maybrit Illner talk show as not fruitful, as far as the reduction of stereotypes and fears goes. As catchy picture of Rroma in conjunction with human trafficking, prostitution, crime and garbage dumps was presented instead. The only non-politician present was the Rroma Representative Dotschy Reinhard but she could do little in this political tug of war.

What is amazing is the dedicated and constant belief in almost all articles and television shows that the problems of extreme poverty, rising crime in German municipalities and increasing prostitution and illegal employment are explicitly a Rroma issue. That these problems exist is not to be denied. It is important to take them seriously. However, it is highly problematic to present them as problems of a Rroma way of life or of a Rroma identity. With this ethnicization, no problems are solved, only new ones created. Numerous articles assign a victim role to Rroma and establish a clear link between victimization and identity. In spite of good intentions, this results in one more inappropriate preconception on Rroma. They are effectively deemed to be immature and to lack of free will.

The next surprise is the high level of expertise that most authors claim to have about the situation of Rroma in South-Eastern Europe. Again, discrimination and the poverty of the Rroma are the key factors presented, but few of the authors seem to have reliable sources on Rroma in the countries concerned and to rely instead on the common views of the general population.

Martens (2013) mocks the Rroma debate with reference to the comedian Gerhard Polt. In the last few days and weeks, many of the concepts on and representations of Rroma were first immediate impressions, which would then be generalised to all Rroma. Polt makes fun of this tendency in his article “All about the Russians’”. Martens deconstructs and denies the cliché of Rroma King, the hidden force pulling all the strings and forcing Rroma them to beg and who imposes his will in all areas of life. This has nothing to do with reality, definitively not in its cliché form. Martens concluding reference to the invisible Rroma is of particular interest and has been pointed out by the RCP many times. He notes this:

These are extreme cases of “visible Roma.” They need contrasted by the “invisible Roma” over who have found their livelihood as nurses, cleaning ladies or construction workers and are well integrated. That is why they are no longer perceived as Roma. These “invisible Roma” have no interest in identifying themselves to the begging or criminal “visible Roma”, which are perceived by the majority of the general population as the only representatives of their people. Roma are always the others (Martens, 2013).

Carsten (2013) refers to the situation of the Rroma in Europe as a misery circle and sees their situation, and this is to be strongly endorsed, primarily as an acceptance problem. Europe must finally stop to consider the Rroma as the continent’s last wild horde and accept them as human beings and citizens. This includes overcoming a tradition of prejudices on Rroma handed down from generation to generation. Breaking this negative preconceptions cycle is in the interest of all involved.

Mappes-Niediek (2013) also contributes to the deconstruction and negation of false prejudices. He focuses on the idea that there is an extensive network of Rroma gangs organising prostitution, begging and theft. In this cliché, Rroma are victims, but also “agents of a threatening power”. Mappes-Niediek points out that is in the viewer’s mind who transforms a woman with a girl into a supervisor who collects the money. Particularly problematic is the view “that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the norm among the poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania”. This is an extreme form of cultural attribution with which one wants to explain the poverty itself away. Ultimately, however, it is simply poverty, as Mappes-Niediek aptly states:

To understand the behaviour of Roma poverty migrants one need not be a criminologist and also do not need to study ethnological works. It is sufficient, in essence, to imagine how you would live even if you had no money, no job, no apartment. This is not a pretty picture, and who does not have to confront itself with it, tries to avoid it (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Sources:

  • Carsten (2013) Die Kellerbewohner. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Deutscher Städtetag (2013) Positionspapier des Deutschen Städtetages zu den Fragen der Zuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.staedtetag.de/imperia/md/content/dst/positionspapier_dst_zuwanderung.pdf (4.3.2013).
  • Dribbusch, Barbara (2013) Noch ärmer als Hart VI. In: Die TAZ vom 3.3.2013.
  • Kiewel M., Solms-Laumbach F., Winterstein T. (2013) Die Wahrheit über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Mappes-Niediek, Norbert (2013) Falsche Könige. In: TAZ vom 4.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Pfeffer, Sebastian (2013) Buschkowsky warnt vor Sinti-und-Roma-Slums. In: Die Welt vom 1.3.2013.
  • ZDF (2013) Elend dort, Angst hier – kommen jetzt die Armen aus Osteuropa?. Maybrit Illner vom 28.2.2013.

[1] Social benefits in Germany

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22.02.2013 Politicization of the Westward Migration of Rroma from Southeast Europe

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A hysteria on the mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania has broken up in Germany in expectation of the impeding 2014 relaxation on the freedom of movement with those two countries and the EU. A wealth of articles have been published in recent days about the predicted or already happening mass immigration, a selection of which is discussed below. The immigration of people from southeast Europe has become a political issue, as you can see from contradictory statistics and emotionally charged statements. The fear is the potential increase in social spending and benefits for these poorly educated migrants. In an interview with the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the integration minister of North Rhine Westphalia, Guntram Schneider, warned about this issue (Burger 2013). German politicians are now calling Southeast European governments for dedicated steps to better integrate the Rroma.

Reinhard Veser (2013) General of the Frankfurter Zeitung writes about what he sees as a fact that all Roma in Southeast Europe – mainly Romania and Bulgaria – are marginalized and poor, which results in a large migration of Roma to Western Europe. He uses this insight, to call for a clear naming and representation of the “problem.” He states: “It is wrong when, on the debate on poverty immigration from Bulgaria and Romania, those who come are not named. Most of these people are Roma”

In addition to social programs in South East Europe on should help the German cities, which are affected by the poverty driven influx of Rroma, since the efforts to better integrate the Rroma in their countries of origin is not a big success.

Also “die Welt” reported in several articles about the seemingly increasing poverty driven migration of Rroma to Germany. Between 2007 and 2011 the number of migrants from Romania and Bulgaria had increased from 64,000 to 147,000. Most of them are Rroma and were often smuggled by organized traffickers to Germany, from where they would be exploited. As a result they are often forced to earn illegal income working for dumped wages, or in prostitution or begging. Many big cities are overwhelmed by this migration and are crying for help them up as petty crime has increased dramatically and residents start to feel alienated (Von Borstel 2013, Crolly/Frigelj 2013).

The Zurich Rroma Contact Point is amazed at the ability of journalists of recognized newspapers to regurgitate politically generated knowledge uncritically and without any hesitation, presenting it as scientific fact. Recognizing that many Rroma in Southeast Europe are living in poverty and exclusion is certainly to be agreed. But from a massive immigration – even a migration – of Rroma to Western Europe, and to call for dedicated countermeasures is highly problematic. The journalists are simply reproducing once more the common stereotypes about Rroma. They establish a clear link between ethnicity and socio-economic circumstances and thus discriminate against those Rroma who are well integrated and live in total integrity in their home countries. These invisible Rroma, who are not part of the media coverage, are thus made part of one-dimensional representation that portrays Rroma as discriminated economical refugees. That transnational migration requires great courage – leaving family and friends behind – is not addressed any more than the ethnicization a poverty problem.

This problem should be identified as a socio-economic paradigm and not as an ethnic and even less presented as one. Using the latter must inevitably leave one open for accusations of racism. In this regard, Verica Spasovska calls for a committed action of the EU in all Member States (Spasovska 2013).

Even the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung agrees to this chorus of laments on the apparent mass immigration of Southeast Europeans Rroma, resulting in astronomical increases of costs for the Social Department and in the aggravation of social conflicts. The numbers from the statistical office are not questioned at all (Hauser 2013).

It needs to be noted that people, regardless of their origins, are not entitled to social assistance, “if they have not been paid in the social system by having a regular job” (Reichmuth 2013). This fact is not considered at all in the emotional debate.

The Migazin (2013) criticized the numbers of Federal Statistical Office on the immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria as inaccurate. While it is true that 147,000 people had migrated in 2011 from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany, but out of that number, a large amount of people leaving Germany needs to be excluded. If those leavers are taken into account, only 58’350 people from the countries concerned immigrated to Germany, a massively smaller number. In addition, the statistics of the Federal Department included many temporary workers would should not be counted as permanent residents.

Torsten Krauel (2013) is outraged at the apparently special treatment of Roma families in major German cities and calls for the equal treatment of all EU citizens, regardless of ethnicity. Else the “resilience of the state towards the behaviour of some Roma families could be a starting point for anti-European sentiments.” He further postulates a mass immigration of Rroma families to German social services offices, which is “not a God given state of affairs” and always talks of the so-called “Roma issue”. The article emphasizes the diversity of life among Rroma, but pours in his portrayal a collage of stereotypes, tells of Roma kings and draconian force in extended families. He notes:

The Roma families […] live in their own universe. At the same time, they are the freest and least free people of Europe. They consider themselves not bound to any State to law and have no loyalties except to their own […] The world of the Roma is as varied as ours, their values ​​are glamorous or as harsh as before in the Middle Ages – and in some of their extended families [these values] are not compatible with the ideas embodied by the Civil Code. Yes, there are child gangs. Yes, there are criminal clans. And yes, there are also large families that are not noticed by such offences. The latter are potential allies against the excesses [of others].

Although Mr Krauel, in his descriptions of the “Rroma world,” tries to give a differentiated representation of the facts, it is surprising how decisively he represents the “otherness” of the values ​​of the Rroma. The statement “They do not consider themselves bound by any state, law and have no loyalties except their own” is a crass defamation and pretentious ascription of identity to an ethnic group that can only be described as racist. It constructs the Rroma intentionally as the opposite and negation of the so-called loyal and compliant values​​. The addition of  “freedom in its positive aspect” to these statements doesn’t change much to them. He thus assignes Rroma a blanket identity of self-imposed exclusion, whereas in fact, this is  a history of foreign exclusion. Mr. Krauel writes that the Rroma value measures are “glamorous and harsh as before in the Middle Ages.” This evolutionary portrayal of the values ​​of the Rroma as an anachronism is deeply patronizing. It defames all those Rroma who are well integrated and live an integer life in European societies. Those invisible Rroma he mentions only marginally. The idea that the majority of Rroma live under the influence of regional Roma kings, can only be deemed totally absurd. At the beginning of the article, Mr. Krauel says that what was happening in German cities is not xenophobia. What he writes in this article, however, is.

The SPD politician Martin Korol (2013) recently published a paper on the “Roma in Bremen” on his webpage. In it he refers to what he deems as a striking increase  of the West migration of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma to Bremen. They are coming by families, by whole clans, not for political reasons but “because of the poverty in their country and the opportunity here to live in a warm and dry enough place, to eat to satiation and in case of emergency, to have medical treatment.” Like the majority of German media, he sees the Romanian and Bulgarian Roma as economical refugees. That in itself is not to be condemned. However, there are preposterous statements, now deleted in the newest version, in which he states that Rroma “take their daughters out of school […] to force-wed them,” and that young Rroma men “melt their brains away with adhesive fumes brain away […]. The prospect that each Rrom contributes to GNP or even to his own pension or mine “is” null” (Schirrmeister 2013) Even the current version of the text still has racist statements like, “But it amazes me now that Bremen suddenly discovered its love for Roma, who socially and intellectually still live in the Middle Ages, in an ancient patriarchal society in a way that raises the strongest concern among every party, every church and every association in Germany in general and particularly in Bremen.”

The rest of the text contains a correspondence between Korol and a person responsible for immigration in Bremen. In it, he is annoyed at the blatant disinterest, in his opinion, for the house that he wanted to give for temporary migrants. Korol is actually staging himself as a misunderstood benefactor for immigrants from South-eastern Europe.

The SPD chief of Bremen distanced himself decidedly from Korol’s paper and stated that this position was in no way in line with the social democratic values. Also, the The Rroma Contact Point can only vehemently condemn Korol’s statements and  even denounce the malicious defamation that his blog partially contains. That such statements can be made by an SPD politician in Germany is very surprising and offensive.

Sources:

  • Burger (2013) Armutsmigration wird zunehmen. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Crolly, Hannelore / Kristian, Frigelj (2013) Roma in Deutschland – ausgebeutet, illegal, kriminell. In: Die Welt vom 21.2.2013. 
  • Hauser, Jan (2013) Dortmund rechnet mit Millionenkosten für Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Korol, Martin (2013) Roma in Bremen. In: http://www.martinkorol.de [22.2.2013]
  • Krauel, Torsten (2013) Gleiches Recht für alle in der Roma-Frage! In: Die Welt vom 22.2.2013.  http://www.welt.de/113817150 
  • Migazin (2013) Keine Belege für Armutszuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.migazin.de/2013/02/22/keine-belege-fur-armutszuwanderung-aus- bulgarien-und-rumanien/ [22.2.2013].
  • Reichmuth, Christop (2013) Angst vor Armutseinwanderung. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung vom 19.2.2013.
  • Schirrmeister (2013) SPD-Abgeordneter hetzt gegen Roma. In: TAZ vom 21.2.2013.
  • Spasovska, Verica (2013) Arme Roma – Ein Problem das Europa gemeinsam lösen sollte. In: Deutsche Welle vom 21.2.2013.
  • Veser, Reinhard (2013) Armutseinwanderung Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 22.2.2013.
  • Von Borstel, Stefan (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung – Großstädte schlagen Alarm. In: Die Welt vom 16.2.2013.
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