Category Archives: News Switzerland

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07.11.2014 Asylum application: Rroma from Miskolc travel back to Hungary

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Wacker (2014) reports on the whereabouts of the 65 Rroma who had applied for asylum in Switzerland two weeks ago. The Rroma were displaced from their homes by the city government of Miskolc because of the construction of a parking lot for a football stadium. While the city government pointed out that the persons affected were financially compensated upon presentation of a valid rental contract, journalists and Rroma organisations refer to the racist motives of the responsible Fidesz-politicians. One wanted to get deliberately rid of the Rroma by an act of “ethnic cleansing”. Wacker comments: “In preliminary consultative talks, one explained these 65 persons their chances to asylum, states Léa Wertheimer by the Federal Office for Migration FOM. Following this, everyone decided to withdraw their asylum applications. 41 people have already left Switzerland. The other 24 will leave in the next few days. A few of them are paid some hundred francs for the journey home. The Roma had stated that the Hungarian authorities evicted them from their homes in their hometown Miskolc, to build a new stadium. Beat Meiner of the Swiss Refugee Aid believes that Switzerland has handled the procedures correctly, but warns: “The Roma have it very difficult in Hungary. Repeatedly, violence occurs against them, there have also already been dead persons.” The Swiss authorities insist that they have examined the cases individually. As an EU country, Hungary applies as a safe state in Switzerland anyway, Léa Wertheimer of the FOM explains. “This means that the state protection from persecution is basically guaranteed.” Rroma are not politically persecuted in Hungary. However, this does not mean that they are not affected by severe discrimination in everyday life, especially since the rise of the right-wing nationalist parties, which consciously elevate ethnic differences. This fact is not recognized by the Swiss asylum agency. The returning Rroma, among them many children, face an uncertain future (compare NZZ 2014, Odehnal 2014).

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22.10.2014 Rroma from Miskolc ask for asylum in Switzerland

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Le Temps (2014) reports on a group of 63 Rroma from Miskolc, who applied for asylum in Switzerland. The Rroma fled the forced eviction by the city government of Miskolc, which expelled an entire residential district for racist reasons. The most controversial action of the Hungarian authorities received international media attention, but this did not alter anything about the forced displacement of hundreds of Rroma families. Because Hungary has the status of a safe country, the chances of the families to be granted asylum are very low: “The procedure is unusual. Yesterday, towards three o’clock in the afternoon, 63 Hungarian Roma arrived in front of the camp for asylum seekers in Vallorbe (VD), to apply for political asylum in Switzerland, as Le Matin states in its daily edition. They came with a bus that was rented in Miskolc, a city in eastern Hungary. The driver unloaded them in front of the railway station of the town. […] The reception centre of Vaud was almost full, that’s why the group was divided into three parts: only fifteen applicants will be accommodated in Vallorbe. Fifteen others are driven by bus to Pfäffikon (ZH), and thirteen to Basel. The chances of the Roma to be given asylum are low. As Le Matin reports, the spokesperson of the Federal Office for Migration (FOM), Léa Wertheimer, emphasises that the confederation “treats each case individually”. But, admittedly, “if an applicant can return to a third country designated as safe by the Federal Council, and he has resided there before his application in Switzerland, the FOM usually cannot grant the application.”” The case described here shows once more, how difficult the assessment of the security situation in a country is. The country analyses generally focus in their reports on the protection from political persecution. Discrimination in everyday life, which in this case is even committed by politics itself, is negated in this assessment. Rroma are not politically persecuted in Hungary. However, this does not mean that they are not affected by severe discrimination in everyday life, especially since the rise of the right-wing nationalist parties, who consciously exaggerate ethnic differences: “Sandor Lakatos never felt like in a ghetto. […] Nevertheless, he and his wife got into the bus. […] On the question of what he hopes for in Switzerland, he answers as vaguely as his fellow travellers: security. Not be insulted and spat upon as “dirty gypsy”, to no longer have to fear the police and the neo-Nazis. […] It is not difficult to meet aversion and pure hatred against Roma in Miskolc. As the emigrants pass through the numbered streets to the bus park, an older woman stands at the roadside, looks at the procession in amazement and says to the journalist: “Thank God that they leave. They don’t want to work, but multiply like rats”” (Odehnal 2014). The Swiss asylum authorities do not recognize this situation. None of the 46 Hungarian Asylum applicants of the last two years was granted the right to stay (compare Neue Zürcher Zeitung 2014, Pester Lloyd 2014, Sassoon 2014, Wacker 2014).  

Hungary News Eastern Europe News Switzerland

17.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma and the prostitutes’ patch in Zurich – “Victoria – A Tale of Grace and Greed“

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Holtz (2014) discusses the feature film “Victoria – A Tale of Greed and Grace” by Swiss director Men Lareida. It discusses the fate of a Hungarian Rromni prostitute on the former prostitutes’ patch on the Sihlquai in Zurich. Lareida and his wife, who regularly commute between Switzerland and Hungary, became aware of the topic during their train trips between Zurich and Budapest, when they started conversations with the prostitutes. The film is not a moral discussion of prostitution, but tries to show the fate and the motives of the protagonist: “Emphatically and subjective but nonetheless soberly and realistically, „Viktoriá – A Tale of Grace and Greed“ tells the story of the young Hungarian Roma girl Viktoria, who leaves her hometown of Budapest in the hope of earning a lot of money as soon as possible, to work in Zurich as a prostitute. Here, night after night, she stands at the side of the road, under pale lamplight, waiting for the next punter, whom she satisfies in his car on some dark parking lot. What keeps Viktoria alive, are the thoughts of home and the opportunities that the money will bring to her. Thus, among the world of the fast sex, characterized by violence, disgust and humiliation, she also finds love and friendship – and herself. […] Actually, Lareida does not want to accuse. “Viktoria – A tale of Grace and Greed” does not want to caution the viewers or be an instructive parable about the dangers of the sex trade, but shows the things as they are. The director is not in favour of criminalising the sex industry, because: “You have at least to consider that prostitution is a possibility for these women.” However, he asks to increase the security for the sex workers and to offer alternatives to prostitution to the women, also in the countries of origin.”  

It seems that the film is not critically addressing the Rroma origin of the protagonist. Is the protagonist just Rroma by change, or is this discussed as a specific feature? Are the stereotypes associated with Rroma, as notions of strong-hierarchical clans, patriarchal family structures etc., discussed? Are they critically commented on? This does not become evident in Holtz’s article. Therefore, it is important to point out that not only Hungarian Rromnja are affected by poverty, and thus find their way into prostitution, but that this also affects ethnic Hungarians. Furthermore, Rroma should not be equated to an underclass, as they belong to all social strata. Moreover, only a few Rromnja are effectively working as prostitutes, a fact distorted by the strong media attention. Therefore, the film indirectly reproduces stereotypes about Rroma, even if it wants to give a voice to those affected and address social misery.

France News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe

17.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as burglars

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Happel (2014) informs about the arrest of two twelve year old girls at the Basel train station. The two perpetrators are accused of having broken into a rental apartment the day before. The two girls are presumed to be Rroma, the information office of the police stated. Furthermore, it is supposed to be organised crime: „The girls were controlled before. “They appeared to be suspicious”, criminal inspector Peter Gill stated. The girls were not only wearing tools for burglary, but also stolen goods – among it jewellery, money and watches. […] The identity of the adolescents is being investigated at the moment – the girls couldn’t identify themselves. The police supposes that the burglars are from Eastern Europe and have entered Switzerland through France. It cannot be excluded that the girls are Rroma. However, it is established that they were sent, Gill stated. Therefore, it is supposed that the young thieves either belong to an organised gang or were sent by their parents.” The mentioning of the ethnicity of the perpetrators is not necessary, as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a culture of crime among the Rroma. However, Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, rather, this is suggested by the media through the explicit thematisation of the Rroma in connection with offenses. Whether the criminals were in fact Rroma is not assured. It is rather an expression of suspicion, based on prejudices. Rroma are not organized in hierarchical clans, as it is often claimed, but are structured largely egalitarian. More caution when using ethnic criteria and fomenting prejudice and resentment would be appropriate.

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17.10.2014 People in Need Slovakia: segregated Rroma particularly affected by human trafficking

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The Slovak Spectator (2014) reports on a new study by the Slovak organization “People in Need Slovakia”. According to the research of the organisation, segregated Rroma in Slovakia, aged between 16 and 25 as well as 25 and 35 years are particularly affected by human trafficking for forced labour, organised begging and forced prostitution: “According to Timea Stránska, head of the organisation, Roma are abused, especially for forced labour, mostly in countries like Great Britain, the Czech Republic and Germany. “In Great Britain this concerns especially cities like Peterborough, Sheffield, Leicester, Derby and Birmingham,” Stránska said, as quoted by the TASR newswire. Another revelation shows that victims of human trafficking are lured while in the settlements after meeting with traffickers. “Often it also happens that the victim is recruited by their distance relatives or someone from their surroundings,” Stránska added. Except for forced labour, the human trafficking victims are also abused for prostitution and begging. In cases of children, there are mostly cases when young Roma girls are forced to be prostitutes.” The characteristics of transnational operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are being questionned by social science research. Their existence itself is not denied but their manifestation, their numbers, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies are brought into connection or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma in this context. Regarding the de facto human trafficking, social science studies convey a more complex notion of the subject. These studies point out the analysis of crimes such as incitement to beg and steal and forced migration for indentured labour is often permeated by various definitions and morals in and assessment by authorities and aid organizations, who don’t appropriately consider the perspective and motivations of migrating persons, and instead force on them their own ideas about organised begging, criminal networks or human trafficking. Structural differences of the societies involved and resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration, as well as the agency of migrants themselves (compare Augustin 2007, Oude Breuil et al 2011, Tabin et al 2012).

  • Augustin, Laura Maria (2007) Sex at the Margins: Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry. London/New York: Zed Books.
  • Oude Breuil, B.C., Siegel, D., Reenen, P. van, Beijer, A. & Roos, Y.B. (2011) Human trafficking revisited: Legal,  enforcement and ethnographic narratives on sex trafficking to Western Europe. In: Trends in organized crime, 14, 30-46.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
  • The Slowak Spectator (2014) Segregated Roma the most frequent victims of human trafficking. In: The Slowak Spectator online vom 14.10.2014. http://spectator.sme.sk/articles/view/55563/10/segregated_roma_the_most_frequent_victims_of_human_trafficking.html
Hungary News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe

10.10.2014 The excluded Rroma of Miskolc

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Molnar (2014) reports, as Odehnal (2014) already did at the beginning of this week, on the eviction of a Rroma settlement in the eastern-Hungarian city of Miskolc. While those families who have a lease can apply for a replacement payment of up to 7’200 francs, all those who are in arrears for their rent or don’t have any official papers for their house, will not receive any compensation. The Rroma residents of this settlement in Miskolc were particularly affected by the decline of state-owned factories, Molnar states, where many of them worked. But the object of their anger are the reasons for the settlement’s eviction: the creation of a bus parking area for a football stadium, and the openly racial policies of the Fidesz and Jobbik parties, which even run campaign with the topic of “Gypsy crime”. Some of those affected hope for a better life in Western Europe, including in Switzerland: “We are poor, but we have rights. We urge the European Union, of which Hungary is a member, to take care of our case”, demands a Roma leader during a recently organised demonstration in Miskolc. “Our houses were not ruins, they were perfectly habitable”, confirms another, whose property was also destroyed. Witnesses, among them Barbora Cernušáková, of Amnesty International, share this opinion: “Gypsy Town” deserves not at all to be considered as a slum, they state. Many Roma have announced to want to leave Hungary. A group of several families is interested in Switzerland, “particularly known for its low unemployment rate”, one of them announced, who is close to Swiss Roma.” In Hungary, according to estimates of the Rroma Foundation, there are an estimated 600,000 to one million Rroma. While many of them are affected by poverty and exclusion, there are also many well integrated Rroma, who belong to the middle or even upper-class. These are not perceived as Rroma.

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Lichtensteiger (2014) provides information on a group of around 100 travelling Rroma, who had rented an empty meadow from a private citizen in Maischhausen. The community, which the journalist calls “clan”, had therefore settled legally on a private land and paid for it. Nevertheless, their presence led to turmoil and the engagement of the police: “They talk to each other in a Roma dialect, but with us in fluent German and French. Apparently, they are from the Alsace, which the number plates also indicate. “We are Roma, but not Romanian, write that! And we work here, not right here, but also in Zurich and the region”, says a traveller with a firm voice. On his red T-shirt emblazons the Swiss cross. They have a residency permit for one year and can work three months, it is said. […] The emergence of the strangers is perceived and commented on differently by the inhabitants. The opinions range from understanding, to indifference, to scepticism, to resentment and rejection. […] However, the landowner leased his land without the consent of the local authority. For this purpose, however, a building permit would have been required. […] Mayor Bruno Lüscher is on holiday. That’s why his deputy Roman Engelermeer took care of the matter. He did an on-site inspection and came to the conclusion that the stay was not tolerable in that way. Given the legal situation, the travelling community was asked to leave the place. They did this on the same day.” Lichtensteiger’s article clearly shows that Rroma often encounter massive resistance and are not be treated with kindness, despite the will to cooperate. Slightly more negotiating skills would have made the expulsion of the group unnecessary. It has also to be commented that the majority of Rroma are sedentary. Only a minority of the minority are in fact travelling (compare 20 Minuten, St.Galler Tageblatt 2014).

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10.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma clans and prostitution

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Szenogrady (2014) reports on a former employee of a money office. The 35-year-old was sentenced by the Zurich district court to a prison sentence of two years on probation, since he had forced a Hungarian Rromni into prostitution on the Zurich Sihlquai. The defendant, who is also indicted for the theft of 100,000 francs from his former workplace, which he admitted, denied the allegation of pimping: “According to the indictment, the defendant had operated in the fall of 2010 as a pimp and had regularly pressured and financially exploited a Hungarian prostitute. If the woman resisted, the resident of Bülach used brute force, by giving her fist blows to the head or kicks. The defendant is thought to have been a subordinate to a Roma leader, who had forced several of his countrywomen to hustle. The arrested Hungarian citizen has since been sentenced. […] The judge relied on the testimony of the witnesses for the prosecution. Accordingly, the Swiss had executed seamlessly the instructions of the boss, as a newcomer in the red-light scene. Therefore, a promotion of prostitution is said to be proven.” The background of the case described here cannot be critically evaluated, because reliable information is missing. However, it has to be critically remarked that the assertion of a connection between patriarchal Rroma clans and prostitution is wrong. Hierarchical clans are not a cultural peculiarity of the Rroma, as it is often claimed. In this case, it is a false equation of criminal organisations with Rroma, which is based on prejudices. Few Rromni are effectively working as prostitutes, but the media, who give this topic a lot of attention, distorts this fact.

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08.10.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as gangs of thieves

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Brönnimann (2014) reports on gangs of thieves, who especially steal the valuables of hospital patients who are not in their rooms at the moment of theft. After a detailed description of a recent incident at the canton hospital of Nidwalden, in which the perpetrators asked for a Mr. Müller – one of the most common last names in Switzerland – it is noted that a witness identified the perpetrators as Rroma: “Of the men, there is no trace yet”, says Lorenz Muhmenthaler, head of the Nidwalden security police in the newspaper. According to the testimony of a witness, the suspects are Roma.” The mentioning of the ethnicity of the perpetrators is not necessary, as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a culture of crime among the Rroma. Rroma are not more criminal than other ethnic groups, rather, this is suggested by the media through the explicit thematisation of the Rroma in connection with criminal offenses. Moreover, the statement that the perpetrators looked like Rroma is based on racist criteria: it is undoubtedly meant that they were dark-skinned. There are also many light-skinned Rroma. Whether the criminals were in fact Rroma is not assured. It is rather an expression of suspicion, based on prejudices. A cultural interpretation of the offenses is necessarily racist and ignores and discredits the majority of Rroma living respectable and integrated lives. More caution when using ethnic criteria and fomenting prejudice and resentment would be appropriate. The negative stereotypes about Rroma have become a generally unquestioned canon.

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03.10.2014 RACE in Europe Project: report on organised crime reproduces misinformation

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The research group “RACE in Europe Project”, a collaboration of several organisations which are involved in the fight against organised crime and trafficking, has presented a report on human trafficking in Europe for the purpose of criminal activities. The authors come to the conclusion that there is a serious lack of reliable information on the phenomenon. In spite of this acknowledged lack of reliable data, they arrive at very clear results: in many of the examined cases, the victims of trafficking for the purpose of criminal activities were identified by authorities as being perpetrators rather than as victims. Roma children are particularly often cited in this context. It is claimed that in the UK, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, but also in other European countries, Roma children are particularly affected by criminal networks: “The majority of persons trafficked to the UK for petty crimes, such as pick-pocketing and the sale of counterfeit goods, as well as for forced begging are from Central and Eastern Europe. Most are of Roma origin, and a high proportion are children. A host of socio-economic factors, such as high levels of poverty and discrimination in their countries of origin make Roma groups particularly vulnerable to trafficking. […] The RACE Project research identified that those who are most commonly trafficked for forced criminality and begging come from South-East Europe (many of them of Roma origin) and from South-East Asia (Vietnam and China)” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 5, 11). As a reason for the high rate of Rroma among victims of human trafficking, the authors of the study name the increased vulnerability of the minority, which results from their discrimination and the consequential poor access to education, the labour market and public institutions. In addition, it is stated that extortionate loan sharks particularly affect members of the minority: “Debt bondage is cited as a major driver of trafficking. While some Roma communities will rely on neighbours (both Roma and non-Roma) for support, ‘their survival strategies are often for them to resort to informal money lenders (known as ‘kamatari’, essentially loan sharks), who charge exorbitant interest rates and use repressive measures to ensure payment’. These measures can include forcing them to undertake criminal acts such as begging or pick-pocketing, or to traffic their own children for the same purpose, in order to clear debts they may have accumulated” (RACE in Europe Project 2014: 13).

The characteristics of trans-nationally operating trafficker networks, as presented here, are questioned by research in social sciences. While their existence is not denied, their manifestation, number, omnipotence, and the motivations attributed to them have to be questioned. Ideological fallacies connected or even equated with ethnic groups such as the Rroma are often the source of those myths. Furthermore, connecting child trafficking to Rroma has to be critically examined. The stereotype of Rroma as child traffickers dates back to their arrival in Western Europe, and is in part based on the racist notion that Rroma actively recruit young people for their criminal gangs. Regarding the de facto trafficking of children, social science studies convey a more complex notion of this subject and point out that crimes such as incitement to beg and steal or alleged child trafficking are often permeated by various morals in the analysis and assessment by authorities, who don’t appropriately consider the perspectives and motivations of those affected, and instead force on them their own ideas of organised begging, criminal networks, or of child trafficking. Structural differences of the involved societies and the resulting reasons for a migration are given too little consideration. In reality, behind begging children there are simply often only impoverished families, in which the children contribute to the family income and who therefore do not correspond to bourgeois notions of a normal family and childhood. Furthermore, the incomes from begging are very modest, which makes it unattractive for actual organised crime (see Cree/Clapton/Smith 2012, O’Connell Davidson 2011, Oude Breuil 2008, Tabin et al 2012).

  • RACE in Europe Project (2014) Trafficking for Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe. Exploratory Study and Good Practice Examples. Anti-Slavery online vom 30.9.2014. http://www.antislavery.org/includes/documents/cm_docs/2014/r/race_europe_report.pdf
  • Cree, Viviene E./Clapton, Gary/Smith, Mark (2012) The Presentation of Child Trafficking in the UK: An Old and New Moral Panic? In: Br J Soc Work 44(2): 418-433.
  • O’Connell Davidson, Julia (2011) Moving children? Child trafficking, child migration, and child rights. In: Critical Social Policy 31(3):454-477.
  • Oude Breuil, Brenda Carina (2008) Precious children in a heartless world? The complexities of child trafficking in Marseille. In: Child Soc 22(3):223-234.
  • Tabin, Jean Pierre et al. (2012) Rapport sur la mendicité « rrom » avec ou sans enfant(s). Université de Lausanne.
Hungary News Eastern Europe News Switzerland

01.10.2014 Swiss funding, Northeast Hungary, and the discrimination against Rroma

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Odehnal (2014/I) reports on the current status of Swiss development projects in Northeast Hungary, in the city of Kazincbarcika. The region was awarded about 5 million francs for infrastructure projects and economic development: “The money from Switzerland was supposed to help in creating jobs: by creating corporations and by fostering tourism. In a business and incubator park in the centre, available jobs should be announced and young entrepreneurs should receive advice and assistance, for example in the form of cheaper offices. In the neighbouring village Sajókaza, the baroque castle ought to be renovated and expanded to a “meeting and talent centre”. In the former mining colony Rudabanya, the occurrence of bones of a 10 million old ancestor of man is planned to be expanded to an archaeological centre.” When Odehnal visited the region in 2012, all projects were initiated, and they had obtained tenders. When he now visited the city in September 2014, he found that not one of the planned projects had been realised. Some of those responsible refer to expensive tenders others refuse to provide information. Where infrastructure projects were actually implemented, as a water supply system in the city of Ozd, the pipes end in front of the Rroma quarter. The same thing in Sajókaza, where the European Union funded a sewerage system: “The lines stop where the Roma quarter begins. The local government does not want to improve the quality of living of Roma, says Tibor Derdek, head of the Buddhist Dr.-Ambekar-Gymnasium in Sajókaza, that wants to give Roma the possibility to go to highschool: “This is a corrupt, racist system in our community. And it works only with the support of the EU.”” Odehnal (2014/II) sees the reason for the lacking implementation of the Swiss projects in the selection of unsuitable partners, who prioritised the wrong things, as well as in the lack of on site control. The review takes only place on paper, he states. Odehnal’s articles are a direct repudiation of Hungarian bureaucracy, who is pursuing its own goals. As regards to the Rroma, it must be noted that although Rroma in Hungary are indeed affected by severe poverty, which has expanded massively since the end of the Soviet bloc and the state jobs, this is not representative of all members of the minority. Quite a few Rroma were able to successfully integrate into the new system, have jobs and belong to the middle class and some even to the upper class. They are not perceived as Rroma (compare Schindler 2014).

News Switzerland

24.09.2014 Oberwinterthur: transit sites only for Swiss travellers is unlawful

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Hirsekorn (2014) reports on the reopening of the transit site in Oberwinterthur. Different journalists reported that the transit site was closed in late August due to strong hygienic issues. Primarily foreign travellers, above all, foreign travelling Rroma were made responsible for these issues. After maintenance work, the site has now been reopened, but only for Swiss travellers, as the police commander of Oberwinterthur, Daniel Beckmann, states. Therewith one enters a legal grey area, since a transit site only for Swiss travellers is unlawful according to various legal experts: “prohibitions of stay and separate sites for Swiss and foreigners remain legally contentious for several reasons: prohibition of discrimination I: the federal constitution guarantees equal treatment for all people (Art. 8, paragraph 2). No one shall be discriminated against, not because of his heritage or lifestyle. “Unequal treatment is appropriate only when there are serious objective reasons”, says Markus Schefer, professor of constitutional and administrative Law at the University of Basel. Whether these reasons are given with the Jeniche not using this site and the problematic hygienic conditions in Winterthur is highly questionable. Prohibition of discrimination II: according to the agreement on the free movement of persons (FMP), every EU-citizen must not be hindered or denied stay or entry into Switzerland. “As long as no congestion for transit travellers occurs, there is no problem”, says Fiona Wigger of the federal agency for culture. This is contradicted by Schefer: “If a traveller is part of the FMP, the site prohibition is a serious problem.” Prohibition of discrimination III: “Such an interdiction generalises in a serious manner”, said Schefer. If this leads to a collective judgment, the case is even more problematic. It feeds the suspicion that per se, they behave badly: “The result are pejorative stereotypes against a particular group.” Huber’s statement (2014) that a ban on foreign travellers does not violate the prohibition of discrimination is therefore incorrect. In addition, a general interdiction of foreign travellers contradicts the principle of proportionality. Andrea Egbuna from the Swiss Competence Centre for Human Rights (SCHR) states that therefore, in the event of problems, one must evaluate if individual travellers can be sanctioned with a deposit for cleaning costs, rather than cast a general suspicion on all foreign travellers. As has been repeatedly criticised by the Rroma Contact Point, the conflict concerning permanent and transit sites in Switzerland is a general problem of too few sites for travellers. This conflict is then fought on the backs of foreign Rroma who are instrumentalised as scapegoats for these general structural problems. That there are indeed such massive differences between foreign-travellers and Swiss Jeniche that make any peaceful co-existence impossible is doubtful. The claim that Rroma use no toilets and instead do their business outdoors is absurd. Particularly the Rroma have strict hygiene regulations, which is reflected in the tradition of ritual impurity. Moreover, it seems that the differences between Jeniche and Rroma are deliberately highlighted and exaggerated because of occasional conflicts. Most Rroma are sedentary and not travelling anyway.

News Switzerland

26.09.2014 Public festival enables rapprochement between Rroma and Lausanne’s inhabitants

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Genier (2014) reports on a public festival that was held on the weekend of the 20th and 21st of September in Lausanne. On the initiative of the sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin and the organisation “Opre Rrom”, about half of the several hundred Rroma resident in Lausanne participated in the festivities, Genier states. There, they cooked and grilled for Gadje (non-Rroma), with the aim to enable a mutual approach: “Let’s get to know each other!” was the title of the event: “The objective of this event was to bring together Swiss and Roma, two population groups that have remained very separated in general. “This action was conceived to promote dialogue between the people of Lausanne and Roma”, explains Véra Tchérémissinoff, director of the organization Opre Rrom. “We wanted above all that this took place in a different context than the street.” Even if the action was mainly responded to by sympathizers of the various Roma organizations and their acquaintances, some curious people were attracted by the cheerful assembly, and stopped a moment to watch or to drink a glass.” Although through focusing on coloured costumes, music and dance, some stereotypes about the minority seem to have been confirmed, the attempt to bring the largely invisible Rroma together with the rest of the population remains very commendable. However, the distinction between Swiss and Rroma has to be made with caution, since many Rroma resident in Switzerland are Swiss or Lausanne citizens themselves.

News Switzerland

24.09.2014 European Commission against Racism: continuing improvement potential of combating racism in Switzerland

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The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) has published a recent report, in which it highlights the strengths and weaknesses of Swiss anti-racism efforts. The Commission commends the dedicated condemnation of xenophobia by Swiss authorities: “Mentioned honourably in the report are the cantonal integration programs for people with a migration background, better training of police officers in the area of ​​human rights or support services of individual cantons and municipalities for LGBT people (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender)” (NZZ 2014). In contrast, there is still a strong potential for improvement, especially regarding the political discrediting and exploitation of minorities. Various groups, among them the Rroma, are discriminated against in the labour market, the report states: “The political discourse is partly xenophobic and racist. This leads to the fact that the reputation and the lives of black people, Jeniche and other Roma groups are significantly degraded. Refugees, short-term residents and LGBT people are also affected. These groups are faced with significant discrimination in the labour market” (NZZ 2014). Here the distinction must be made that Jeniche constitute a distinct ethnic group with their own language and history. They are therefore not a Rroma group, as it is claimed here. The European Commission recommends continuing to expand the opportunities for integration. On should also aspire that the Federal Commission against Racism accepts and processes complaints in the future. In particular the police must ensure that identity checks are not carried out on ethnic criteria.

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Dammann (2014/I) reports on a criminal “Rroman-gang” that is said to have defrauded trusting home sellers of large sums of money. The journalist goes in detail into the circumstances of the criminal fraud: the vendors were contacted and, after a valuation of the property, were invited to Rome to take a deposit for the house. There, they were tricked into accepting counterfeit money. The offence itself should not be trivialised. It is an illegal act that must be punished. However, what is surprising is how uncritically it is simply claimed that the perpetrators are Rroma. Where does this knowledge come from? By mentioning the ethnicity, Dammann suggests that crime and Rroma are directly related. This is not so. Rroma are not more criminal than any other ethnic groups. Rather, this impression arises through the continuous thematisation of the minority in connection with criminal offences as in this article: “Roma gangs rip off trusting home sellers with deceitful currency transactions. Alone in the canton of Zurich, victims lost over a million francs in so-called rip deals. Also Elisabeth Kummer* (72) and her partner Heinz (77) from the canton of Aargau can tell you a thing or two about the Roma crooks.” The stereotype of criminal, hierarchical Rroma gangs that commit crimes at the command of clan chief is widespread. This notion of ​​hierarchical families can be traced back to the projection of the medieval caste system onto Rroma and to the equation of Rroma families with criminal organisations. This is incorrect. While it is true that the family has an important role among the Rroma, its organisation is largely egalitarian. By continuously addressing a criminal minority of the Rroma, one discredits the majority of Rroma who live an integrated life. In addition, the identification of ethnicity has to be critically looked at, as it is anything but simple to determine. Not rarely, one simply assumes that the persons in question are Rroma (compare Dammann 2014/II).

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27.08.2014 Oberwinterthur: continuing conflict over transit site

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Herter (2014) spoke with Urs Glaus, president of the foundation “Future for Swiss Travellers”, about the continuing problems at the transit site of Oberwinterthur. The site was closed by the authorities on the weekend of August 23rd and 24th, due to the hygienic conditions which were unsustainable. The place is now being extensively cleaned and repaired. When and how it will be reopened is not yet decided (compare Eppenberger 2014, Hirsekorn 2014). Unfortunately, Glaus also spreads the opinion that some Rroma don’t use toilets for cultural reasons and that it would therefore be reasonable to establish separate sites for travelling Rroma. That problems with a minority of travelling Rroma are supposed to be solved by seggregated sites and not by an open dialogue is disconcerting. As Glaus himself states, there are only occasional travelling Rroma groups that cause problems on transit sites. Most of them adhere to the rules at the sites and stick to the hygiene standards. Therefore, Glaus demand for separate sites is difficult to comprehend. It means a concession to a nationalistic distinction between decent Swiss Jeniche and problematic “foreign” Rroma. However, disputes over transit sites and stands are a pan-Swiss problem, because there are by far not enough sites for all travellers. Due to the presence of foreign travellers, this problem is exacerbated and the competition degenerates in ethnic distinctions, which cannot be deemed to be objective. Foreign travelling Rroma are scapegoats in order to identify a clear culprit for all grievances. This does not do justice to the complexity of the problem. Most Rroma are sedentary anyway and don’t travel. Urs Glaus states: “Not all Roma leave dirty sites. But there are some groups that have a different cultural background, don’t use toilets for example, or do not want to be seen on the way to the toilet. Therefore, not all transit sites are suitable for the Roma, also the site in Oberwinterthur is not. […] Are shared sites for Swiss travellers and Roma conceivable? No, but this has nothing to do with discrimination, but with the different needs and experiences of Roma and Swiss travellers. Their origin and culture is different. In general, it is not end well if Roma want to stop on sites of Swiss travellers.” Of course there are differences between the Rroma and the Jeniche. But the demand for separate transit sites spreads false notions for the necessity of a segregation of the two groups, which cannot be in the sense of a modern, multi-ethnic society, which should rely on compromise and cooperation and not on isolation and separation.

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22.08.2014 Sicily: turmoil because of a signpost against begging Rroma

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Adam Weiss, legal director of the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), criticizes in a recent press release a sign in a Sicilian supermarket that openly asks not to give any money to “Gypsy beggars”, because “their begging allows them to earn from 60 to 80 euro a day, an amount of money that a specialised ITALIAN worker doesn’t earn, considering that the total sum is free from tax” (The Local 2014). For Adam Weiss, the discriminatory sign is an expression of a broader discrimination of Rroma in Italy and completely unacceptable. The shame level on racist statement is never lowest towards Rroma, he states: “Discrimination against the Roma community is getting worse in Italy, with members of the Roma community increasingly being subjected to gang violence, he [Weiss] said. While there are more examples of anti-Roma discrimination in Italy than elsewhere, such problems are being documented by the ERRC across Europe. In Italy last year the ERRC discovered victims of theft were asked to fill out a police form in which they were able to name “gypsies” as the culprits, without any other options of ethnicity. Rights groups successfully campaigned to have the tickbox removed” (The Local 2014). Furthermore, the impression that large amounts can be earned by begging is wrong as is the belief that the most begging is done by organised gangs. Jean-Pierre Tabin (2013) concluded in his study about begging in Lausanne that one averagely earns 15 to 20 francs per day beging in Switzerland, which is only a fraction of the alleged 80 Euros in Sicily. In addition, no correlation between child beggars and organised networks was found, contrary to what is repeatedly claimed.

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20.08.2014 Stereotypes: Rroma as con artists

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Schorno (2014) reports on attempted trick thefts in Rapperswil-Jona in Switzerland. According to the cantonal police of St. Gallen, the two perpetrators, between 20 and 30 years old and with a “roma-like appearance”, tried to rob two pensioners by distracting them, but were put to flight by the victims themselves: “An unknown woman suddenly hugged a 82-year-old passerby, trying to loose a golden chain of her arm. However, the sprightly pensioner did obviously not agree: A resounding slap landed on the face of the trick thief. […] Only a short time later, two women were begging an 88-year-old man for money. The pensioner generously took out his wallet – one of the two women grabbed it at once, but had to realise that her supposed victim had more power than she did. The man simply didn’t part with his wallet and the duo had to leave without any plunder.” Mentioning the ethnicity of perpetrators is not necessary as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a culture of crime among Rroma. However, Rroma are not more criminal than any other ethnic groups, but this is suggested by the media through the explicit thematisation of Rroma in connection with crimes. Moreover, the statement that the perpetrators had a “roma-like appearance” is based on racist criteria: it is undoubtedly meant that they were dark-skinned. However, there are also many light-skinned Rroma. Whether the criminals are in fact Rroma is not necessarily clear here. It is an expression of suspicions based on prejudices. A cultural interpretation of crimes is necessarily racist and ignores and discredits the majority of Rroma living a respectable and integrated life. More caution when using ethnic criteria, prejudices and resentment would be appropriate.

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15.08.2014 Stereotypes: Rrom sentenced for burglary and copper theft

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Schleer (2014) reports on the trial against a Romanian Rrom in Rheinfelden. Because of repeated burglaries, the 24-year-old was sentenced to two and a half years of jail by the Lörrach district court. As witnesses, four other Rroma, with whom the defendant allegedly committed the crimes, were questioned. The culprit was granted mitigating circumstances, as he confessed all committed crimes. Mentioning the ethnicity of the perpetrator is not necessary as it only encourages racist stereotypes about a “culture of crime among the Rroma”. Rroma are not more criminal than any other ethnic groups, but this is exactly suggested by the media through an explicit thematisation of Rroma in connection with various crimes. A cultural interpretation of the offences is necessarily racist, as it ignores and discredits the majority of Rroma living a respectable and integrated life. The idea of ​​hierarchical family ties goes back to the projection of a medieval caste system onto Rroma. This is wrong. While it is true that the family has an important place among the Rroma, its organisation remains largely egalitarian. Rroma are also often used synonymously with Romanians or the Romanian language. While Romania has indeed a large Rroma minority, an estimated one and a half to three millions, Rroma make up only a minority of the total population of 22 million. However this fact is often interpreted one-sidedly by the Romanian side, who quite often state that Rroma are indeed responsible for many crimes, whereby the difference between Rroma and ethnic Romanians is exaggerated to that of good Rumanians versus evil Rroma. That Rroma are often made ​​responsible for crimes, this without any evidence, can be seen in the article of the Basler Zeitung about a burglary series. On the ptential perpetrators, the article states at the end: “On the identity of the perpetrators, the conjectures go apart. Some say they are adolescents, others burglary tourists “or Roma”” (Gygax 2014).

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18.07.2014 Prejudices: Geneva security chief in search of the Rroma problem

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Habel (2014) reports on the visit of the Geneva security officer, Pierre Maudet, in Bucharest. Maudet laments the increasingly large number of offenses committed by Romanian citizens in Geneva, in addition to the already known begging Rroma. These are said to be combated most effectively through an improved cooperation between Romania and Switzerland. Unfortunately, a very one-sided notion of the Rroma is created: During his stay in Bucharest,  Maudet visited almost exclusively the Rroma district Ferentari where around 18,000 Rroma live in poor conditions. However, not all Rroma live in ghettos and are poor. In addition, it is very problematic to conclude that poverty leads to an increase in crime. As can be analysed in the article, Maudet sees the delinquent Rroma as involved in begging, stealing and prostitution networks. These are common stereotypes about Rroma: ““The delinquency originating in Romania is about to exceed the North African delinquency in Geneva, explains Pierre Maudet. Violence against older people or homosexuals, prostitution networks, burglaries, pick-pocketing, theft by deception and shop window theft, break-ins into cars… In the end, more than 400 arrests per year were made – “In 2013, we counted 1284 Romanian suspects”, clarifies the state counsellor […].“ However, begging is not to be equated with criminal begging networks, as critical studies show. In addition, begging income is very modest. Prostitution and human trafficking are not the same. Maudet indicates that he also sees economic grievances as a reason for migration to Geneva. But he also presents this problem incorrectly as a “Rroma problem.” Rroma are not more criminal than members of other ethnic groups.

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