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04.10.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Reich (2013) discusses the problems and hardships of migrants in their new home using the fate of a Rroma family from Romania who emigrated to Berlin Rroma. The author estimates the number of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in Berlin, although she de facto talks only about Romanians and Bulgarians, to around 22,000, and not a few are living in their cars. Many families are also suspected to live in basements and attics, a larger part camps in parks. The action plan adopted by the Berlin administration to integrate foreign Rroma, is meant to improve their access to the labour market, education, health care and housing options. However, discrimination by teachers, passers-by, and the society as a whole in everyday life remains normality. Statistics paint the bleak picture of 40 % of the population who would have a problem with Rroma as neighbours.

Yordanova (2013) looks for reasons for the lagging results in terms of the integration of Rroma in the European education system. Joachim Brenner of the association the Förderverein Roma in Frankfurt am Main, that poverty among a large part of European Rroma reduces education to an afterthought, something that comes after accommodation, food, and health. At a two-day conference on the educational situation of European Rroma in Bonn, experts discussed the problems in the implementation of a better integration of this ethnic group. The Bulgarian Ilona Tomova sees a reason to the serious reservations of broad sections of the population against the Rroma. The EU funding is perceived as an unfair advantage for the Rroma: “The integration programs are very difficult to accept in Bulgarian society, because many other people – not just Roma – have no access to the labour market. Especially young and older people find difficult to get a job.” A representative of the Roma Education Fund criticized the focus of many NGOs, and schools to only solve short-term problems.

Ulrich (2013) discussed the ongoing tensions between the German Federal States and the Federal Government with regards to the integration of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria. The federal States of Berlin demand massively more support, which is not granted by the Federal Government. The problem lies in a market-based screening of immigrants: “Since the EU accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, the influx of job seekers from both countries has greatly increased. Whereas well skilled have access to the labour market, unskilled immigrants in this country fall through the grid of the welfare state. As EU citizens, they will not get assistance, such as the one granted to asylum seekers, they can work, except as a self-employed. The only benefit that they can get are child benefits.” Try to remedy this, individual Federal States such as Berlin started they own development programs. In Berlin, welcoming classes for children without knowledge of German were established. The costs for the children care, for example also in catching up on vaccinations, exceed the budget of the state by far. In addition, the concentration of many immigrants create social tensions in a place that one simply can not ignore.

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04.10.2013 Rroma Polemic in France

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Francois Hollande, in a public statement, asked his ministers decidedly to end the controversy on Rroma. According to the government spokesman Najat Vallaud Belkacem,  Hollande pointed out that “solidarity, unity and responsibility” was expected from the ministers. Hollande also considered it unworthy that he had to point out the problematic of this issue to the deputies. The home minister Duflot had asked Hollande for a statement after Valls racist abuse (TAZ 2013).

ORF (2013) points out that the criticism of the EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding on the French Rroma policies led to strong expressions of antipathy towards the European Union. The President of the French National Assembly, Claude Bartolone, called, Viviane Reding the “Mother with the whip.” Even before Reding’s criticism, a spokesman for the EU Commissions had pointed out that violations by France of EU law, in this case of the non-compliance to the freedom of movement, would not be tolerated. The behaviour of some EU countries towards Rroma is not worthy of the 21st Century. Manuel Valls, who is clearly belonging to the right wing of the socialist party, had to endure heavy criticism from his own party. Valls meanwhile insists on a rigorous order policy. He stated: “It is our responsibility to ensure that the centre of our cities, in the middle of residential areas and in the middle of the capital no such camps and misery housing does not occur.”

Radio Dreyeckland (2013) spoke with Marion Cadier who wrote a report for Amnesty International on the forced evictions of Rroma camps in France. The report concludes that since the last review in 2012, the situation of Rroma has not improved. The number of evictions of informal camps has even increased. This practice is also contrary to human rights conventions, since they violate the right to housing, as people living there are made homeless. Although the circular of August 2012 is a progress, it had only been applied very poorly. The evictions render the Rroma integration more difficult and has produced many more homeless people. Temporary lodging in hotel rooms is also a poor alternative because they usually lie in the periphery of the cities and make schooling and social networking difficult. Among more positive points, one notes the abolition of a hiring fee for Romanians and Bulgarians and the provision of funds for integration projects. She also emphasizes that expulsion are falsely referring to the nomadic lifestyle of the Rroma.

Hopquin (2013) reports on a trial of seven Croatian Rroma indicted in France for child trafficking and incitement to crimes. The case reinforces widespread stereotypes about organised delinquency among the Rroma. The defendants had acted under the leadership of a 66 year old woman and dealt in groups of children were to commit thefts for the buyer in France. Hopquin makes no effort to relate the events real events, but uses the presumptuous “cultural reproduction”, in which organized crime which the defendant had assimilated is presented as part of the Rroma culture.

Manuel Valls statements about, in his opinion, non-integration capabilities of Rroma led to different statements by government officials. While the rightist deputies showed great sympathy for Valls and his Rroma policies, in his own party, the socialist party his statements are controversial. But not to all. Significant parts of the left is in favour of a repressive policy towards the Rroma. Valls himself, meanwhile, has never apologised for his remarks, but merely regretted how they had been interpreted (Le Parisien).

In a linguistically brilliant letter, Lefort (2013) appeals to Manuel Valls. Lefort descends from Spanish Kale. He asks Valls to remind himself that he immigrated with his family to France and became a French citizen in 1982, and that many French have an immigrant background. That migration usually occurs for a valid reason and is not a lifestyle. He pleads that Valls should not abandon the historical responsibility that one has towards the Rroma as victims of National Socialism. In addition, many French Rroma fought in the resistance against the Nazis and the Franco regime. This also should not be forgotten. To assign them a “tendency” towards return to Romania and Bulgaria, negates the reason for their arrival: The lack of recognition as a minority of Statea and populationa. Lefort observes: “La guerre mondiale est venue. Et les camps nazis se sont aussi ouverts aux Tziganes. Tu le sais. Mais un nombre énorme de Manouches, de Gitans et d’Espagnols se sont engagés dans la Résistance sur le sol français. Ton père aurait pu en être […] je te demande le respect absolu pour celles et ceux qui se sont engagés dans la Résistance contre le franquisme, puis ensuite contre le nazisme et le fascisme. Contre ceux qui avaient fait Guernica. Et pourtant, à te suivre, ils avaient «vocation» à retourner ou à rester dans leur pays d’origine, ces «étrangers, et nos frères pourtant…»” [World War came. And Nazi camps were also opened for Gypsies. You know it. But a huge number of Manouche, Gypsies and Spaniards enrolled in the Resistance on the French soil. Your father could have been among them […] I ask you for absolute respect for those who were engaged in the resistance against Franco, then against Nazism and fascism. Against those who did Guernica. Yet, to listen to you, they have a  “vocation” to return to or remain in their country of origin, these “strangers, and yet our brothers…”]

Conan (2013) points out that Valls statements are almost exactly the same as the ones made last August by Louis Souchal, the confidant of Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault. Louis Souchal is also convinced that many of the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma do not want to integrate in France, but only came here to improve their financial situation as stated in an interview: “Les migrants roumains sont en effet sur des migrations pendulaires organisées. Leur but est de venir en France pour gagner de l’argent puis de rentrer en Roumanie construire une maison (…) D’ailleurs, il faut éviter de penser qu’il s’agit “d’intégrer les Roms”, on intègre seulement “des familles”. On s’en aperçoit lors des diagnostics sur les campements avant les expulsions. Récemment, sur un terrain où il y avait 22 familles, seules deux présentaient vraiment des signes de projets en France.” [Romanian migrants are indeed engaged in pendular migration. Their goal is to come to France to earn money and then return to Romania to build a house (…) Indeed, we must avoid thinking that it is about “to integrate Roma”, one only integrates “families”. This can be seen in the diagnostics in the camps before the evictions. Recently, in an place where there were 22 families, only two really showed signs of having projects in France.]  It is still unclear on which sources Souchal bases his statements. They stand in contrast to statements made by engaged people such as Lefort, who observe a migration due to lack of integration and lack of future prospects. At the same time it is also known that transnational relations with the home country can lead to a better integration in the host country and is not simply, as is now represented,  an evidence of a lack of willingness to integrate.

The Mayor of Lille, Martine Aubry, meanwhile, calls for a consistent way of applying the circular of August 2012, requesting a timely information of the stakeholders, the organisation of alternative accommodation options and a better distribution of Rroma across the country. To put the people on the street, Aubry criticises, bring nothing and complicates the integration (Pagura 2013).

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27.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Martens (2013) casts a sober look at the predicted mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria when the treaty on the free movement of people becomes a reality in January 2014. He criticises the dire prophecies by pointing to the admissions of other Eastern European countries where similar predictions were made. After Poles were allowed free establishment in Europe, it did not come to the predicted mass exodus. A standard objection is usually that one strives to better the situation of Rroma in their countries of origin with regard to access to education and the labour market. At the meeting “For educational situation of Roma in (and out of) Southeastern Europe” different social scientists and politicians spoke about their experiences and insights. Martens criticises how these subjective views are presented as objective truths, and in turn reproduce stereotypes, despite the good intentions behind it. For example, the green politician Franz Romeo in his speech uncritically reproduces the prejudice “Serbs and Bulgarians, refer to Roma children as “brown gold”” because they are abused for the benefit of organ trafficking.

Deutsche Welle (2013) reports, as many other media previously did, about angered residents over new Rroma migrants in Duisburg. Indignant voices about what are deemed Rroma insults convey an image of the incompatibility of the Rroma and German way of life. Such debates are as old as the history of migration itself. Immigrants’ cultural characteristics are exploited in order to channel the fears of the people associated with a changing situation. Debates on migration and immigrants always reproduce ideas about ethnic unity in the sense of ethnic nationalism. That migration can also be enriching, is, however, often like negated. Instead, the media attention focuses on problem cases. That these represent the norm rather than the exception is highly doubtful.

The preconceived notion that most Rroma have none or a very poor education is also reproduced by Aufderheide (2013) in her article on programs for Rroma in Duisburg. For better integration, immigrants will be tested on language skills, education and work experience. Aufderheide, not wrongly but very uncritically, speaks generally of a low education level and writes them off as welfare recipients. This supports conservative voices who fear a massive impact of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria on the German social welfare system: “When the complete freedom of movement enters in force in the coming year, people will stand in line in front of the job centres to submit applications for Hartz IV. Skilled workers, which employers are clamouring for, will only be found in this population with a magnifying glass. Which of course does not necessarily mean that these people can’t do anything.” The idea that successful integration can be promoted by encouraging people, seems to be completely alien to her.

On the immigration debate, Grunau (2013) gives an closer look at the issue of poverty. He notes with a reference to Mappes-Niediek that it is often the poverty of immigrants, which is perceived by residents as being undesirable. This is then mixed with a cultural background: “They are just as rejected as poor people all over the world. The problem is poverty, not Roma, which the author proves with many examples.” Also forgotten in the polemics debate about poverty immigrants is that in the 1960s and 1970s, tens of thousands of Rroma arrived as guest workers from Yugoslavia to Germany and live there well integrated. What one can observe, therefore, is the ethnicization of a poverty problem. Ignoring the integrated, invisible Rroma, many of whom they fear to be publicly recognised as Rroma and named as such so because they fear that they could be excluded from their social environment is associated with this phenomenon: “This is also an investigation on Roma who came as guest workers in the 60s, 70s, and have noted: “We are perceived as Italians, as Turks, Yugoslavs we’re doing much better here if we are not perceived as Roma..” They have kept their identity secret, with the consequence that they have made ​​a career, are integrated, are established” (Grunau 2013/II). Barbara Lochbihler, Member of the European Parliament, sees the lack of integration of Rroma in the education system in most European countries as an important factor for the persistence of poverty and the remaining low enrolment rates. The experience with education, which parents could be pass on to their children is lacking.

Arbutina (2013) analyses the Rroma political participation ability. He notes with a reference to Zeljko Jovanovic of the Open Society Foundation, that for many Rroma, due to the blatant poverty, politics constitutes an incidental phenomenon. Moreover, in several Eastern European countries the will to let Rroma really to participate in the country’s politics is lacking. Socially widespread nationalist views hinder the implementation of political multiethnic states in which all voices are allowed to speak. As an example of the political and social integration, Macedonia can be identified: there are well-established parties representing the interests of the Rroma and Rromanes can be studied as a language in the universities. Jovanovic stresses, however, that Rroma should not only build on the integration will of governments but should also put more efforts themselves towards a successful integration.

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27.09.2013 Rroma in France

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Balmer (2013) reports on the massive criticism of the EU commission on the French Rroma policies. The reason for the complaint were the repeated statements by Interior Minister Manuel Valls, that the majority of the Rroma are not compatible with the French due to their specific lifestyle and should return to Romania. With these statements Valls drew the criticism of many of his Socialist party colleagues but at the same time also a lot of sympathy on the part of many French mayors who feel alone in confronting informal Rroma camps around Paris. In a statement, Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission, reminded Valls about the agreement of 2010, where  France promised the compliance of freedom of travel and establishment for all EU citizens, including Rroma. France has a law that allows deportation of asylum seekers if they cannot raise enough money for their own livelihood.

Nunès (2013) gives an overview of the responses to Valls statements by various French mayors. Most, including socialist politicians, agree with Valls on his order and return policies. The reasoning is always similar: France is not responsible for solving the world’s problems. With their anarchical way of life, Rroma are not compatible with the French society and should be deported. They are a massive financial burden on the French welfare state, which is battered enough already by the economic crisis. For Clermont-Ferrand, they are primarily passive victims who can not be saved by the overstretched French government at this time and thus must be expelled. By the assignment of a victim role, Ferrand wants to distance himself from ethnic categorizations: “Il n’est pas question de stigmatiser une population, mais, dans une période de pénurie d’emplois et de logements, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de réussir leur intégration. Il faut mettre un terme à l’hémorragie rom en France” [One should not stigmatise a population, but at a time where there is a scarcity of jobs and housing, we are not in a position to achieve their integration. We have to stop the Rroma bleeding in France.]

Vallaud Najat Belkacem, Women’s Rights Minister, clarified the position of the French government in the national Rroma politics: The repatriation is part of a range of measures in dealing with Rroma. French Rroma policies are determined by assertiveness and humanity: assertivness in the sense that one prevents misery, which is no way to live,  by the destruction of Rroma camps. Humanity, in the sense that one always promotes access to education, employment and housing where possible (Le Point, 2013). That these humanitarian interventions are permeated of political views and intentions is an important detail that is not discussed in more detail by Belkacem. Instead, evictions are declared to be humanitarian measures to protect residents who need to be saved from untold misery. That living in an illegal settlement could be an unpleasant but acceptable alternative to permanent expulsion practices for those affected is not considered.

Libération (2013) states that Valls sees his policies as the ones  of leftist politician who takes the suffering and distress of French citizens seriously. That these are anti-socialist policies, which make a distrinct difference between the equality of people established in France, he negates completely: “Le ministre a répété que son action est «celle d’un homme de gauche». «J’ai le devoir (…) d’écouter l’exaspération, les colères, les souffrances de notre peuple», a-t-il argumenté” [The minister repeated that his action is “the one of a leftist”. “I have the duty (…) to listen to the exasperation, the anger, the sufferings of our people.] The Housing Minister, Cécile Duflot, criticised Valls violently stating that he continues to carry on Nicolas Sarkozy’s policies and set a highly questionable order policy based on ethnic origin.

In her analysis, Soullier (2013) also emphasizes the strong connection between French Rroma policies and the election campaign and its associated views of politicians. So Marie Le Pen continue to talk about a “horde” of Rroma who will come to France starting  in January 2014, with the enactment of freedom of movement agreement with Bulgaria and Romania. Other MPs, such as Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, assign to Rroma criminal habits need to be prevented. Few politicians like Dominique Voynet recognise that the problem is cannot only be attributed to the Rroma of desire for integration, but is also the result of a lack of will on the part of government and society to accept them, “C’est difficile de reprocher aux personnes de ne pas s’intégrer quand on leur refuse le droit de travailler.” [It is difficult to reproach people not to integrate when one forbids them to work.]

Social geographer Olivier Legros know also point out that only visible Rroma living in camps are discussed by the media and politicians. The invisible, integrated Rroma are thereby condemned to non-existence, the general public does not even know they exists at all. The Rroma are a projection screen for the unwanted: “Dans le discours politique français, les Roms désignent des personnes qui habitent des bidonvilles aux marches des villes, qui viennent d’Europe centrale et qui menacent la sécurité des citoyens. Finalement, le Rom est une métaphore, un mot qui décrit des indésirables. Ceux qui se sont intégrés, on n’en parle jamais. […] Comment savoir, on ne parle jamais de ceux qui se sont intégrés? Il y en a peut-être dans votre bureau, dans votre entreprise mais ils n’éprouvent peut-être pas le besoin de le dire tous les jours.” (20 minutes France 2013) [In the French political discourse, Roma designate people who live in slums near urban centres, who came from Central Europe and threaten the safety of citizens. Finally, the Rom is a metaphor, a word that describes the undesirable. Those who are integrated, we never talk about. […] How do you know, we never speak of those who are integrated? They may be in your office, in your business, but they may not feel the need to say so every day]. According to Legros, the really questionable thing is that poverty is raised as a stigma and criminalised. It obscures the social conditions that are not the result of personal decisions and actions , but the result of structural, socially institutionalized and maintained inequalities.

Christian Vanneste of the extreme rightist  RPF party (Les Obervateurs 2013), takes the debate as an opportunity to perform an alleged disclosure of the true problems. He pours into racist generalisations that he does not see as racist because they correspond to the real behaviour of the Rroma and are confirmed by statistics. Rright at the beginning of the article he states that there is a clear link between the presence of the Rroma and a rise in crime rates: “Il y a un rapport entre la présence dans plusieurs grandes agglomérations d’une concentration d’immigrés roumains et bulgares et la délinquance.” [There is a correlation between the presence in several large agglomerations of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants and criminality.] He further dishes out the popular notion of networks of organised beggars, con artists and criminal children gangs, elevating the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as a cultural trait. He also quantifies the damage caused metal theft done by Rroma at 800,000 euro. For Vanneste, it is clear that the debate about the Rroma is not about racism but about objectified facts. What he does, is racism with questionable statistics and a correlation of parameters that de facto have nothing to do with each other, because there is simply no such thing as “ethnic culture of delinquency”. The rest of the article consists of a tirade against the EU, which presumes to prescribe the “right” policy decisions to the French government.

Comment: Valls statements, which are culturising and generalising are once again a prime example of the massive politicization of the Rroma identity, which is presented to the outside world as natural and anti-political. It must be stressed once more that integration is a two way process. If Rroma access to education, employment and health care is denied, the integration is nearly impossible. Quite a few French politicians seem not to want to pursue such an integration, because they believe from the outset that Rroma cannot be integrated. Whether they have ever spoken with Rroma for a longer time is highly doubtful. The polemic shows how much policies are controlled by entrenched opinions: One wants well-educated, financially strong immigrants with high social integration capabilities. If they do not meet this ideal, ethnic characteristics are exploited to declare them not “to be integrated”. That this assignment steeped in political and moral views is usually ignored. Rather, this is presented as indisputable nature of the Rroma.

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20.09.2013 Rroma as a Projection of the Majority Society

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Tuomas Kyrö’s novel “beggars and Hare” explores the ambivalent relationship of the majority towards Rroma. The protagonist, a Romanian Rrom named Vatanescu, experiences a variety of adventures during his stay in Finland. He was – as Brüns (2013) – primarily a projection of the desires and fears of the people he encounters. He himself remains shapeless as a person: “Vatanescu was referred to as the Bulgarian concrete reinforcing bars Ivan, sometimes as the Polish Miroslaw, son of Bronislaw or as yhe Albanian Fox. On the sides, a lot happens, which leads him into a high office. You get to know the other characters of the novel in biographical breaks, one learns, however, until the end very little about the Roma: He is what the others make of him.”

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30.08.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The Central Council of German Sinti and Romany is seeking a ban on discriminatory political advertising. This is a consequence of election posters of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), which states “money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma”. Romani Rose, Chairman of the Central Council, specifically requested the creation of a legal basis to prohibit racist political advertising and requires legal action by the federal government. In several states criminal proceedings against the NDP are also pending, but there are still no judgments as of now. The SWR has conclusively stated: “According to them, the Central Council has received hundreds of calls of concerned Sinti and Roma families from all over Germany in the last days. This because of the NPD’s posters which were very present, especially in smaller locations and on way to school or because they were “emotionally angry” and scared. The open NPD incitements gave rise to massive fears amongst the elderly who survived the Holocaust.” (SWR 2013)

Frigelj (2013) spoke to Duisburg’s mayor Reinhold Spaniel about the problem house “in den Peschen” that for months generated media attention and has become an instrument of political campaigns. Spaniel sees Duisburg as particularly affected by the migration from Bulgaria and Romania, because the city has a particularly large supply of cheap real estate and is therefore attractive for poverty immigrants from south eastern Europe. He also shows comprehension for the exasperated neighbours who are overwhelmed by noise, littering and disputes. In cooperation with the owner of the property “in the Peschen”, he said he wants to progressively empty the house and slowly seal the flats. He also differentiates in that there are families that are willing to pay rent and to integrate and must be supported in their efforts. With regards to massive intervention, his hands are tied because the Romanian and Bulgarian migrants are staying legally as EU citizens in Germany. He also advocates the somewhat controversial view that from January 2014 onwards, when the freedom of movement agreement with Romania and Bulgaria enters into force, will see large migration flows to Germany. With this representation, it becomes even more apparent that even liberal representatives distinguish between desirable and undesirable immigrants. A problem Max Frisch already pointed out. Spaniel takes a dichotomous view between skilled professionals and low-skilled poverty migrants, which create problems for the city of Duisburg: “Many well trained Bulgarian nurses and Romanian doctors come to Germany. That is beyond dispute, This is not the clientele that we’re talking about here, I’m talking about very poorly educated people, some illiterates who are in Duisburg and create problems for us.” The desire to want only well-trained professionals immigrants corresponds to the dubious distinction of economically useful and unhelpful people, and the consequent evaluation of the immigrants. The Polish-British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman pointed out several time the moral problems of such exclusionary social policies. However, Spaniel speaks not only of the necessary structures but also of the newcomers’ willingness at integration. To just simply distinguish between integration willing and unwilling immigrants when talking about integration, is to great a simplification. Integration is both a matter of personal commitment and also a result of the possibilities and structures of the host country. Depending on political orientation, the initiative of individuals is identified as the key critical or simply as one the factor among others. What is nice in this article is that he does not primarily speaks of a cultural problem, but also discusses possible solutions.

Wyputta also (2013) of the TAZ spoke with spaniel. In this interview, it is clear that newspapers like the TAZ left the city officials blame lack of action. This, however, legitimately defended by pointing out that his hands are tied by the applicable legislation. He could only negotiate with the homeowner and drive new legislations that define issues such as overcrowding, sanitation or electricity supply of housing law. Again, Spaniel emphasized once more that the city was overwhelmed massive.

The Romanian Rromni Flavia Constantin (2013), in the context of the ongoing debate about Rroma asks for a self-determined, more active presence of the Rroma and especially a change in the role of Rroma women. She speaks about the traditional gender roles of many Roma women, who, according to her is too little critical and self-determined is to her liking, “Rroma women have never learned to stand up for themselves. Their world revolves solely around the family, the house, and the community. This has to change. Because we have to start. With the women, not the men. Because women are the ones who plant ideas in the minds of their children. They are the backbone of the community.” Constantin also calls for the creation of a new visual culture, aiming at creating a counterweight to the stereotypical notions about Rroma. For a successful integration, efforts are needed on both sides: on the one hand, bureaucratic hurdles blocking access to the labour and housing market need to be lowered, and on the other hand, immigrant Rroma should strive towards better social integration. At the end of the article she gives a convincing explanation of why the predictions of the mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria, in her opinion, are wrong. They would already numerous informal work in Germany: “I do not think that the opening of the German labour market in January 2014 means that masses of Romanians and Bulgarians will flock to Germany. They are here anyway. Why should these people wait for them to be able to work officially, if they already do it unofficially?”

Kemna (2013) focuses on the future closure of an informal Rroma settlement in a Berlin allotment, which will make way for a highway. One of the sitters, a young Romanian Rrom, complains about the difficulties of working as a newspaper vendor. He fled from a failed marriage to Germany. The institution Amaro Foro is contact point for Rroma and European migrant workers in general. Mariela Nikolova of Amaro Foro laments the indifference of the authorities towards the inhabitants of the colony, which will soon produce new homeless people. In addition, nearly all applications for Hartz IV social benefits are being rejected, which makes it difficult to integrate, creating almost a vicious circle.

EurActiv (2013) provides information about a controversy in the context of EU funds, which are paid for the integration of Rroma in Bulgaria and Romania. The EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, is being criticised for her plans to transfer part of the funding to Germany, which, in the context of the forthcoming freedom of movement with Romania and Bulgaria from the beginning of 2014, is faced with potential migration flows. The spokesman for the European Commission Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, László Andor, denies the allegations as being false. The funding is granted every seven years and cannot easily be used elsewhere.

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23.08.2013 Rroma debate in Germany: culturalism remains the dominant narrative

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“In order to remain, they only have to prove that they can earn their own livelihood. With five or more children, this is not difficult. After all, they get child benefits. Opinions are divided as to whether they straightway pull away again as vagrants, as many locals want, or to settle permanently on the Rhine.” (Kolbe, 2013).

In his comprehensive 1400 words’ article, Kolbe (2013) achieves the feat to use every clichés images on Rroma: He speaks without comments about travellers (how often it must still be said that the majority of the Rroma are not travellers?), about families with five children or more that earn their living through the money Germany’s social care pays for children (how often has this issue been already discussed since January of this year, and how often did we already repeatedly point out that poverty immigration is a polemic theme that is being used in the context of the German election campaign and also that there are many Rroma with few children who well integrated). Ignorant of any cultural relativistic approach, Kolbe reproduces the ideas of cultures and alterity, topics, which have been controversial for decades in the social science. That the cultural characteristics described by him perhaps simply are a result of poverty and lack of education is something that Rroma experts such as Mappes-Niedieck (2012) have tired to explain for a long time, is not even discussed at all. Instead, an image of alienation is evoked, presenting what is described as a cultural incompatibility strikingly similar to Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis: “For both sides, it is a culture shock. The locals flee their old neighbourhoods. Immigrants come in a world whose customs are strange and incomprehensible to them. […] It is not just dirt and noise that upsets the old-timers. Police statistics show a growing criminality. Children do not go to school, but beg or operate as a “Robber Kids.” Only after lengthy discussions, did the city administration act to close the street prostitution in the northern city, where prostitutes from Southeast Europe were offering their services on the street.” (Kolbe, 2013). That notions of hygiene have nothing to do with cultural traits should be obvious to even hardboiled positivists or culturalists. Of real concern is that Mr. Kolbe simply presents without comment, statements about thieving and prostituting Rroma. He makes no reference to the fact that the supposedly so large cultural differences perhaps simply are a result of poverty, that there are also Rroma who do not steal and prostitute themselves. What is downright outrageous, however, is that Mr. Kolbe simply ignores any of the arguments that have been put forward in the discussion of mass immigration: He does not talk about the well-educated immigrants who are also part of this transnational migration exactly as the poverty immigrants; nor does he discusses the critical analysis of the supposedly iron proofed statistics on immigration, analysis showing that a significant proportion of the migrants are in fact seasonal workers and the mass exodus to Germany is not a fact but a political issue (Migazin 2013 Epoch Times Germany, 2013), Mr. Kolbe simply presents it all it presents as an apolitical fact. Neither does he make any references to the invisible, well-trained Rroma, which also form part of the reality (Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter, 2013, Jacob 2013). However, in an addendum, he speaks about well qualified Romanians and Bulgarians, but it remains unclear whether he thinks they are also Rroma. That the article promotes and encourages culturalism and not a critical debate, can be read from the comment column. For example, a Mr. Frank Richter from Germany stated: “This is not a state, the state has obviously failed in its reaction and the fact that the the whole does not work is for me at first the fault of the Roma. […] That Roma can develop into model citizens, well engaged in the civil society, I venture to doubt. Cultural barriers are sometimes just so high that they cannot be overcome, and you better not try it, but should accept the consequences. French and Italians have been already recognised this in relation to this group […].” Mr. Kolbe speaks also of actions of the general population such as in the case of Catholic priest or the case of the initiative “future-oriented support” to help integrate the Rroma. But all in all, a balanced critical perspective on the events is not presented here.

The West (2013) again reported on the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg. After various groups and individuals had called for active reprisals against Rroma are, residents, such as the teacher Annegret Keller-Stegmann, showed solidarity and committed themselves to the protection of the Rroma. She organised vigils to give the residents of the house some rest. The strong media attention on the house has led to a fixation and hardening of opinions that prevents and hinders constructive approaches, “the car drivers with Hitler salute, the people who appear allegedly armed with knives on the street. […] We really fear for our children, says one of the men. His sons and daughters are sleeping with their clothes on to escape quickly.”

Blazejewski (2013) further reports that the movement “pro Germany” wants to organise a demonstration in front of the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and has filed for a permit to the police. In March of this year, the subgroup “Pro North Rhine-Westphalia” had already demonstrated in front of the house against Rroma. The authorities are distancing themselves from a ban of the demonstration, which they consider to be counterproductive. Rather, a counter-demonstration is in planning and they would support it.

The TAZ (2013) adds to the coverage with a questionable statement of Duisburg’ police spokesman Ramon van der Maat, which confirms fears about institutional racism amongst German authorities: “Even socially engaged say that few Roma are willing to integrate […] The other ones cannot deal with our society. The need to go away.”

Daberkow (2013) adds an important facet to the debate, in that she gives a voice to moderate residents. These distance themselves decidedly against xenophobic actions or slogans, but at the same time complain about the failure of politics and the authorities, to establish order and normal relations. Many of them are moving away from the neighbourhood, because they cannot stand the continuous strain in the form of noise and littering, and have been annoyed long enough. A social segregation cannot be in anyone’s interests. This should make us think.

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16.08.2013 Organised child trafficking versus autonomous beggars

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Jirat (2013) reports on the “Agora” project, a project founded on the initiative of a Bern Migration Policeman in 2009. The goal of the project is the prevention of organized child abuse and human trafficking, of which mostly young Rroma are reportedly affected. By contrasting two studies on this topic, Jirat is precisely calling this status of beggars in question. The data of the Bernese immigration police, who found a strong presence of beggar gangs in Berne, is of dubious origins: “The foreign police view is necessarily limited: The focus is always a possible crime (human trafficking and/or child abuse), and there are always potential perpetrators who are also mentioned over and over again. “Mostly, they are Roma.” That’s the key point.” The perspective and analysis of the immigration police, so Jirat, is a strongly biased. It functions according to the logic of perpetrators and victims. The sociological perspective would be too simplistic. Thus, the study of the Lausanne sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin was did not find its way to the public. At the request of the Canton of Vaud, Tabin examined the relationship of begging and child abuse. The empirical study came to the following conclusion: There is no correlation between begging children and organized networks. The minimal begged income accounted for this activity makes it unattractive for organized crime. Several studies and also this one cameo the realisation that the average begging income in Switzerland amounts to an average of 15 to 20 francs per day (Friedli / Schüpfer 2013). This contrasts with the statement of the Bern Migration Police Coordination Unit against the Trafficking of Migrants (KSMM), stating that a child might beg up to CHF 600 per day. Tabin et al. even provide state that during their studies (over a year) they had found almost no begging children: «Sur toute la durée de nos observations nous n’avons pas vu d’enfant mendier. Dans un seul cas, l’âge du jeune homme qui mendiait était peut-être inférieur à 18 ans. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il n’y ait jamais de mineur qui mendie dans les rues : mais cette mendicité est très épisodique et, d’après les informations que nous avons pu recueillir, les parents sont très rapidement informés (par la police, par les associations, etc.) du caractère illicite de cette mendicité» [For the whole duration of our observations, we did not see any child beg. In a single case, the age of the young man begging could possibly have been below 18 years. This does not mean that there are never any minor who begs in the streets, but rather that this mendacity is very seldom and of short duration, and, according to information we have been able to gather, parents are rapidly informed by the police, NOGs, etc. of the illicit character of this mendacity.] (Tabin et al 2012). Jirat considers the plan of the Bernese immigration police to try to get begging children in a childern’s home and then to return them to their home countries as a state racism. Rroma children are represented as of organized crime, because this represents the views of the immigration Police. He appends a chronology of the regulatory practices of exclusion of Rroma in Switzerland.

Comment: The truth is often more complex than the one or the other extreme. It would be wrong to say that organized begging does not exist at all, but it is equally wrong to present it as the norm. There are several books, such as Rolf Bauderdicks “The Gypsies: Encounters with unpopular minority” or Karl-Markus Gauss “The dog eaters Svinia” which discuss organised begging. Gauss talks about Rroma pimps, who lend money to other inhabitants of Lunik IX and then force them to pay their debt by begging in Western Europe. Bauderdick sees the misery of many Rroma as self-inflicted, as they would mutually exploit themselves. These representations are not completely wrong, but they portray them as phenomenon that for many seems to be the norm.

As Mr. Tabin convincingly demonstrates in his study, begging is not really financially lucrative for it to operate on a large scale. That begging children are quickly brought into the context of organised networks is actually not surprising, as many people cannot imagine that parents send their children begging. These cases certainly exist, and as shown by Mr. Tabin, the large part of begging is not organised, but rather happens within the family. Cultural peculiarisms also come into play. In the course of the Rroma debate in Germany, one could read in renowned German newspapers such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung or die Welt, articles that spoke of Rroma kings and beggars networks, as well as texts that stated that this presentation was an invention. Cultural peculiarities of Rroma to such as a reported patriarchal family structure are often used to explain to existence of phenomena such as Rroma kings. This is symptomatic of the common lack of knowledge about Rroma. In addition, one must also be aware that journalism or social science representations about Rroma are never produced in the void. The authors have beliefs and views that they project into their texts. Rroma kings, are almost certainly an invention with. However, it also depends on the definition of a Rroma king. For the same reasons, it would be equally wrong to say that there is no mutual exploitation among Rroma.

The Agora project sees all begging children as being part of organised begging gangs who need to be rescued from this situation and reintegrated. They are therefore seen as victims. Mr. Tabins study in turn takes a position in favour of the beggars, seeing them this as a self-motivated and autonomous. In any case it is very difficult to describe the begging of Rroma children as a cultural phenomenon. Journalists such as Mappes-Niediek decidedly write against this and see the supposed beggar gangs as being in reality a symptom of poverty, ghaving nothing to do with organized crime: “There is prestige hierarchies in Roma neighbourhoods, there is commonly clientelism, even dependencies, mostly through the informal money lending. But numerous social workers, anthropologists, humanitarian staff working in Roma slums and sometimes living there, have not noticed structures of command and obedience. […] Is also a false impression to think that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the rule among poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania. Begging with children is banned everywhere in Europe and basically also rare because by its nature, it plays in the greatest public form” (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Keywords: Begging, Switzerland, children, Rroma king, organized crime, stereotypes, organized crime, exploitation, immigration Police, prejudices, Canton of Vaud, organized begging, Jean Pierre Tabin, Norbert Mappes-Niediek, Jan Jirat, Corina Friedli, Linus Schüpfer, Tages Anzeiger, WOZ, TAZ

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02.08.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Lazerges (2013) does not want to cast the informal Rroma settlements and their evictions as a cultural problem, as many French politicians do, but as a problem of poverty. Lazerges criticises that there is not enough affordable housing for people with low to very low income. Although the eviction of illegal settlements are usually lawful, because the houses were built without a permit, they violate the right to housing, a due to every human being. In addition, the barriers to access education, health care and social protection are still very high, rendering a successful integration of Rroma more difficult, “Mais la levée seulement partielle des mesures transitoires applicables aux citoyens roumains et bulgares est inacceptable et préjudiciable à leur insertion. Nous souhaitons la levée immédiate et complète des mesures transitoires, afin de permettre notamment aux personnes roms de trouver un emploi, pierre angulaire de l’insertion” [The partial removal of transitory measures applicable to Romanian and Bulgarian citizen is unacceptable and constitutes a prejudice against their integration. We wish the immediate and complete removal of these transitory measures to allow, among others the Rroma, to find work, a keystone for their insertion.] Lazerges further calls for a clear distancing from the defamatory statements made by some French politicians that are clearly influenced by the impending Municipal elections. On should much more strive for a clear commitment to a real policy was that promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Leroy (2013) reports on Rroma families in Le Havre, who, with the assistance of the collective  “Hébergement, l’urgence c’est maintenant” are being granted accommodation in various communes. Although families are being fragmented, the 64 Rroma, including 44 children, according to Leroy, are rather cheering this. On the 16th of July, the families were evicted from their camp, a plot of the fire brigade of the Eure and had then settled behind the Church of Saint-Augustin.

Piquemal (2013) spoke with Alain Régnier, the person responsible for the access to housing for the homeless or poorly lodged people (Délégation interministérielle à l’hébergement et à l’accès au logement des personnes sans abri ou mal logés; DIHAL). Régnier looking at the politics under Nicolas Sarkozy who applied an extreme security policy towards Rroma, sees a shift towards more constructive approaches. While the inter-ministerial letter from Jean-Marc Ayrault is still far from being applied in its effective principles, it is nevertheless getting some movement. Régnier argues for a differentiated policy towards the Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma in France: Firstly, one must promote successful integration which improves the often very poor French skills which would facilitate access to education and housing; and on the other hand one has to promote an intelligent, bilateral policy with Romania towards their integration at home itself and also in support of a possible return. He does not see the difficult access to the labour market as the major cause for the lack of integration. In addition, the French population must be better informed about the history and culture of the Rroma. Régnier still sees to many common misconceptions: many still do not know that there is a difference between the “Gens du voyage” and the Rroma. An important part of his job is to deconstruct stereotypes and prejudices and counteract.

Mamère (2013) criticizes the French Rroma policies as being openly racist: both the right and the left parties are, with regards to their treatment of Rroma, very restrictive and undifferentiated. While with right-wing politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bourdouleix or Christian Estrosi racial prejudice prevails, leading to a denial of individual differences and a stigmatisation of the Rroma population that needs to be disciplined or expelled, politicians of the left as Manuel Valls are driven by a zealous planning policy, which led the Hollande government to an approximate doubling of forced evictions: “Sous prétexte de faire respecter l’Etat de droit, il [Manuel Valls] présente les camps de Roms comme des zones de non-droit […] En utilisant la justice comme arme de sa politique à deux vitesses, il installe dans l’opinion de la gauche et des démocrates l’idée que les Roms sont une catégorie de la population à mettre au ban de la société.” [Under the pretext to enforce the respect of the rights, he [Manuel Valls] presents the Rroma camps like zones without laws. … Using justice as a weapon for his two speed policies, he instils in the opinion of the left and of the democrats the idea that Rroma are a population category that needs to be banned from society.] For Mamère, Rroma are instrumentalised by many politicians, whether from the right or from left, for purposes of policy: They propagate the incompatibility of Rroma life with that of the French. He regards these policies as a historical repetition of past practices of exclusion, especially the stigmatization of Jews from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. Until 1969, the Rroma in France had to carry an anthropometric passport with them. Tthe task of politicians is precisely to allow and ensure the coexistence of different ways of life, and not to suppress it. To this plea of ​​Mamère we fully agree. However, he involuntarily presents cultural difference between Rroma and French, where almost none actually exists: He speaks almost continuously of Rroma as travellers, whereas most of them are not. The French “Gens du voyage” are usually French citizen who do not speak Rromanes.

Hugues (2013) describes the French Rroma policies as a disgrace for a country that sees itself as the cradle of human rights. In recent years, French policies towards Rroma were repeatedly condemned as inhumane by both the UN and the EU. France must seek a rapid paradigm shift, if it does not want to lose its legacy of tolerance. At the end of July 2013, there have been physical attacks on Rroma in which several were seriously injured. The targeted surveillance policies advocated by Estrosi are another step backwards in the effort towards more tolerance and integration as an alternative to repression and expulsion.

Duquesne (2013) also sees the French population policies towards Rroma as increasingly aggressive. At the end of July, two residents of a Rroma camp were seriously injured in an attack by an armed mob of fifteen people in Saint-Denis. The numbers of evictions increase, Estrosi and like-minded want to prevent the accession of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area, which would result in the freedom of movement with the rest of the EU.

Abdul (2013) reportes on a dispute over water in Wissous, in the Essonne department. The Mayor of Wissous, Régis Roy Chevalier, on 6 July 2013, turned off  three of five hydrants that are close to a Rroma camp.. This after the inhabitants of the camp had tapped the hydrants due to lack of a water supply. Thereupon ensued a debate around the question as to whether, in the case of lack of water supply water may be illegally tapped. While green politicians like Marie-Hélène Brelaud describe Roy Chevaliers approach as obscene,  the Social Democrat decidedly does not want to be seen as a sympathizer of right-wing politicians. He sees himself as a representative of the residents of Wissous and whose will he enforces by the means of law: “M. Roy-Chevalier, le maire de Wissous, souhaite „se différencier de toutes ces personnes“. A l’en croire, cette décision ne relève pas de son autorité de maire, mais de celle de la communauté d’agglomération, dont il est vice-président… „Mon premier parti, c’est Wissous. Je sais que certains partis bien-pensants estiment que l’on peut s’occuper des populations en situation illégale avant les autres. Pas moi“, se défend M. Roy-Chevalier.” [ M. Roy Chevalier, Wissous’ mayor wishes “to differenciate himself from all these people”. If he is to be believed, this decision is not a consequence of his mayor’ office, but is the responsibility of the community of agglomeration of which he is the vice-president… “My first party, is Wissous. I know that certain politically correct parties think that one should take care of illegal population first, I don’t”.] With this statement, Chevalier cuts himself away from a humanism that is ready to break the rules when it is for the better of those concerned.

Fouteau (2013) interviewed the French ethnologist Michel Agier, on the question of the relationship between ethnicity and nationalism. Agier sees France policies toward Rroma as part of a state policy that deliberately defines itself in contrast to outsiders, and these outsiders – the Rroma – are consciously exploited for one’s own identity definition. In addition, from the perspective of the nation state, the state’s borders are strengthened by the assignment of clear categories to various population groups. He describes this assignment of clear categories as a dominant act that intentionally generates distance and provides the justification for eventual the deprivation of rights: “Dans le contexte de la mondialisation, les Roms, ou plutôt ceux qui sont désignés comme tels, sont utiles au pouvoir. Au moment où les États-nations périclitent, où la crise économique fragilise les sociétés “occidentales”, les gouvernants ont besoin de ce nom pour créer un dehors. Ils ont besoin de faire croire à leur altérité absolue, de les constituer en étranger ennemi, pour faire exister leurs frontières. Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité, tout comme expulser des Afghans ou reconduire à la frontière des migrants venus d’Afrique.” [In the context of mondialisation, the Rroma, or rather those who are thus labelled, are useful to the power in place. At a time where nation-states are collapsing, where the economical crisis fragilises occidental societies, the rulers need this name to create an outside. The need to make believe in their absolute otherness, to constitute them as foreign foes in other to make their own borders exist. To expulse Rroma is a way to create nationality, exactly as is the expulsion of Afghans or to send back migrants from Africa.] However Agiers analysis does not go far enough, as he considers Rroma only in terms of methodological nationalism. But Klaus-Michael Bogdal has shown in his detailed deconstruction of stereotypes and prejudices against Rroma that these are not a phenomenon of individual nation-states, but a problem of Europe as a whole. But Agier is correct in that it is at the level of national policies that attention these categories exists.

Sources:

  • Abdul, Shahzad (2013) A Wissous, la “chasse à l’eau” des Roms, privés de bornes à incendie par le maire. In: Le Monde online vom 29.7.2013.
  • Duquesne, Pierre (2013) Roms: «Partout, les agressions se multiplient» In: L’Humanité online vom 30.7.2013.
  • Fouteau, Caroline (2013) “Expulser des Roms est une manière de produire de la nationalité” In: Mille Babords online vom 1.8.2013.
  • Hugues (2013) Roms : La France qui fait honte au pays des droits de l’homme! In: Agora Vox online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Lazerges, Christine (2013) Intégrer les Roms requiert du courage politique, In: Le Monde online vom 31.7.2013.
  • Leroy, Vanessa (2013) Les Roms relogés dans l’agglomération du Havre. In: Paris-Normandie online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Mamère, Noël (2013) Les Roms ou la nouvelle question juive. In: Rue 89 online vom 30.7.2013. 
  • Piquemal, Marie (2013) Les tensions envers les Roms sont plus vives en France qu’ailleurs» In: Libération online vom 30.7.2013. 
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26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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The Blick (2013) reported on the controversial statement of the mayor of Cholet, Gilles Bourdouleix, who, while visiting an illegal Rroma camp that was to be evicted made a racist remark to. Bourdouleix is reported to have said: “Hitler may not have killed enough of them.” This occurred after he visited the settlement, consisting of around 150 caravans and after a dispute between himself and the residents. The Rroma are reported to have provoked the mayor with the imitation of the Hitler salute. Bourdouleix, however denied having made the remark. According to him, this is word twisting and a subordination of the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest”, which lost processes against Bourdouleix. The Blick adds that the term “Gens du voyage” refers to the Rroma with French nationality whereas the term “Les Roms” is usually associated with Romanian and Bulgarian ethnic Rroma.

Lehnhartz (2013) adds that the leaders of the Alliance Party “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI), to which Bourdouleix belongs, announced his expulsion from the party. The prefect of Loire-et-Marne has strongly condemned the utterance as a “trivialisation of crimes against humanity.” After Bourdouleix accused the newspaper “Le Courrier de l’Ouest” of defamation and manipulation, the newspaper published a recording of the comments on their website in order to legitimize their reporting. Bourdouleix was already noticed in previous years due to defamatory statements against travelling Rroma. But perhaps more frightening than Bourdouleix statement, the fact that 30 percents of the respondents or a survey gave him right to highlight the intentional non integration of Roma with his excessive remarks.

Le Point (2013) reported on 24 July that Bourdouleix resigned from the “Union des Démocrates et Indépendants” (UDI). The UDI party leaders saw themselves forced to unavoidable and immediate measures following the unambiguous Bourdouleix’ words. Jean Arthuis, chairman of the UDI, further criticised Bourdouleix on the fact that he had not subsequently apologized for the remarks. 20 Minutes (2013) notes that the socio-political topic of Rroma remains controversial and could cause gains for parties of the rights in the upcoming municipal elections of March 2014. La Dépêche (2013) adds that Bourdouleix because of the accusation of “Justification of crimes against humanity” risks up to five years in prison and a fine of up to 45,000 euro.

Lafetter (2013) analyses the debates in France in the context of French Rroma policy of recent years. For Lafetter it is obvious that Rroma, who are increasingly living on the street, are the victims of a failed policy. Although the rigorous practice evicting Rroma from informal camps leads to short-term relief of conflicts with local residents, in the long run, it prevents the integration of Rroma. The leftist government does even more evictions than the previous Sarkozy government: “la gauche démantèle plus que la droite, sans pour autant proposer de solution pérenne de relogement. Selon les chiffres récoltés par Philippe Goossens, de l’AEDH (Association européenne pour la défense des droits de l’homme), 5 482 personnes ont été évacuées de force au deuxième trimestre 2013, contre 2 883 au premier trimestre. Un record depuis 2010.” [The left evicts more than the right, without actually proposing alternative lodging solutions. According to numbers gathered by Philippe Goossens of the AEDH, 5 482 people were forcefully evicted in the second quarter of 2013 against 2 883 during the first quarter. A record since 2010.] The evictions are also almost always done in the name of humanity. One deplores the lack of sanitary conditions in the camps or one orders the removal of the settlements for safety reasons. This, however, renders long-term integration, which should be the ultimate goal, even more difficult.

Moreau (2013) reports on the demolition of informal housing in Bordeaux-Bastide. The competent mayor arranged the eviction and subsequent destruction of residential units to make it impossible to re-use. This was done at the request of the residents, who complained about noise, poor hygiene, verbal attacks, pimping and others. The article reproduces without any reflection derogatory views about Rroma, when he cites: “Après un temps de tolérance, au fil des mois, les pétitions de riverains se sont succédé pour dénoncer des nuisances permanentes occasionnées par cette installation précaire : problème d’hygiène, tapages nocturnes et diurnes, voitures ventouses, sentiment d’impunité, agressions verbales, trafics en tout genre, proxénétisme, fumées noires et odeurs toxiques émanant de feux de métaux volés coulés sur place, etc.” [After a time of tolerance, during the month, petitions from neighbours followed one after the other to denounce the permanent nuisances that this precarious occupation generated: hygiene issues, noise day and night, impunity feeling, verbal aggressions, various traffics, pimping, black smoke and toxic fumes from the fires melting stolen metals on the spot, etc.]

Trossero (2013) reported on the eviction of an informal Rroma camp in Marseille. Due to a large police presence, the eviction generated a lot of public attention. Supporters demonstrated against the removal of the dwellings. The police chief of Marseille Jean-Paul Bonnetain, relativised the large police presence: It was not a confrontation but rather a peaceful eviction.

French Rroma organizations criticize in particular the unilateral practice of evictions: Too little land is made available for the Rroma, thus shifting the problems but not solving them.

Lefebvre (2013) discusses the difficult living conditions in an illegal Rroma camp in Roubaix. Because of the lack of water, residents are forced to tap into the adjacent hydrants, which calls attention of the authorities. Several Rroma were therefore already arrested. The lack of safe water also leads to a marked deterioration of sanitary conditions. Georges Voix, of the League for Human Rights stated: “C’est intolérable, ces gens ne peuvent pas vivre dans ces conditions. Les médecins qui interviennent dans le camp prescrivent la plupart du temps pour des maladies de peau dues à un manque d’hygiène. Et pour cause. Avec cette chaleur, la transpiration, la poussière et l’impossibilité de se laver, tout est réuni pour développer des pathologies cutanées.” [It is intolerable, these people cannot live in these conditions. Doctors who intervene in this camp mostly prescribe medication for skin diseases due to the lack of hygiene. With this heat, sweat, dust, the impossibility to wash oneself, everything is there to develop coetaneous pathologies.]

Moga (2013) reported on an informal camp in Strasbourg, in the district of Saint-Gall. The camp existed for over eight years and is home to around 400 Rroma. Now, the camp is to make way for a set of gardens. According to the responsible persons of Strasbourg, a permanent camp was thought about, especially now that voices were raised for the maintenance of the camp. Marie-Dominique Dreyssé, when she took office in 2008 as the person responsible for Social Affairs, she was shocked by the sometimes precarious conditions in the slums. In response, she founded the project “Place 16”, the only legal Rroma camp in Strasbourg, which opened in 2011. Around 130 people live in fixed caravans, almost all from Romania. Place 16 was to be only an interim station for the families until they have successfully built their own business and integrate. But almost all residents of the facility are there since the beginning. One now hope that with the free movement agreements due in early 2014, their access to the labour market will improve. The organization wants to create more camps that are recognized by the state on the model of the “Place 16” camp. The goal is to build in Cronenbourg and in Port du Rhin camps on which the Rroma can build their own houses, using reclaimed wood. However, regular objections from residents of the projected areas are creating a problem.

The French newspaper L’Express (2013) reports on a special art project in the village Bodvalenke in Hungary. On the initiative of one resident, paintings were mounted on the facades of many houses in the village. The subjects of the images cover the Rroma culture, with the aim to attract tourists and at the same time contribute to greater tolerance towards the Rroma. Bodvalenke has no tourist infrastructure, so engaged residents take care of the tourists themselves.

Sources:

  • 20 minutes (2013) Son dérapage sur les Roms risque de lui coûter cher. In: 20 minutes Suisse online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Blick (2013) Bürgermeister sorgt mit Roma-Beschimpfung für Empörung. In: Blick online vom 22.7.2013.
  • La Depêche (2013) Dérapage sur Hitler et les Roms : Bourdouleix menacé de poursuites pénales. In: La Depêche online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lafetter, Anne (2013) Les Roms poussés à la rue. In: Les Inrocks online vom 24.7.2013.
  • L’express (2013) Des fresques artistiques pour aider les Roms. In: L’express online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Lehnhartz, Sascha (2013) Bürgermeister hetzt in Frankreich gegen Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gilles Bourdouleix démissionne suite à ses propos sur Hitler et les Roms. In: Le Point online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Lefebvre, Robert (2013) Roubaix: Coup de chaud pour les Roms du quai d’Anvers. In: La Voix du Nord online vom 23.7.2013.
  • Moreau, Florence (2013) Le squat de Roms se vide. In: Sud Ouest online vom 26.7.2013.
  • Moga, Nathalie (2013) Strasbourg : l’impossible camp rom. In: Rue 89 Strasbourg online vom 25.7.2013.
  • Trossero, Denis (2013) Marseille : expulsion de familles Roms, les associations protestent. In: La Provence online vom 24.7.2013. 
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26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Putzier (2013) presents a one-sided view of the debate on poverty immigration to Germany. He describes the migration from Southeast Europe exclusvely as a mass exodus of poorly educated Bulgarians and Romanians. That a significant proportion of immigrants he cites, 27,242 Bulgarians and Romanians during the months of January and February, could include seasonal workers and professionals, it is not discussed. Also the warning about the “rising costs of poverty immigration” is not new, as it is fiercely debated since the beginning of this year.

Adeoso (2013) spoke with Adam Strauss, a German Sinto and a founding member of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Strauss has won several awards for his work against racism and for the integration of Rroma. However, against these official honours, the social reality weights in, a reality which is still pervaded by a great many negative experiences: “It has been 70 years since the Nazi era is over and 68 percent of the people, according to a Emnid survey, want no contact with us. If someone says, “You are ALSO people”, it is already clear on what kind of place we stand. […] We have stood alone in the yard at school during recess, nobody has played with us, and I experienced the same situation today with my granddaughter. She also stands alone in the playground, no one plays with her, she eats her bread during the break alone, sitting in the corner, just like us – with us no one had contact either. This is the worst […] ».

Beer (2013) spoke with Roman Franz, chairman of the Association of Roma and Sinti in North Rhine-Westphalia. Franz tries to spread a counter perspective to the usual arguments about poverty immigration from Eastern Europe. One cannot always poke about the integration willingness of immigrants; one also needs to create the necessary structures so that they can integrate. One should also attempt to present a more differentiated view on the reasons behind migration. Portraying migration solely as an economic one, simplifies the situation too much: “Nobody likes to leave his home. Many Rroma in Eastern Europe live in incredibly difficult conditions. If they are allowed to send their children to school at all, then they are pelted with stones. They are there fair game. It is imperative that our head of state engages himself in countries such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic or Slovakia, that Rroma are not forced out in this way”. With this he comes to a much too little discussed topic: What do political analyses say about the socio-political situation of a country and what are the actual experiences of local people? According to most countries official analyses, there is no discrimination against Rroma in South-eastern Europe.

Sources:

  • Adeoso, Marie-Sophie (2013) „Es ist mir sehr wichtig, dass ich ein Sinto bin“ In: Frankurter Rundschau online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Beer, Achim (2013) Roma-Verbandschef fordert Quartiere und Sprachkurse. In: Der Westen online vom 21.7.2013.

 

– Putzier, Konrad (2013) Europas Arme kommen nach Deutschland. In: Die Welt online vom 24.7.20

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19.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Leghtas (2013) reflects on the rising evictions of informal Rroma camps in France that recur every summer. In March 2012, François Holland, then still a presidential candidate, blamed the policies of the Sarkozy administration for the blatant poverty of the Rroma in France. It was a scapegoat policy taking place on the back of Rroma and additionally stigmatizing them. But even under the new Hollande government, Leghtas emphasizes that things have not changed in practice. The much-quoted circular of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of August, 2012, which calls for a better information policy to residents and for the timely organization of alternative accommodation had not been applied very often. A law that was passed under Sarkozy and allows the deportation of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma for “abuse” of the European freedom of travel is still in force. Some mayors have themselves taken the initiative and organised legal accommodation for he needy and enrolled the children into classes. These individual acts – so Leghtas – do not free the French government of its responsibility for finding a respectable, long-term solution in dealing with Rroma. France must follow a politic in agreement with the UN human rights policies that guarantee a timely relocation and care of those affected by forced evictions. In addition, the French government has to seek better integration policies, such as reducing barriers in accessing the labour market. In August, a new wave of evictions is imminent. It is time for the government Hollande to put their new orientation towards the Sarkozy administration to the test.

Various French newspapers (Bertrand, 2013, Dessus, 2013, Le Point, 2013) also report back on the prosecution of Jean-Marie Le Pen and Christian Estrosi for racist abuse against Rroma. The European Forum of Rroma, SOS Rasismus and the Association of French Rroma organizations are the accusers. The plaintiffs accuse Le Pen and Estrosi among others, to promote a discourse of hatred against the Rroma purely for electoral purposes. Various newspapers equate Rroma with Travellers, even though most Rroma are recognized to be sedentary. The Mayor Sophie Dessus advocates a cooperative deal with the residents of illegal settlements, rather than collection of repressive policies. Le Creurer (2013) summarizes the statements of Estrosi as follows: “Monsieur Estrosi a tenu des propos xénophobes contre les gens du voyage suite à des occupations illégales de terrains communaux par leurs caravanes. Il a dénoncé des comportements de „délinquants“ et a appelé les maires de France à „la révolté“ en proposant de leur fournir son „mode d’emploi“ pour „les mater.““  [Mister Estrosi made xenophobic statements against travellers following illegal occupations of communal land by their caravans. He denounced what he deemed “criminal” behaviours, and appealed to France’s Mayors to “revolt” offering them his “how to” to tame them.] Due to existing regulations, all communities are asked to provide space for at least 50 caravans and transit sites for 50 to 250 caravans (Polloni 2013). In this case Rroma are again confused travellers. Only a small single-digit percentage of Rroma is effectively travelling.

Ziegler (2013) addresses the now frequently encountered confusion between the terms of Rroma, Gypsies and Travellers. Louis de Gouyon Matignon, junior president of the French Association for the gypsy culture suggests the following distinction: “Il est très important de faire la distinction. Le peuple tsigane est formé de trois peuples différents : les Roms lorsqu’ils sont à l’Est de l’Europe, les manouches lorsqu’ils sont à l’Ouest, et enfin les gitans lorsqu’ils sont sur la péninsule ibérique. Les tsiganes de France s’appellent les gens du voyage. Ce sont des citoyens français qui n’ont rien à voir avec les Roms qui sont des citoyens de l’Europe et qui sont pour la majorité, soit Roumains, soit Bulgares.” [It is really important to make a distinction. The Gypsy people comprise three different groups: The Rroma, when they are in Eastern Europe, the Manouches when they are in the West, and the Gitanos, when they are in the Iberic Penninsula. These are French citizen who have nothing to do with the Rroma who are European citizen and who are in majority either Romanian or Bulgarian.] One can only criticise this distinction between Rroma, Manouche, Gipsies and Tsiganes as being simplistic and only partially true. The German Sinti and the closely related French Manouche, as well as the Spanish Kale (Gipsies) are country-specific designations for members of the Rroma who live since the 15th Century in Western Europe. Sinti are part of the Rroma as a whole and not a separate ethnic group. These groups contrasts with Rroma  immigrants from Eastern Europe from the 20th Century who migrated to Western Europe because of civil war or economic hardship.

Polloni (2013) takes a closer look at Christian Estrosi’s Rroma policies. She points out the contradiction that, contrary to the provisions in force, only a fraction of the necessary permanent and transit sites for Travellers  who are incorrectly equated here with the Rroma are available. The article focuses more on the Estrosi’s visit to the Aboras stadion, where Rroma were quartered for several weeks. Estrosi called for the Travellers to immediately leave the stadium. When they refused, Estrosi threatened them with a systematic monitoring of all their activities: “Bon, on va voir, j’en ai maté d’autres et je vous materai. Et la première chose que je fais c’est de mettre des caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent, on va noter ceux qui rentrent, ceux qui sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment, et ce que vous allez faire partout dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.“ [So, let’s see, I tamed others and will tame you. And the first thing I will do is put cameras everywhere, to watch everything you do in the few hours from now, we will note who came in, went out, at which minute, at what time, and what you are going to to everywhere in the city, the agglomeration, etc.] With this rigorous monitoring policy Estrosi wants to force these “stateless” people to a state compliant behaviour.

France 3 (2013) discusses the state of Romanian, Bulgarian and Spanish Rroma immigrants in Auvergne. The immigrants are in a state of non-appurtenance: Although they are EU citizens, they are not welcome just about anywhere and it is therefore very difficult to build a livelihood and to integrate.

Sources:

  • Bertrand, Yann (2013) Roms : trois associations portent plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: France Info online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Dessus, Sophie (2013) Estrosi et les gens du voyage: maire PS, j’ai aussi des soucis mais pas les mêmes méthodes. In: Le Plus online vom 17.7.2013. 
  • France 3 (2013) En Auvergne aussi, les Roms sont confrontés à de graves situations d’exclusion. In: France 3 online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Leghtas, Izza (2013) „L’été 2013 sera-t-il différent pour les Roms en France?” In: L’express France online vom 16.7.2013.  
  • Le Creurer, Olivier (2013) Le Forum européen des Roms et des Gens du voyage porte plainte contre Jean-Marie Le Pen et Christian Estrosi. In: France 3 online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gens du voyage : plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: Le Point online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Polloni, Camille (2013) Roms et gens du voyage : Christian Estrosi s’emmêle les pinceaux. In: Rue 89 online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Ziegler, Marlène (2013) Gens du voyage : Roms, gitans, tsiganes, qui sont-ils vraiment? In: La Toile de fond (Mlactu) online vom 17.7.2013. 
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12.07.2013 Persistent Polemics on Rroma in France

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Le Monde (2013) reports on the continuing politicization and Polemics about Rroma in France. Christian Estros, UMP deputy, complained about the the creeping abrogation of Nicolas Sarkozy campaigns in a Sunday television program and ran a political attack against Rroma. He complained in addition, that the expulsion of Rroma illegal camps has become more difficult since a 2012 by Circular of Manuel Valls. This statement must not obscure the fact that Interior Minister Valls did not really pursue Rroma friendly policies. Valls, in public statements, has repeatedly accused the Rroma of lack of will to integration, and of a cultural incompatibility with France. Estros urged France’s mayors to enforce a lasting, tough policy on illegal Rroma  settlements: He threatened Rroma, which he equates with the term of “travellers”, with a rigorous monitoring and enforcement policy: “La première chose que je fais, c’est de vous mettre caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent. On va noter ceux qui rentrent, sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment et ce que vous allez faire partout, dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.” [The first thing I do is to put cameras everywhere to monitor your actions in the hours to come. We will note those who come in, out, at what time, and what you are going to do everywhere, in the city, in the agglomeration.] He said he would make Rroma financially accountable for the lack of payment of public services.

Estros political attack against the Rroma shows once more that state representatives do not really care about the fate of Rroma. Rather, they use them to construct a counter-concept, an counter idea to their own values. Thus, the Rroma are stylized to integration averse travellers who intentionally want to live in poverty and social exclusion. How absurd such a demonization of an entire ethnic group is, seem not to be clear to many. Rather, political practices seems to make it apparently de rigueur to identify them as enemies of the state and to openly accuse and defame them.

Bonneau (2013) reports on the meeting of the French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault with Romanian representatives in Bucharest. The delegates, in a two-day meeting, wanted to discuss the economic and social relations between the two countries. It is the first state visit by a French minister since Dominique de Villepin’s visit in 2007. For Ayrault, the dossier on the role of Rroma is especially important since it strained the relations of the two Latin-speaking countries in recent years. French politicians in recent times have repeatedly criticized Romania for doing too little for the Rroma integration. On the other hand, one does acknowledge the efforts of Romania to try to stop the emigration from Romania. On the French side, there are calls for a paradigm shift in the Romanian policies on Rroma.

Le Quotidien (2013) emphasizes that Ayrault also highlighted bilateral efforts and the pan-European responsibility for the integration of Rroma. According to the Romanian census cited, with 600,000 members, Romanian Rroma constitute one of the largest community of this European minority. According to NGOs, the number is even much higher and will reaches to approximately two million. Romanian Prime Minister assured that Romania will take full responsibility for the integration of the Rroma up, but needs France’s support.

Erlanger (2013) provides a contextualizing, historicising overview of French Rroma policies. He is like many before him who have also found that the Rroma policies of the French state have not really changed since the inauguration of the Hollande government. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls had just done as many evictions if not more cause evictions of illegal camps than his predecessor. The repressive policy towards Rroma is particularly fuelled by the imminent opening of the borders between the new Schengen States Romania and Bulgaria and the rest of Europe. Despite his emphatic approach in his portrayal of the situation of Rroma, Erlanger commits the error to reduces them to the publicly visible: the beggars who live in slums. The expulsion of Rroma from France has increased in the past year: Thus, in 2011, according to statistics 10’841 Romanian and Bulgarian nationals, here they are automatically assumed to be Rroma, were sent back. In 2012, there were then about 12,800. The situation of Rroma in Romania has even worsened since EU accession: The access to public health care is difficult.

Geneviève Garrigos (2013) President of Amnesty International France, in a public speech, challenges the French Prime Minister to finally take an active, strong and inclusive policy towards Rroma. She also points to the rampant and sometimes massive human rights violations against Rroma in Romania, facts that gained recognition in view of the recent evictions. Garrigos also criticized the openly racist opinions of Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen and Christian Estrosi, as well as the findings based on ethnical traits from the Social Democratic Interior Minister Manuel Valls.

SOS Racisme in France will press charges against Christian Estrosi and Jean-Marie Le Pen because of their racist abuse. Le Pen calld the presence of Rroma in Nice called “urticante et odorante” [itching and odorous] and warned of an impending mass exodus of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma to France. Estrosi in turn has announced a relentless monitoring policy towards Rroma, through which he wants to bring them to reason and make them pay (MY TF1 News, 2013).

Sallé (2013) sees a clear deficit between political statements and reality: Since the implementation of a law in 2000, requiring adequate accommodation for Rroma and Travellers, only a fraction of the projected accommodation options have been effectively implemented.

The French Education Minister George Pau-Langevin will attend an event of the Paris Summer University, dealing with the successful integration of Rroma in France. George Paul- Langevin stressed that she wants to especially strengthen the education of Rroma children. “Il faut faire en sorte que ces enfants-là (les Roms, NDLR) deviennent des enfants de la République.” [We have to make sure that these children become children of the Republic.] This contrasts with efforts of other politicians, who want to accelerate the expulsion of Rroma communities (Lyon Mag 2013).

Roux (2013) wants to present the political polemics some real solutions for the successful integration of Rroma. The French state already took one such option. These are so-called “integration villages”, where needy Rroma receive accommodation and social support. Downside to this project: There are surveillance systems, their access criteria are arbitrary and promote ethnic segregation. The statistics on the successful integration of the residents of such “integration villages” are sobering: Until now, between 15 and 20% of the residents have found work again.

Another approach is to promote the integration into the workplace. Key problem is the long waiting period for obtaining a work permit, which lies between six and ten months. In addition, Romanian and Bulgarian nationals access to the labour market is made more difficult until the end of 2013 by temporary legislation. You only have access to 150 defined professional groups and the employer must pay a tax to the French integration office.

As a third approach, Roux names the necessary political and social will to integrate Rroma: The prefect of the Rhône distributed around a hundred residence permits to Rroma after a local real estate agent who engaged himself for Rroma had granted them shelter and support.

Sources:

  • Bonneau, Benjamin (2013) Tous les chemins d’Ayrault mènent aux Roms. In:  online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Erlanger, Steven (2014) Droite ou gauche : les Roms sont toujours aussi maltraités. In: Courrier international online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Garrigos, Geneviève (2013) Le Pen, Estrosi et les Roms : Monsieur Ayrault, cette stigmatisation est intolérable. In: Amnesty International France online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Le Monde (2013) Roms : Estrosi adepte de la méthode forte. In: Le Monde online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Le Quotidien (2013) Les Roms et Schengen au menu des discussions de Jean-Marc Ayrault à Bucarest. In: Le Quotodien online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Lyon Mag (2013) A Lyon, la ministre Pau-Langevin veut améliorer l’intégration des Roms. In: Lyon Mag online vom 12.7.2013.  
  • MY TF1 News (2013) Propos d’Estrosi et Le Pen sur les Roms: SOS Racisme annonce des plaintes. In: MY TF1 News online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Roux, Fanny (2013) Roms: après la polémique, les solutions. In: Youphil online vom 8.7.2013.
  • Sallé, Caroline (2013) Roms, gens du voyage… un casse-tête pour les maires. In: Le Figaro online vom 10.7.2013. 
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05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
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28.06.2013 Human Trafficking, Rroma, and Switzerland

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The Swiss TV (2013) interviewed Jean-Luc Vez, Director of the Federal Office of Police (Fedpol). According to Fedpol’s Annual Report 2012, during the year, 5’055 reports of human trafficking were logged. According Vez, the clear increase in reports is due to the introduction of the witness protection program for victims of human trafficking. According to the report, 69% of those affected are from Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria and are members of the Rroma minority.

Source:

  • Schweizer Fernsehen (2013) Menschenhandel – es kommt Licht ins Dunkel. In: Schweizer Fernsehen online vom 25.6.2013. 
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28.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany and Austria

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In a long article, Carstens (2013) reports on the Romania trip of the Berlin district councillor Franziska Giffey. He tries to present a detailed picture of the situation on the ground, but he fails due to his preconceived belief that all Rroma want to move to Germany. He describes the representatives of the Romanian village Cojasca as caricatures but who are ultimately only interested in profit through economic relations with Germany. The mayor of Cojasca, according to Carsten, tries first to get Giffeys to agree to finance a factory with German money, then switches to asking for funds for the local school canteen and ends with offering his services in Germany as a translator. Carsten’s bottom line reasoning is simple: children’s allowances and benefits in Neukölln and in general in Germany are so high when compared with the low income in Romania, so that it provides essential stimulus for migration wherever poverty exists. He may not be wrong, but he oversimplifies the complexity of transnational migrations. He neglects questions about social cohesion of groups and communities, does not ask anything about the history of the Rroma in Romania, does not question the Romanian and German migration policies. If migration is considered only from an economical perspective as this often happens and is also Carsten’s view, questions about social integration, historicity, the role of individuals and the power of political discourse are simply neglected. Poverty migration exists, but it is not nearly as one-dimensional as Carsten’s represent it: It also takes courage to leave one’s own home behind and to travel to another country whose language you do not speak properly. Transnational relations are formed more or less depending on the structures of the participating countries and the possibilities of the involved persons. He who upholds the rules of the free market and therefore the freedom of workers should be self-critical, if he / she sees the new residents of a given country as poverty migrants from other countries who actually come as bearers of wealth and expertise. The reality is more than the just visible on the surface and certainly not just an intellectual construct.

Dernbach (2013) points out in her article the widespread pejorative views about Rroma. On the occasion of the presentation of Markus End’s findings “antiziganism – the state of research and the counter-strategies” she discusses the situation of Rroma in Germany. End points out that the stereotypes are still strong in the minds of the masses and that the thematising violence and discrimination against Rroma usually only is put in relation to events in Eastern Europe and not in their own country.

End (2013) points out in his publication about strong grievances regarding media coverage and the public abuse of Rroma. There is almost no research which focuses on antiziganism, the regulation of the press provides insufficient protection against discrimination, politicians can even make derogatory or racist remarks against Rroma without any consequences. Broad sections of the population continue to exhibit strong prejudices against Rroma, such as the belief that Rroma tend to criminality. Based on those views, discriminatory acts against Rroma occur regularly and these are seldom followed upon.

Hämerle (2013) spoke with the Romanian President Basescu on the relationship between Romania and the European Union. The conversation also covered the role of Rroma. Basescu stated: “There are virtually no problems with Romanians who emigrated, the whole debate revolves around the economic migration of the Rroma. But the Western states dare not to say this, which is why they prefer to talk about problems with Romanian immigrants. We will then make progress when they openly admit: Yes, the Rroma minority is causing problems, and we need to resolve this.” Regarding this point, Basescu seems to be poorly informed about the German, French and English media. There, this is in fact treated exactly as a Rroma  problem or question. Basescu sees a reluctance of Romanian Rroma to use existing educational opportunities. Combined with the significant differences in wealth between Germany and Romania, the raises the economic migration question. To solve this migration and to better integrate the Rroma needs a pan-European solution.

Gottschlich (2013) reports on the efforts of the North Rhine Westphalia Interior Minister Ralf Jäger to better integrate the Rroma in the cities of the province. The federal government is also required to get involved, as signing of the Schengen Agreement on the free movement of persons resulted in increased migration and in the concentration of migrants in individual cities. Specifically, he called for the safeguarding of health care and the promotion of school enrolment. But efforts in the countries of origin such as Romania and Bulgaria are required.

Sources:

  • Carstens, Peter (2013) Willkommen im Roma-Dorf. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 26.6.2013. 
  • Dernbach, Andrea (2013) Sinti und Roma beklagen Vorurteile. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 27.6.2013.
  • End, Markus (2013) Antiziganismus. Zum Stand der Forschung und der Gegenstrategien. In: Mediendienst Integration online vom 28.6.2013.
  • Gottschlich, Peter (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung: Innenminister Ralf Jäger will Städten helfen. In: RP online vom 24.6.2013.
  • Hämmerle, Walter (2013) «Ja, Roma werden diskriminiert» In: Wiener Zeitung online vom 27.6.2013. 
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21.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Kuhn (2013) discusses the letter of Duisburg’s office for foreigners which asked Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants for proof of the legality of their residency in Germany. When the criteria for legal residency are not met, the recipients are threatened with forced expulsion. After three months residency, EU citizens must certify that as they are employees, self-employed or working in a vocational training program. If they do not meet these criteria, they can be expelled. The city administration is defending itself and insists this is not designed against Bulgarian or Romanian Rroma. Critics see the increased scrutiny on immigrants as part of the political disputes over the feared mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria.

Source:

  • Kühn, Oliver (2013) „Illegale Abschiebungen“ von Roma – Linke attackiert Ausländerbehörde. In: Der Westen vom 18.6.2013. 
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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
Bulgaria Czech Republic France Germany Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Poland Romania Slovakia

14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Mouillard / Piquemal (2013) report on the whereabouts of persons displaced from their Rroma camp in Lille. 200 families lived there until last week. The mayor justified the eviction with the statements that the situation in the camp had become unbearable. Both the sanitary conditions, as well as the aggressive begging, prostitution and unsustainable behaviour of the inhabitants of the camps had made the eviction necessary according to Martine Aubry. A circular from the government from 12 August 2012 defines the exact procedures of such an evacuation. This includes the construction of sanitation facilities for displaced people and securing the supply of water and other necessities. Mouillard / Piquemal criticise the caricature representation of Rroma from the authorities.

In Villeneuve d’Ascq, after a series of burglaries, on arrived at a pogrom like situation of the initiated by residents who protested against the presence of Rroma. The Mayor of Villeneuve d’Ascq sees the socio-political situation in his district as poisoned by the presence of Rroma and relativises the humanitarian perspective identifying them as victims of exclusion and racism: “Citoyens européens roumains et bulgares, ils ne sont pas des réfugiés qui fuient une guerre ou une dictature mais des populations qui arrivent, s’installent n’importe où, construisent n’importe quoi, sans respect d’aucune loi ou règlements. Ils n’habitent pas Villeneuve d’Ascq. Ils s’y installent sans droit ni titre.“ [European citizen from Romania or Bulgaria, they are not refugees fleeing a war or a dictature but populations who arrive, settle anywhere, build anything, without any respect to laws and regulations. They do not live in Villeneuve d’Ascq. They settle there without rights.] He calls for better distribution or Rroma in the distribution between communes and for a nationally organised Rroma policy.

The assistant to the mayor of Strasbourg presents a differentiated position. She fought for the establishment of well equipped temporary housing options. Around 150 families live in caravans in the camp behind Strassburg’s train station. This costs the government around 200,000 euro per year. The mayor of Gardanne, Roger Meï, seized the initiative and built accommodation on a former mining area. Meï sees his action as a counterpoint to the national policies and visions that are seldom followed by concrete action: “On est fiers de ce qu’on a fait. François Hollande a dit il y a quelques mois qu’il ne devait pas y avoir d’expulsion sans solution de relogement, de belles paroles. Nous, on a agi “ [We are proud do what we die. François Hollande said a few months ago, that there should be no expulsions without more permanent lodging solutions. Pretty words. We acted.]

The Assistant Minister of Social Affairs of Bordeaux, Alexandra Siarri, is outraged by the simplifications in the representations of the situation: Either say you that France can’t afford to integrate Rroma and they have to leave, or one sees them as victims to be saved. The situation around the evictions of Rroma camps in France remains a politically charged issue that is abused for electoral purposes and the people of the country are being sensitised about Rroma. The danger is in a strong negative representation with disparaging views towards the Rroma, which is taking place in the French media, representing Rroma almost exclusively in the form of delinquency and poverty.

Nahoum-Grappa (2013) thematise the various forms of racism against the Rroma in Europe. While in Greece, extreme-right parties have gained during the economic crisis and act with physical violence against foreigners and minorities, in France, the evacuation of illegal has become a status quo. This is especially a view from outside that dominates the media and public image, less than concrete knowledge about the life of Rroma in the camps. Nahoum-Grappa takes a clear position against the regulatory practices that she feels are inhuman and anachronistic, and are a form of socially sanctioned state racism. She notes: “Brûler, écraser, massacrer tout cela sous les yeux d’une famille que l’on met à la rue, et ce à chaque fois qu’ils reconstruisent, c’est une pratique barbare d’avant la démocratie. Mise à la rue, la famille traîne avec ballots et enfants. Le corps de la mère reste le seul habitat de l’enfant tout petit. Les hommes et les vieux, le blanc des yeux jaune, tournent dans la jungle de la ville: tous vivent dans un temps historique d’avant l’idée d’égalité.” [Burn, crush, massacre, all under the eyes of a family that is thrown to the street, and this every time they rebuild, is a barbarous practice predating democracy. On the street, the family errs with children and bags. His mother body remains the only housing for a small child. The men and the old ones, the white of their eyes turning yellow, walk around in the city jungle: all live in historic times from before the idea of equality.]

Francetv (2013) reported a Rroma slum in Marseille. The settlement is generating protests by local residents and, according to right-wing politicians, threatens the social peace. A media tempest was caused by a government advisor Didier Réaul, who called on Twitter for physical violence against the Rroma. He had asked for Molotov cocktail to be thrown on the illegal camps. The UMP deputies Guy Teissier described the camp as well as the many other France as a social powder kegs. If no solid measures are to be taken soon, the National Front will get massive increase in votes in the next elections.

Sources :

  • Francetv (2013) Un élu marseillais UMP prône la violence contre les Roms. In: Francetvinfo vom 8.6.2013.
  • Mouillard, Sylvain/ Piquemal, Marie (2013) Roms : quand les mairies expérimentent des solutions concrètes. In: Libération vom 11.6.2013.
  • Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique (2013) Le traitement actuel des Roms est celui d’une Europe oublieuse de ses crimes. In: Le Monde vom 11.6.2013. 
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