Category Archives: Czech Republic

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07.02.2014 Segregation of Rroma in Northern Bohemia

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Ebert (2014) reports on the children centre “Ambrela” in Schluckenau, an institution for assisting disadvantaged children, primarily Rroma. The children are – amongst others – helped with homework, whereby the still widespread segregation of Rroma children in the Czech Republic should be challenged. Many Rroma children are enrolled into so-called “practical classes”, which do not foster their skills and greatly reduce their chances on the labour market: “educational discrimination” is the keyword. This phenomenon ensures anywhere in Central and Eastern Europe that ethnic or social minorities remain where they are: on the edge of society. The Czech Republic is no exception. Especially members of the Roma minority are likely to be sent into the so-called “practical schools”[ … ].” Pastor Pavel Prochazka complains that the support of the Rroma is boycotted or disapproved by numerous representatives of the majority society and thereby maintains segregation. The emphatic article disapproves the educational discrimination against Rroma in public schools in the Czech Republic. However, it also indirectly confirms notions of impoverished, poorly educated Rroma, as they regularly circulate in the media.

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31.01.2014 Immigration debate in Germany

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Wragge (2014) raises the question why the debate about the supposed mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria ever evolved. There are plenty of reasons to refute the arguments of the proponents of mass migration as the experiences with the free migration policy with Poland and the Czech Republic show. Also, the EU law protects Germany against excessive payments from the social security system. Wragge sees the origin of the debate in polemical statements by conservative politicians and in the dissemination of distorted images through the media: “An attempt to explain the existence of this debate leads to the images that we have of Bulgarians and Romanians. If one speaks of the predicted 80,000-200,000 newcomers – do we see only low-income families in Duisburg’s “problem houses” in front of us, or also the engineers, doctors and nurses who come to us? Around these images there is a raging “semantic battle” in the media […].”  Furthermore, the responsibilities of the EU and the German government are repeatedly mixed in the debate and a false image the various actors is spread. Wragge identifies the debate as permeated by fears and taboos, such as naming problems as the immigration of Rroma by their name. He is, however, clearly wrong if he means that the immigration debate is a problem with the Rroma. The Rroma are exploited and instrumentalised by politicians and journalists for their purposes. They create a distorted, negative caricature of the Rroma, what makes them the real aggressors in the debate.

The district Reinickendorf in Berlin has been allocated 130,000 Euros for the years 2014 and 2015 to support immigrant Rroma in their integration process (Schindler 2014). The integration assistance is supposed to encompass language courses and the teaching of general social competences. The awarded funding is surprising in the sense that the ethnicity of immigrants is not identified. The figures are based on estimates and speak of 900 to 1000 immigrant Rroma in Reinickendorf. Schindler reproduces a one-sided image of needy, uneducated Rroma, which has been spread the media for over a year.

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24.01.2014 Rroma in Great Britain and the Schengen policies

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Clark (2013) criticises the Romanian government for its Rroma policies. From his standpoint, it is not appropriate that Romania criticizes the UK for its restrictive migration policy. Romania itself, he emphasizes, has large shortcomings in its policies concerning Rroma. The remark of the Romanian Rroma commissioner Damian Draghici that one should not be angry with Rroma beggars but rather be angry at bankers, Clark considers to be arrogant and as distracting from the abuses in Romania and Bulgaria itself: „Over the past decade municipal [Romanian] authorities have ethnically cleansed their city centres of Roma and relocated them to shanty towns on the fringes. In Cluj-Napoca, in a case which has aroused the interest of Amnesty International, 300 Roma people were moved to a site next to a landfill and chemical dump, where families have been made to share one room. […] The inevitable result is a westwards flow of Roma fleeing from discrimination and poverty. The EU’s open borders policy should be suspended until Romania and Bulgaria have improved living conditions for all their citizens.“ Clark fails to recognize in his analysis that there are no overnight solutions for the social ills in Eastern Europe. In addition, the integration of the Rroma is a pan-European task requiring a pan-state solution. Isolation is therefore clearly the wrong answer to social and political shortcomings.

The forced relocation of several Rroma families in Cluj-Napoca onto the site of a former chemical factory was judged illegal by the local court. The incumbent mayor was convicted  for having exceeded his authority in authorizing the relocation. The decision was welcomed by many organisations, such as the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) that had supported the action against the forced relocation (Ekklesia 2014).

An antithesis to Clark’s presentation is Kelley’s (2014) article in The Journal. It reminds about the prejudices, the Rroma genocide, the fear fostered by politicians and journalists: A flood of immigrants hasn’t come to Great Britain so far and the British voters have proven to be less anxious than some politicians and journalists prophesied: „A survey revealed 68% of Britons welcomed Eastern Europeans who work hard, pay taxes and speak English. And, according to Martin Keles, a spokesman for the Roma community in Newcastle, that is exactly what they intend to do. “We just want the opportunity to provide for our families,” he said.“ Kelley further emphasizes the strong institutionalized racism against Rroma in countries like the Czech Republic, Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia. But not only in Eastern Europe, but in Europe as a whole, the Rroma have experienced a history of exclusion since their arrival in Western Europe in the 14th century. The human rights organization “A Living Tradition” conducted a survey among Rroma migrants on behalf of the council of Newcastle. It revealed that the Eastern European migrants are fleeing rampant racism in their home countries and appreciate the English educational institutions and the open society. Kelley’s article is a welcoming change to the many negative articles about Rroma and the European migration. His positive journalism helps to reduce prejudice and promotes the integration of the Rroma.

Knight (2014) from Gentlemen’s Quarterly takes an ambivalent position concerning the debate about immigration in Europe. On one hand, he propagates the idea of an impeding exodus of impoverished Rroma to Great Britain, on the other, he acknowledges their discrimination. He describes Rroma living in the streets of London, having to cope with very modest incomes. Again and again they are asked by the authorities not to beg and to no longer sleep on the streets. Knight sums up: „Courtesy of the ever-expanding European Union, the UK, and London, are finally waking up to one of Europe’s biggest embarrassments: that after the better part of a thousand years, our continent still does not know how to live at peace with its largest ethnic minority.“ Contrary to the generalising statements in the title, Knight recognizes that British society knows next to nothing about Rroma and that one cannot predict how many Rroma will come to the UK. The statistics on immigrants do not capture ethnicity. Knowledge about the Rroma remains dominated by many unknowns and wrong stereotypes. When Knight quotes a local resident of Bryanston Square, the landlady reproduces racist stereotypes and generalizations, even though her parents are said to be immigrants. She expresses the absurd image of culturally related crimes and otherness of the Rroma that they don’t want to integrate and deliberately choose a life in illegality. In the following paragraph Knight acknowledges that his presentation at the beginning of the article cannot hide is his derogatory attitude towards Rroma. He uncritically restates notions about organised begging, child prostitution, human trafficking and begging networks and qualifies the Rroma as having criminal habits: „Ever since, officers have wondered about the level of organisation within the group, and whether it is connected with more serious crimes, such as human trafficking or child prostitution. Hierarchical networks of beggars and street thieves – run by Gypsies, for Gypsies – have been on the rise in big European cities for the last decade: in Rome, in Milan, in Paris, in Madrid. London is a logical next target. Having spent day after day with the Gypsies this summer, I find they are never more than a few hours from their next visit from the police or their next arrest for begging.” His investigative journalism is biased and unreflective. He limits himself to what he could personally observe on the street and mixes it with crude culturalisations. The short trip to Romania is characterized by the common misery images that are often repeated in the coverage on Rroma: Large families crammed together in one two rooms and minor teenagers already being married and having kids. Knight quotes a Romanian historian, Viorel Achim, who no longer sees the future of the Romanian Rroma in training and the building of an educated, integrated middle class, but in emigration to Northern Europe. The therefore agrees with the predictions of conservative apologists, who warn of a mass migration to Western Europe. Knight cites a Rroma from Botosani: „You are going to be seeing a lot more of us in the future,“ says Manix. „We’re going to beg, do whatever we can. Anything to escape.“ Romanian Rroma commissioner Damian Draghici is particularly critical of NGOs who haven’t used the money entrusted to them. The next few paragraphs revolve around the prosperity gap between Eastern and Western Europe and whether this will result in strong migration movements. The fact that the opening of the border to other Schengen countries such as Poland and Hungary didn’t result in any mass migration is not assessed in any way. Knight communicates stereotypical notions of smuggler gangs and clan chiefs who tie off money for the adaptation to the new place and exploit poorer Rroma systematically: „You have to pay. You know from the outset. […] Everyone is controlled.“ At the end of the very long article, one impression dominates: A feeling of distrust from the journalist towards his informants, the Rroma.

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24.01.2014 The Focus magazine propagates the mass exodus from Romania and Bulgaria

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Dometeit/Lehmkul (2014) report from Romania. Armed with dubious facts they argue that there indeed a mass migration to Western Europe and especially Germany is taking place. They portray poorly trained Rroma in western Romania who hardly earn a living and see their future opportunities in Western Europe. According to the authors, all Rroma that have a reasonably decent life have been abroad for a shorter or longer period of time: “When the labor markets in the EU open at the beginning of the year, everyone will go”, predicts Stefan and grins. “Then we will all meet like on a huge wedding party.” The big goal: North Rhine-Westphalia. Tens of thousands of Romanians and Bulgarians migrate annually. 30’000 people from the two countries came in 2012 (comparing to 18 500 people emigrating). 2013 there will be even more immigrants, the Ministry of Labour, Integration and Social Affairs of North Rhine-Westphalia predicts.” Dometeit/Lehmkul totally ignore that the statistics, as has already been discussed several times, count seasonal workers and therefore are massively exaggerated. That all Romanians and Bulgarians living in poverty will migrate to Germany is very unlikely, as the expansion of free migration to Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland has already shown. Masses of immigrants didn’t show up. Dometeit/Lehmkuhl provide a highly one-sided picture of Rroma. Those who have become rich are immediately associated with illegal activities: “On the so-called rose park there are palaces Roma clans have built through business in Germany. Most of them are empty, the shutters are lowered. Two or three times a year the families come to celebrate. Then the Porsches and Ferraris show up. Two years ago, the police raided some of the villas at the request of the German prosecutor’s, based on suspicions of tax evasion, money laundering and human traffeking.” Such reporting is simplistic and patronizing. Dometeit/ Lehmkuhl completely ignore that there are well integrated, upright Rroma

This one-sided perspective is shared by the Schweizer Magazin (2014). The online newspaper favors polemical generalizations and simplifications: “Sinti and Roma, as well as other social welfare benefiters from Romania and Bulgaria – the two poorest countries in Europe – are ready to flood Germany and to enrich themselves with the social benefits. Only the economy may approve, since every immigrant from these poor countries depresses the wages and thus complicates the lives of all Europeans and only increases the profits of the companies.” To designate the Rroma people generally as social welfare benefiters is racist and stupid. Much more need not being said about this.

The Baltische Rundschau (2014) strengthens fears of a mass immigration from Eastern Europe. The article is openly racist and speaks of social parasites and brown rats who are supposedly coming from Serbia to plunder the German welfare state: “After the wave of Roma who migrate as official EU citizens from Romania and Bulgaria to the German welfare state, more and more Gypsies are now coming from Serbia. However, these do not use the “privileged” status as EU citizens to flood the labour market and welfare system, but make use of the German asylum law. In 2013, the asylum applications from Serbia increased by 40 percent, almost all asylum seekers are Roma.” The Rroma Contact Point has stated very often that the prognosis of a mass immigration to Western Europe is wrong. Moreover, not all immigrants automatically become welfare cases. A reduction of the west migration to the case of the Rroma is racist and ethnicizes poverty problems.

The right-wing populist platform unzensuriert.at (2014) is even more racist. It propagates the concept of a culture war and the collapse of the German welfare state. The pretentious statements are one-sided, distorted, highly selective interpretations of the real situation. The platform forecast an additional influx of 200,000 Romanians and Bulgaria to Germany for the current year: “The city of Duisburg is paying dearly for the unrestricted immigration of Roma clans. For the year 2014, the city administration predicts additional costs of at least 12 million Euro for the “integration” of immigrant Gypsies from Romania and Bulgaria. Meanwhile, some 10,000 Roma live in the Ruhr city. Entire neighborhoods such as Duisburg-Rheinhausen are firmly in the hands of the Gypsies. Germans, but also guest workers from Turkey and former Yugoslavia living here for many years, already feel as strangers.” With such polemical statements unzensuriert.at does intellectual arson and endangers social peace. Such xenophobic statements have nothing to do with freedom of speech and freedom of the press. 

A differentiated and liberal attitude towards the immigration debate is taken by Maike Freund (2013). She argues for complexity and rationalism concerning the predictions of a mass immigration: “Who goes through Neukölln in Berlin or the northern city of Dortmund, knows that such scenes or similar belong to the reality in Germany – but they are only one part of the truth. Because the numbers say: there are many highly educated immigrants, also from Romania and Bulgaria, and Germany relies on these professionals.”

Mappes-Niediek (2014) speaks of the conflicting reactions to the polemical predictions about the mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria. Thus, ethnic Romanians and Bulgarians often separate themselves from the Rroma in response to the Western European criticism: “That’s not us, that’s the Roma: This is still the first reflex when some of the German and British debates over poverty migration spill into the Rumanian and Bulgarian public.” Mappes-Niediek criticizes that a poverty problem is turned into an ethnic problem by distinguishing between ethnic Romanians and the Rroma. After the collapse of the socialist system, the ethnic Romanians were given back the possessions of their ancestors, who had been collectivized. Since a large part of the Rroma had possessed nothing before socialism, they emerged as losers from the change of system: “Only the Roma got back nothing because their grandparents hadn’t possessed anything. They moved into the slums, from which the poverty immigrants of today emerge. This allows both the German and the Romanian public to keep the poverty problem a Roma problem – which it is not. If there were no Roma, there would not be any more jobs.” The migration debate is also dominated by a double standard: one hand, one likes to get the well-trained professionals for the German economy – especially doctors – on the other hand one wants to keep out the less well-off.

Antiziganism researcher Markus End criticizes the term “poverty migration” as being negatively charged and equated with Rroma in the public debate. The Rroma are discredited as being lazy and social parasites. End criticizes this depiction and reminds one of the integrated, invisible Rroma: “They were sweepingly referred to as lazy and welfare scroungers. It was said that they are noisy, produce garbage, and are prone to crime. People who follow the media regularly have learned that Roma are poverty immigrants. [ … ]. In the debate, Roma are represented as strangers, even though many have being living in Germany since generations. Also that there are educated and uneducated Rroma, rich and poor, is totally neglected in the debate. The term Roma is used almost synonymous with poverty, crime or waste.” Liberal journalists are also spreading antiziganist stereotypes, even though they welcome the immigration of skilled workers. A liberal journalist from Die Welt compares well-educated, ethnic Romanians and Bulgarians with criminal, antisocial Rroma, producing a value list of welcomed and unwelcomed immigrants. End comes to the conclusion that the coverage of the Rroma is the most biased of all minorities (Grunau 2014).

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13.12.2013 Rroma and Poverty in the Czech Republic

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Rühmkorf (2013) reports on the Czech city of Josefov, in which there is increasing tension between the resident Rroma who make around one third of the local population, and ethnic Czechs. The right-wing Workers’ Party (DSSS) succeeded increasingly in mobilising apolitical citizens against the Rroma. One of the grievances causing the frictions are real estate speculators who buy up town homes and flats cheaply, and then rent them to Rroma and who take social funds from them: “The city no longer rents apartment because of Rroma, instead they sell – often at bargain prices – their real estate to businesses, without any conditions on usage. The carve-up the spaces with partitions into smaller units. Their Clientele: socially deprived Roma, who have no work and are undesirable elsewhere. In order for them to get any social assistance and housing benefits, the landlord must confirm them a permanent address. That’s what he loves to do. The kickback:. Rents equivalent to 400 euro and more for residential units, which sometimes do not even have a bathroom” Rümkorf’s article shows once again that a poverty issues is made to be an ethnic problem r. The residents of Josefov should not demonstrate against Rroma, but against poverty and against exclusion. Instead Rroma and impoverishment are uncritically equated.

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15.11.2013 Rroma in Northern Bohemia

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Schultheis (2013) reported on the successful efforts of Drahomíra Miklošová, the Mayor of Obrnice, to integrate the Rroma in the community. The approach is centred on a structural support which is not specifically tailored to Rroma, but to the needy in general. Miklošová strove for a political post and then fought decidedly against exorbitant rents and crime. For the Rroma, she sought to integrate rather than to drive them out, as is still common. The head of the Centre for Social Services considers the cause for the success of the local projects as being a focus on the needy in general and the strengthening of social cohesion: “The issue today is no longer about Roma or non-Roma. [… ] Some people here think: You are doing everything just for the Gypsies. But this is relevant to all socially disadvantaged. They all have the same problems: unemployment, usury, debt. A vicious cycle. Approximately one-third of the families who come to us in the consultation are not Roma.” This very positive article should not obscure the fact that discrimination against Rroma in the Czech Republic is still a huge problem.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in the Czech Republic

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Kostlán/Genderkinger (2013) spoke with Miroslav Brož of the NGO “Konexe” which fights for the rights of the Rroma in the Czech Republic. Brož paints a grim picture of widespread and even institutionalized racism against Rroma through all strata of the population. It is particularly worrying that the pogroms currently occurring are no longer only organised by neo-Nazis but increasingly also by “normal” citizens, especially young people. Between the angry citizens and the Rroma there is often the police, and one cannot assume that it will always in the future ensure the protection of the Rroma: “So far, the police could protect the Rroma. Lately I became more aware that we must finally always trust in the police. We count on them guarding our backs, to protects us. During many demonstrations against Rroma, only the counterinsurgency units stood between the aggressive mob and the Rroma families. I do not think that they will continue to keep the mob under control. The demonstrations against Rroma are getting more brutal, more numerous and larger.”  The Czech Republic has massively expanded their monitoring by the widespread installation of cameras in Rroma ghettos and so automatically put them under suspicion. The strong hatred towards Rroma – so Brož – has in turn given rise among Czech Rroma to a strong aversion towards ethnic Czechs, something not conductive to integration.

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04.10.2013 Day of Dignity of the Rroma and Sinti

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The 6th of October is the European day of the dignity of the Roma and Sinti. For the first time now Austrian representatives of the minority participated in the action. On this occasion, Romano Centro and fellow SOS organised a rally that will be held in Vienna next to the Burgtheater. Among others, Miklós Rafael, who was the victim of an arson attack in Hungary, will be speaking to the participants of the meeting. The Austrian Press Agency summarises the social context of the rally as motivated by the increasing hatred of Rroma in Hungary and the Czech Republic: “The rally is not randomly taking place close to the Hungarian Embassy. Especially in Hungary, the last years developments are more than questionable: arson and murder series, discrimination in all areas of life and marches of the radical right in Roma settlements have already brought many Hungarian Roma to leave the country. The current developments in the Czech Republic, especially the parades of right-wing groups also create a climate of fear that prompts Roma / Romnja to leave their homes.”  That discrimination against Rroma also takes place in Austria itself, should not be neglected (Austrian Press Agency, 2013).

  • Österreichische Presseagentur (2013) Respekt für Roma und Sinti! – Kundgebung am Sonntag. In: Österreichische Presseagentur (APA) online vom 4.10.2013.

http://www.ots.at/presseaussendung/OTS_20131004_OTS0007/respekt-fuer-roma-und-sinti-kundgebung-am-sonntag

 

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20.09.2013 Anti Rroma Behaviour and False Statistics in the Czech Republic

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The Prague Post (2013) discusses the statement of the Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, which decidedly distances itself from the statistics on Rroma that are circulated by some media. These questionable statistics on marriages, prostitution or crime amongst Rroma are attributed to the Institute of Sociology, although it never gathered such data. The goal of the authors of the articles in question is the creation of a natural perception of pejorative views on Rroma as well as creating a negative emotional view.

Heinlein (2013) reports on disturbing developments in the Czech Republic: The ongoing economic crisis and the impoverishment of the middle and lower classes feeds radical right-wing movements. Both the Interior Minister Martin Pecina and the Czech Intelligence Service warn of the increasing friendliness of the majority society towards right-wing groups which results in higher willingness to use violence against Rroma. Against this, only a few voices are defending Rroma. Too big is the fear to be marginalized, “Despite the everyday discrimination and the increasing violence against the 200,000 to 300,000 Roma in the Czech Republic, possible solutions are hardly discussed in the current election campaign. Neither party is willing to stand against the majority opinion in the population position. […] According to the polls. at least one right-wing party will enter parliament this time.”

Schultheis (2013) spoke with Miroslav Táncos, chairman of the newly established Rroma Democratic Party in the Czech Republic. Táncos indicates that it is very difficult without a Rroma Party to achieve real improvements for Rroma. The government programs have very limited effect. In the established parties Rroma concerns are not important enough to make a stand on them for the election. But one clearly feels closer to the leftist parties because they possess a keen sense of social justice. Especially one wants to sensitise the youth on the topic of Czech Rroma. Among them, opinions were not so entrenched as among older generations. Also, the behaviour of those Rroma who are criminals must be improved. Municipalities and mayors usually decide against Rroma. A widespread prejudice against Rroma is that the Czech Rroma get massively more social benefits than the ethnic Czechs. Táncos is nevertheless optimistic that society as a whole takes an objective attitude towards Rroma, even if this is not the case with quite a few. The Economist (2013) in his article about the Rroma Demoratic Party (RDP), refines the aims of the newly established political organization: the promotion of educational opportunities for young Rroma who were disadvantaged for decades, as well as single mothers and the elderly.

Nejezchleba (2013) reports that in the Czech city Duchcov Rroma and supporters organised protests against right-wing rallies. They so want to ensure that Rroma do not retreat and entrench themselves in their homes in fear. Nevertheless, according to Nejezchleba, fear is rampant among the members of the minority. The Mayor of Duchcov shows clearly more sympathy to the anti-Rroma marches: The frustration of the people by the ever-increasing unemployment and the simultaneous exploitation of social assistance by Rroma is understandable. That a significant part of social assistance never arrives to Rroma should not be forgotten.

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06.09.2013 Czech Rroma Form their Own Party

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The Prague Daily Monitor (2013) reports on the establishment of the “Democratic Party of the Rroma”, which was formed this August. The goal in the next elections in autumn is to win as many seats as possible in order to provide help on the Rroma concerns, particularly those who are specially vulnerable such as single mothers, the disabled, and the unemployed. The main concern of the party will be, however, to improve the educational opportunities of the Rroma and the integration into the labour market. This can be seen as a response to the still widespread practice of segregation of Rroma in the public schools. In 2011, the “party of equal rights” was officially recognized, another party which also represents the interests of Rroma.

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30.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the alarming increase of extreme right-wing movements against Rroma in the Czech Republic. On the occasion of the “National day of struggle” proclaimed by Czech neo-Nazis on August 24, followers of right-wing extremist groups gathered in several Czech cities. This included about 800 members of the newly formed society of the “Czech Lion” who tried to enter a Rroma quarter in Ostrava. Odehnal notes soberly that the extreme right, after a weakening in recent years due to the arrest of a few leaders seems no to have reorganized. But they continue to argue as before with old slogans: They regularly march up in cities with high unemployment rates and say they “want to protect ethnic Czechs against the crimes of the Rroma”. In addition, there is a latent racism against Rroma in broad sections of the population, of which the far-right scene is just a particularly prominent part. In recent times, there also have been several anti-racist demonstrations in which participants have been advocating a multi-ethnic, open society.

The sociologist Barbara Tiefenbach sees the economic crisis as an additional catalyst for the racism of the Czech majority society towards Rroma. Moreover, derogatory statements against Rroma have recently become increasingly socially acceptable and are therefore repeated uncritically. Politicians such as the President Milos Zeman or the Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg, however, have tried to discredit the riots and call for the creation of more jobs, instead of organizing pogroms. Most bohemian Rroma, according to Tiefenbach are, were killer in the Holocaust under the Nazis. A fact that is often dirsregarded during the current events (Mappes – Niediek 2013).

Janzer (2013) provides detailed reports about what actually happenedg in Ostrava. The neo-Nazis would wanted to initiate a panic among people there and the police by throwing firecrackers. The Socialist Mayor of Ostrava, Petr Kajnar, denied in an interview that the right-wing radicals successfully recruited undecided or dissatisfied local citizens for their projects, which was their intended target. Also, the Social Affairs Minister Martin Šimáček sees no significant association between right-wing and socially disadvantaged citizens. Whether the latent racism of a broad part of the population could be channelled through radical action into an escalation of social tensions remains an open question and concern.

 

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09.08.2013 Rroma Murders in Hungary: Four Right-Wing Extremists Sentenced to Long Prison Terms

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Odehnal (2013) reports on the judgment in the ongoing process against four right-wing radicals that has been ongoing for several years. The defendants are accused of having deliberately killed six Rroma. The judgments of the judges, three life sentences without parole and one thirteen years sentence, are not yet final because of the defence resource. Theses right wing activists, in a series of attacks, had set fire to the Rroma houses and shot at the people fleeing from the fire. Only by analyzing mobile phone data of the defendants could it be proved that they were at the times in question near the crime scenes. However, the trial does not address the dubious role of the local police. Odehnal comments: “As the German executive following neo-Nazi murders, the Hungarians first investigated feuds amongst the victims. […] In Tatarszentgyörgy the police suspected a faulty heater as a trigger of the fire, although there were shell casings at the scene everywhere.” Representatives of the Fidesz party pushed the responsibility for the lack of investigation on the incumbent Socialist Party in power at that time.

In his comments, Odehnal (2013/II) is sceptical about the social resonance of these sentences. In the Czech Republic, after a similar trial, there were increased marches of right-wing members and incitement against Rroma. Odehnal sees as a problem for the missing results of integration that the political elite of Hungary and other Eastern European states has not been held accountable for not acting against racism in their own countries. Thus, Rroma were sidelined as before, in spite of funding from foundations, the EU, and Switzerland.

Baumann (2013) adds that the victims’ relatives accused the local police of serious corruption in the investigation of the murders. They tried to cover up evidence. Even the racist motives behind these actions were not at all part of the process. The secret service failed to monitor two of the offenders until shortly before the crime. Eng (2013) adds that the perpetrators are supposed to have planned the murders after a dispute with Rroma.

The Basler Zeitung (2013) describes the sentencing more precisely: Two of the four defendants asked the court to not have to listen to the verdict. They were then led back to their cells. The judgment is only the first instance one and can be challenged in higher courts.

Ozsváth (2013) gives a voice to the families of the victims in his report. They are still stunned by the perpetrators lack of repentance and by the dysfunctional police investigation: They even contributed actively to the elimination of proofs.

Civil rights leader Aladar Horvath himself Rrom, see the court’s judgment as appropriate, but states that the crucial issues have not been discussed: the racism that motivated the killings and the objectives in connection therewith: “The sentences have been very high, and that is appropriate for the actions. Unfortunately, however, they were imposed only for simple murder motives. The indictment stated that the killers wanted to spark a civil war. They should have been charged with crimes against humanity and terrorism with the aim of genocide.” While Hungary denies its own past, as Horváth states further, racist murders are possible again. According to Horváth, Hungary’s role in World War II and the crimes of the communist dictatorship were processed insufficiently (Verseck 2013).

Kerenyi (2013) sees the sentences of the four right-wing as being just the tip of the iceberg of a total social phenomenon: According to a new poll, 80 to 85 percent of the population were “overtly or covertly racist against Roma”, 36 percent are committed explicitly to that Roma should be “separated from the rest of society,” that is, should be moved or deported to ghettos. A particular concern is that pejorative comments about Rroma belong to the current fashion educated circles. Kerenyi assessment of Culture Minister Zoltan Balog is also interesting. Balog, who held a flowering lecture on the Hungarian efforts to integrate the Rroma at the beginning of the summer at the University of Zurich, in which in spite of all the eloquence raised serious questions about the congruence of reality and his statements. Kerenyi comments: “Balog is a contradictory personality through and through. He belongs to the temperate wing of Orbán’s team, which does not prevent him to grant regularly honours to racists and anti-Semits.” Also, the condemned right-wing radicals are only a part of the perpetrators, who committed a series of assassinations of Rroma between 2008 and 2009. These offenders were up to now neither identified nor prosecuted.

Balzer (2013) spoke to the Hungarian journalist Szilvia Varró about the social backgrounds of the Rroma murders. A large part of the Hungarians, by far not only right-wing extremists, have great reservations about Rroma. Moreover, it is common to simply ignore radical or controversial events: “Racism and resentment were a problem already earlier. We Hungarians have never dealt with our past. Not with our role in the Second World War, not with the revolution of 1956 and even with the series of murders against Roma.” Most Hungarian media have not reported about the murders. Varró then started a project together with the filmmaker András B. Vágvölgyi: Actors known in Hungary were hired to retell the story of the action and the statements of the relatives. This piqued the interest of the usually apolitical tabloids of Hungary. While the reactions from the right side were understandably negative, the echo of otherwise indifferent people was positive: They started to be interested in the topic and question ethnic categorizations: What if it was her son who had been shot? The state media did not pay any attention to the movies. The above-mentioned films can be watched under the following links:

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HMjVjZDx7ug

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n5z9aVB0Ktc

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzc2N9MirPI

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrWahe1pCWY

  • Basler Zeitung (2013) Roma-Mörder verliessen während Urteilsbegründung den Saal. In: Basler Zeitung online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Baumann, Meret (2013) Hohe Strafen für Rechtsextremisten in Ungarn. In: NZZ online von 6.8.2013.
  • Eng, Adrian (2013) Lebenslang für Mordserie an Roma in Ungarn. In: 20 Minunten Schweiz online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Kerényi, Gábor (2013) Auch die feine Gesellschaft schimpft über die “Zigeuner”. In: Berliner Zeitung online vom 9.8.2013.
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013) Haft für das rassistische Quartett. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  6.8.2013. 
  • Odehnal, Bernhard (2013/II) Ungestrafter Rassismus in der Politik. In: Tagesanzeiger online vom  7.8.2013. 
  • Ozsváth, Stephan (2013) Ermordet wie auf einer Jagd. In: Tagesschau online vom 6.8.2013.
  • Verseck, Keno (2013) Roma-Mordurteile in Ungarn: “Ein Zigeunerleben ist nicht so viel wert”. In: Spiegel online vom 6.8.2013. 
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09.08.2013 Anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic

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The Praguer Zeitung (2013) reports new anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic. In Vítkov, about three hundred protesters, many of them from the right-wing came together to demonstrate “for the rights of all decent citizens.” The demonstrators denounced the racism against the white population and propagated slogans such as “the Czech Republic for Czechs”. With several arson attacks on Rroma four years ago, Vítkov has become a symbol for anti-Romany actions.

Schmidt (2013) also draws a gloomy picture of the relation of ethnic Czechs towards Rroma: There were again anti Rroma pogroms in Vitkov this Saturday. Particularly insidious is the fact that the Hungarian railways even provided extra trains for demonstrators of the radical right. In Vitkov, several Rroma were victims of arson attacks four years ago. A girl suffered serious burn injuries and barely survived. She now suffers from persistent anxiety states. Schmidt sees the pogroms as an indication of a worrysome state: The negative attitude towards Roma is supported by a significant part of the Czech majority society: “When the Neonazis sit again in their trains, native “whites” still shout anti-Roma slogans. Normal people, pensioners, families with children. An elderly woman says “The speakers at the rally were right,” about the rioting extreme rightists, and she feels “disturbed” by the Roma she adds. It is not an isolated case.” When open hatred towards Rroma is experiencing wider social support, democracy is threatened in the Czech Republic, as stated by the Czech domestic intelligence agency. Sociologists see the sources of this increasingly socially acceptable  xenophobia among others during the economic crisis: The insecurity on livelihoods of a large middle and lower classes fed the idea that Rroma were coddled by the state.

According to Amnesty International (2013), the European Centre for Human Rights identified nine anti-Rroma pogroms in the Czech Republic since April this year. Several instances are concerned about the increasing animosity towards Rroma in the Czech Republic.

  • Amnesty International (2013) République tchèque. Il faut protéger les Roms qui risquent d’être victimes de violences avant le début des manifestations d’extrême droite. In: Amnesty International France online vom 2.8.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013) Erneuter Aufmarsch gegen Roma. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 7.8.2013.
  • Schmidt, Hans-Jörg (2013) In Tschechien eskaliert der Hass gegen die Roma. In: Die Welt online vom 4.8.2013. 
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26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Putzier (2013) presents a one-sided view of the debate on poverty immigration to Germany. He describes the migration from Southeast Europe exclusvely as a mass exodus of poorly educated Bulgarians and Romanians. That a significant proportion of immigrants he cites, 27,242 Bulgarians and Romanians during the months of January and February, could include seasonal workers and professionals, it is not discussed. Also the warning about the “rising costs of poverty immigration” is not new, as it is fiercely debated since the beginning of this year.

Adeoso (2013) spoke with Adam Strauss, a German Sinto and a founding member of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Strauss has won several awards for his work against racism and for the integration of Rroma. However, against these official honours, the social reality weights in, a reality which is still pervaded by a great many negative experiences: “It has been 70 years since the Nazi era is over and 68 percent of the people, according to a Emnid survey, want no contact with us. If someone says, “You are ALSO people”, it is already clear on what kind of place we stand. […] We have stood alone in the yard at school during recess, nobody has played with us, and I experienced the same situation today with my granddaughter. She also stands alone in the playground, no one plays with her, she eats her bread during the break alone, sitting in the corner, just like us – with us no one had contact either. This is the worst […] ».

Beer (2013) spoke with Roman Franz, chairman of the Association of Roma and Sinti in North Rhine-Westphalia. Franz tries to spread a counter perspective to the usual arguments about poverty immigration from Eastern Europe. One cannot always poke about the integration willingness of immigrants; one also needs to create the necessary structures so that they can integrate. One should also attempt to present a more differentiated view on the reasons behind migration. Portraying migration solely as an economic one, simplifies the situation too much: “Nobody likes to leave his home. Many Rroma in Eastern Europe live in incredibly difficult conditions. If they are allowed to send their children to school at all, then they are pelted with stones. They are there fair game. It is imperative that our head of state engages himself in countries such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic or Slovakia, that Rroma are not forced out in this way”. With this he comes to a much too little discussed topic: What do political analyses say about the socio-political situation of a country and what are the actual experiences of local people? According to most countries official analyses, there is no discrimination against Rroma in South-eastern Europe.

Sources:

  • Adeoso, Marie-Sophie (2013) „Es ist mir sehr wichtig, dass ich ein Sinto bin“ In: Frankurter Rundschau online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Beer, Achim (2013) Roma-Verbandschef fordert Quartiere und Sprachkurse. In: Der Westen online vom 21.7.2013.

 

– Putzier, Konrad (2013) Europas Arme kommen nach Deutschland. In: Die Welt online vom 24.7.20

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26.07.2013 UN Criticizes Pig Farm on Concentration Camp Site

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During the Second World War, the concentration camp of Lety, where about 300 Rroma, mostly children, were killed was located in the Czech town of Pisek. Under communist rule, a pig farm was built on the site of the concentration camp in 1972 and still exists today. The concentration camp itself was demolished after the war. Since 1995, a memorial for the murdered Rroma exists on the site. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has now repeatedly called for the closure of the pig farm. The owners of the plant, however, do not want to close it. The farm was built on a field next to the former concentration camp (Neue Luzerner Zeitung 2013).

Source:

  • Neue Luzerner Zeitung (2013) UNO kritisiert Schweinezucht auf KZ-Gelände. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung online vom 25.7.2013. 
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19.07.2013 Follow-up on the Anti-Rroma Pogrom in Budweis

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Rühmkorf (2013) spoke with an engaged citizen from Budweis, who campaigns for a peaceful, non-violent co-existence of people in the Czech Republic. Tomáš Mařík lives in the housing estate Maj, where most of the 400 Rroma from Budweis, a city of about 20,000 inhabitants, live. Mařík regards the pogroms as absurd as residents finally all have the same problems: fear of the future, their job and their family. One problem however is that there is too little public places in the estate. Budweis only has one playground where therRromae was a dispute between children and parents, which caused the pogroms. Marik deems the residents’ representations which describes the quarter of Maj as being dangerous, to be exaggerated. These views are based on preconceptions that distort the view of the world: “To me it seems only absurd that people demonstrate here against Rroma or against police violence. They should rather demonstrate in front of the government headquarters in Prague, where many problems have their origins, instead leashing here at their neighbours.”

Source:

  • Rühmkorf, Christian (2013) „Ich bin nur Fahrradmechaniker, aber mir kommt es absurd vor“ – Gespräch zu Anti-Roma-Protesten in Budweis. In: Radio Praha online vom 15.7.2013. 
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12.07.2013 Rroma Phobia in the Czech Repubic

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Voice of Russia (2013) spoke to the historian Nadezhda Demeter about the growing “Rroma phobia” in the Czech Republic, which gained media attention with the pogroms in Budejovicy last week. Demeter sees a discrepancy between social institutions such as the Roma Faculty at Charles University in Prague, the Czech Rroma party or human rights organisations for minorities and the effective integration and equality of Rroma in everyday life. In spite of the existence of such public institutions,  many Rroma do not get work, are excluded from medical treatment and are  denied of potential living space. The so-called Rroma phobia has origins in the denial of a part of Czech history where the memory of the murder of Rroma is not acknowledged. She also speaks about invisible Rroma who are not perceived as such: “there are not that few Roma in the Czech Republic who are educated and, so to speak, from the middle class. But they do not learn their native language, have completely assimilated. Apparently, they still know that once their documents were labelled with an ‘R’. And they do not want to attract attention, they hide their belonging to their tribe.”

Source:

  • Stimme Russlands (2013) Pogrome Tschechien: “Roma sind keine Tauben, die Skinheads dagegen Habichte”. In: Stimme Russlands online vom 10.7.2013. 
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05.07.2013 Anti-Rroma Pogroms in the Czech Republic

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Schmidt (2013) discusses pogroms against Rroma in Ceske Budejovice, South Bohemia. Decisive for the current outburst was the dispute between a Rroma child and an ethnic Czech child  who have been said to have been arguing in a sandbox about toys. The dispute spread to the parents and then included the neighbourhood who a stand against the Rroma mother. Around 22,000 people and several dozen Rroma live in the affected area of Ceske Budejovice. Last Saturday, groups of neo-Nazis tried to find the local Rroma and to lynch them. In the subsequent street battle with the police, the right-wing radicals were cheered on by “decent” citizens.

Mostyn (2013) adds that around 1,000 right-wing extremists marched into the settlement of Maj, where the majority of Budweis’ Rroma live. Mostyn describes the cause of the march as a brawl between Rroma and ethnic Czechs,  and he states that the dispute between the children represents only a single case in a series of mutual hostilities. On the same day, residents of both communities in a common celebration asked for the end of mutual hostilities.

It is worrying that it is the pogrom in Ceske Budejovice is not an isolated case. The events in Budweis are rather part of a chain of regularly recurring demonstrations against Rroma in the Czech Republic. The last right-wing rally was in the North Bohemian Duchcov (Dux) (Prager Zeitung 2013).

Source:

  • Mostyn, Alexandra (2013) Pogromstimmung gegen Roma. In: TAZ online vom 1.7.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013) 39 Festnahmen bei Anti-Roma-Demo in Budweis. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 30.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Hans-Jörg (2013) Neonazis stürmen Wohnviertel, um Roma zu lynchen. In: Die Welt online vom 30.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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07.06.2013 Sobering Status Quo on Rroma in the Czech Republic

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The Praguer Zeitung (2013 I / II) paints a sober picture on the situation of Rroma in the Czech Republic. The relationships between Rroma and the ethnic Czechs of the majority of the society are at a low ebb. In recent weeks, there were repeated pogroms against Rroma who remained nonviolent only thanks to massive police intervention. The segregation of Rroma children in public schools continues and, according to the Prague newspaper, is one of the causes of the bad relationship between the population groups. The EU Human Rights Commissioner Nils Muižnieks called recently to abolish the so-called “practical schools” where Rroma children who are declared to be mentally retarded are parked. A campaign to raise the awareness of the value of education among Rroma needs to take place.

Sources:

  • Prager Zeitung (2013/I) Unerreichtes Ziel. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 5.6.2013.
  • Prager Zeitung (2013/II) Handgreiflichkeiten bei Anti-Roma-Demonstration. In: Prager Zeitung online vom 30.5.2013.  
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