Category Archives: Germany

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23.08.2013 Rroma debate in Germany: culturalism remains the dominant narrative

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“In order to remain, they only have to prove that they can earn their own livelihood. With five or more children, this is not difficult. After all, they get child benefits. Opinions are divided as to whether they straightway pull away again as vagrants, as many locals want, or to settle permanently on the Rhine.” (Kolbe, 2013).

In his comprehensive 1400 words’ article, Kolbe (2013) achieves the feat to use every clichés images on Rroma: He speaks without comments about travellers (how often it must still be said that the majority of the Rroma are not travellers?), about families with five children or more that earn their living through the money Germany’s social care pays for children (how often has this issue been already discussed since January of this year, and how often did we already repeatedly point out that poverty immigration is a polemic theme that is being used in the context of the German election campaign and also that there are many Rroma with few children who well integrated). Ignorant of any cultural relativistic approach, Kolbe reproduces the ideas of cultures and alterity, topics, which have been controversial for decades in the social science. That the cultural characteristics described by him perhaps simply are a result of poverty and lack of education is something that Rroma experts such as Mappes-Niedieck (2012) have tired to explain for a long time, is not even discussed at all. Instead, an image of alienation is evoked, presenting what is described as a cultural incompatibility strikingly similar to Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis: “For both sides, it is a culture shock. The locals flee their old neighbourhoods. Immigrants come in a world whose customs are strange and incomprehensible to them. […] It is not just dirt and noise that upsets the old-timers. Police statistics show a growing criminality. Children do not go to school, but beg or operate as a “Robber Kids.” Only after lengthy discussions, did the city administration act to close the street prostitution in the northern city, where prostitutes from Southeast Europe were offering their services on the street.” (Kolbe, 2013). That notions of hygiene have nothing to do with cultural traits should be obvious to even hardboiled positivists or culturalists. Of real concern is that Mr. Kolbe simply presents without comment, statements about thieving and prostituting Rroma. He makes no reference to the fact that the supposedly so large cultural differences perhaps simply are a result of poverty, that there are also Rroma who do not steal and prostitute themselves. What is downright outrageous, however, is that Mr. Kolbe simply ignores any of the arguments that have been put forward in the discussion of mass immigration: He does not talk about the well-educated immigrants who are also part of this transnational migration exactly as the poverty immigrants; nor does he discusses the critical analysis of the supposedly iron proofed statistics on immigration, analysis showing that a significant proportion of the migrants are in fact seasonal workers and the mass exodus to Germany is not a fact but a political issue (Migazin 2013 Epoch Times Germany, 2013), Mr. Kolbe simply presents it all it presents as an apolitical fact. Neither does he make any references to the invisible, well-trained Rroma, which also form part of the reality (Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter, 2013, Jacob 2013). However, in an addendum, he speaks about well qualified Romanians and Bulgarians, but it remains unclear whether he thinks they are also Rroma. That the article promotes and encourages culturalism and not a critical debate, can be read from the comment column. For example, a Mr. Frank Richter from Germany stated: “This is not a state, the state has obviously failed in its reaction and the fact that the the whole does not work is for me at first the fault of the Roma. […] That Roma can develop into model citizens, well engaged in the civil society, I venture to doubt. Cultural barriers are sometimes just so high that they cannot be overcome, and you better not try it, but should accept the consequences. French and Italians have been already recognised this in relation to this group […].” Mr. Kolbe speaks also of actions of the general population such as in the case of Catholic priest or the case of the initiative “future-oriented support” to help integrate the Rroma. But all in all, a balanced critical perspective on the events is not presented here.

The West (2013) again reported on the so-called “Rroma house” in Duisburg. After various groups and individuals had called for active reprisals against Rroma are, residents, such as the teacher Annegret Keller-Stegmann, showed solidarity and committed themselves to the protection of the Rroma. She organised vigils to give the residents of the house some rest. The strong media attention on the house has led to a fixation and hardening of opinions that prevents and hinders constructive approaches, “the car drivers with Hitler salute, the people who appear allegedly armed with knives on the street. […] We really fear for our children, says one of the men. His sons and daughters are sleeping with their clothes on to escape quickly.”

Blazejewski (2013) further reports that the movement “pro Germany” wants to organise a demonstration in front of the “Rroma house” in Duisburg and has filed for a permit to the police. In March of this year, the subgroup “Pro North Rhine-Westphalia” had already demonstrated in front of the house against Rroma. The authorities are distancing themselves from a ban of the demonstration, which they consider to be counterproductive. Rather, a counter-demonstration is in planning and they would support it.

The TAZ (2013) adds to the coverage with a questionable statement of Duisburg’ police spokesman Ramon van der Maat, which confirms fears about institutional racism amongst German authorities: “Even socially engaged say that few Roma are willing to integrate […] The other ones cannot deal with our society. The need to go away.”

Daberkow (2013) adds an important facet to the debate, in that she gives a voice to moderate residents. These distance themselves decidedly against xenophobic actions or slogans, but at the same time complain about the failure of politics and the authorities, to establish order and normal relations. Many of them are moving away from the neighbourhood, because they cannot stand the continuous strain in the form of noise and littering, and have been annoyed long enough. A social segregation cannot be in anyone’s interests. This should make us think.

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16.08.2013 Anti-Rroma propaganda in Duisburg

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 Cnotka (2013) reports on racism on Facebook, as expressed in the group “In the Peschen 3-5”. Amongst others, it called for an arson attack on the so-called Rroma house in Duisburg. The prosecutor and the state protection are now clarifying to what extent the Facebook group incited to criminal action and racism.

Der Westen (2013) also provides information on anti-tziganist slogans that had uttered in recent days against the house in question. The author provides links to right-wing groups such as Pro Germany, Pro Cologne, and Pro North Rhine-Westphalia. Pro Rhine-Westphalia had called in March this year for a demonstration in front of the house in Duisburg.

Keywords: Anty Gypsy, Duisburg, Rightist Parties, Racism, Facebook, Duisburg, Arson, Daniel Cnotka, Der Westen

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16.08.2013 Organised child trafficking versus autonomous beggars

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Jirat (2013) reports on the “Agora” project, a project founded on the initiative of a Bern Migration Policeman in 2009. The goal of the project is the prevention of organized child abuse and human trafficking, of which mostly young Rroma are reportedly affected. By contrasting two studies on this topic, Jirat is precisely calling this status of beggars in question. The data of the Bernese immigration police, who found a strong presence of beggar gangs in Berne, is of dubious origins: “The foreign police view is necessarily limited: The focus is always a possible crime (human trafficking and/or child abuse), and there are always potential perpetrators who are also mentioned over and over again. “Mostly, they are Roma.” That’s the key point.” The perspective and analysis of the immigration police, so Jirat, is a strongly biased. It functions according to the logic of perpetrators and victims. The sociological perspective would be too simplistic. Thus, the study of the Lausanne sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin was did not find its way to the public. At the request of the Canton of Vaud, Tabin examined the relationship of begging and child abuse. The empirical study came to the following conclusion: There is no correlation between begging children and organized networks. The minimal begged income accounted for this activity makes it unattractive for organized crime. Several studies and also this one cameo the realisation that the average begging income in Switzerland amounts to an average of 15 to 20 francs per day (Friedli / Schüpfer 2013). This contrasts with the statement of the Bern Migration Police Coordination Unit against the Trafficking of Migrants (KSMM), stating that a child might beg up to CHF 600 per day. Tabin et al. even provide state that during their studies (over a year) they had found almost no begging children: «Sur toute la durée de nos observations nous n’avons pas vu d’enfant mendier. Dans un seul cas, l’âge du jeune homme qui mendiait était peut-être inférieur à 18 ans. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il n’y ait jamais de mineur qui mendie dans les rues : mais cette mendicité est très épisodique et, d’après les informations que nous avons pu recueillir, les parents sont très rapidement informés (par la police, par les associations, etc.) du caractère illicite de cette mendicité» [For the whole duration of our observations, we did not see any child beg. In a single case, the age of the young man begging could possibly have been below 18 years. This does not mean that there are never any minor who begs in the streets, but rather that this mendacity is very seldom and of short duration, and, according to information we have been able to gather, parents are rapidly informed by the police, NOGs, etc. of the illicit character of this mendacity.] (Tabin et al 2012). Jirat considers the plan of the Bernese immigration police to try to get begging children in a childern’s home and then to return them to their home countries as a state racism. Rroma children are represented as of organized crime, because this represents the views of the immigration Police. He appends a chronology of the regulatory practices of exclusion of Rroma in Switzerland.

Comment: The truth is often more complex than the one or the other extreme. It would be wrong to say that organized begging does not exist at all, but it is equally wrong to present it as the norm. There are several books, such as Rolf Bauderdicks “The Gypsies: Encounters with unpopular minority” or Karl-Markus Gauss “The dog eaters Svinia” which discuss organised begging. Gauss talks about Rroma pimps, who lend money to other inhabitants of Lunik IX and then force them to pay their debt by begging in Western Europe. Bauderdick sees the misery of many Rroma as self-inflicted, as they would mutually exploit themselves. These representations are not completely wrong, but they portray them as phenomenon that for many seems to be the norm.

As Mr. Tabin convincingly demonstrates in his study, begging is not really financially lucrative for it to operate on a large scale. That begging children are quickly brought into the context of organised networks is actually not surprising, as many people cannot imagine that parents send their children begging. These cases certainly exist, and as shown by Mr. Tabin, the large part of begging is not organised, but rather happens within the family. Cultural peculiarisms also come into play. In the course of the Rroma debate in Germany, one could read in renowned German newspapers such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung or die Welt, articles that spoke of Rroma kings and beggars networks, as well as texts that stated that this presentation was an invention. Cultural peculiarities of Rroma to such as a reported patriarchal family structure are often used to explain to existence of phenomena such as Rroma kings. This is symptomatic of the common lack of knowledge about Rroma. In addition, one must also be aware that journalism or social science representations about Rroma are never produced in the void. The authors have beliefs and views that they project into their texts. Rroma kings, are almost certainly an invention with. However, it also depends on the definition of a Rroma king. For the same reasons, it would be equally wrong to say that there is no mutual exploitation among Rroma.

The Agora project sees all begging children as being part of organised begging gangs who need to be rescued from this situation and reintegrated. They are therefore seen as victims. Mr. Tabins study in turn takes a position in favour of the beggars, seeing them this as a self-motivated and autonomous. In any case it is very difficult to describe the begging of Rroma children as a cultural phenomenon. Journalists such as Mappes-Niediek decidedly write against this and see the supposed beggar gangs as being in reality a symptom of poverty, ghaving nothing to do with organized crime: “There is prestige hierarchies in Roma neighbourhoods, there is commonly clientelism, even dependencies, mostly through the informal money lending. But numerous social workers, anthropologists, humanitarian staff working in Roma slums and sometimes living there, have not noticed structures of command and obedience. […] Is also a false impression to think that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the rule among poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania. Begging with children is banned everywhere in Europe and basically also rare because by its nature, it plays in the greatest public form” (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Keywords: Begging, Switzerland, children, Rroma king, organized crime, stereotypes, organized crime, exploitation, immigration Police, prejudices, Canton of Vaud, organized begging, Jean Pierre Tabin, Norbert Mappes-Niediek, Jan Jirat, Corina Friedli, Linus Schüpfer, Tages Anzeiger, WOZ, TAZ

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09.08.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Hoock (2013) reports on the Rroma lawyer Nizaqete Bislimi, as being a positive example of a successful integration. Her family fled in 1993 from Kosovo to Germany before the war in Yugoslavia. Even before, the parents had only spoken Albanian with their children in order not to make them outcasts in school. Then followed 13 years with unclear status as a refugee: The fear of being deported always there. Through the support of friends, Bislimi could finally study law and obtained in 2006 a residence permit following a humanitarian action. It takes a very critical perspective on the current debate about Rroma in Germany: Quick Solutions, as propagated by various politicians are to be critically questioned. People and their fates need to be at the centre: “The lawyer advises all who offer quick solutions on the Roma problem to meet the people at eye level. Each has its own story and is in Germany because he has no chance at a decent life in Romania or Serbia. “Be a human being – that’s what counts.””

  • Hoock, Silke (2013) Eine Roma mit starkem Willen – ein starkes Beispiel für Integration. In: Der Westen online vom 7.8.2013. 
Bulgaria Czech Republic Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania Slovakia

26.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Putzier (2013) presents a one-sided view of the debate on poverty immigration to Germany. He describes the migration from Southeast Europe exclusvely as a mass exodus of poorly educated Bulgarians and Romanians. That a significant proportion of immigrants he cites, 27,242 Bulgarians and Romanians during the months of January and February, could include seasonal workers and professionals, it is not discussed. Also the warning about the “rising costs of poverty immigration” is not new, as it is fiercely debated since the beginning of this year.

Adeoso (2013) spoke with Adam Strauss, a German Sinto and a founding member of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma. Strauss has won several awards for his work against racism and for the integration of Rroma. However, against these official honours, the social reality weights in, a reality which is still pervaded by a great many negative experiences: “It has been 70 years since the Nazi era is over and 68 percent of the people, according to a Emnid survey, want no contact with us. If someone says, “You are ALSO people”, it is already clear on what kind of place we stand. […] We have stood alone in the yard at school during recess, nobody has played with us, and I experienced the same situation today with my granddaughter. She also stands alone in the playground, no one plays with her, she eats her bread during the break alone, sitting in the corner, just like us – with us no one had contact either. This is the worst […] ».

Beer (2013) spoke with Roman Franz, chairman of the Association of Roma and Sinti in North Rhine-Westphalia. Franz tries to spread a counter perspective to the usual arguments about poverty immigration from Eastern Europe. One cannot always poke about the integration willingness of immigrants; one also needs to create the necessary structures so that they can integrate. One should also attempt to present a more differentiated view on the reasons behind migration. Portraying migration solely as an economic one, simplifies the situation too much: “Nobody likes to leave his home. Many Rroma in Eastern Europe live in incredibly difficult conditions. If they are allowed to send their children to school at all, then they are pelted with stones. They are there fair game. It is imperative that our head of state engages himself in countries such as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic or Slovakia, that Rroma are not forced out in this way”. With this he comes to a much too little discussed topic: What do political analyses say about the socio-political situation of a country and what are the actual experiences of local people? According to most countries official analyses, there is no discrimination against Rroma in South-eastern Europe.

Sources:

  • Adeoso, Marie-Sophie (2013) „Es ist mir sehr wichtig, dass ich ein Sinto bin“ In: Frankurter Rundschau online vom 22.7.2013.
  • Beer, Achim (2013) Roma-Verbandschef fordert Quartiere und Sprachkurse. In: Der Westen online vom 21.7.2013.

 

– Putzier, Konrad (2013) Europas Arme kommen nach Deutschland. In: Die Welt online vom 24.7.20

Germany News Western Europe

19.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Fassmann (2013) visited the by now infamous “Rroma House” in the Stuttgarter Strasse in Neukölln and spoke with some of the occupants and neighbours. While residents of the house almost unanimously complain about noise, trash, and other factors related to the overcrowded house, some residents of the house take another view. The former sailor Ingo Knorr is among those defending this other view. Knorr feels that most of the problems being publicly discussed are exaggerated. He bets on cooperation and sees himself confirmed in his tactics. The real problem lies in the high turnover of residents. So one constantly must search for contact: “I explain to people that they should not throw the garbage out the window, but bring it the container. They understand it then. The only problem is that new families constantly come where I have to explain it again.” In the house at the Stuttgarter Strasse, around 180 people, almost all of them were Rroma, live in 29 apartments. Reporting on the “Rroma house” is often used as evidence that all Rroma are poor, dirty and potentially criminal. That there is also a significant part of unobtrusive, well-educated Rrroma is often concealed.

The MDR (2013) reported on the establishment of Holocaust memorial stones in Buchenwald. Along the former railway line that led to the concentration camps, young people from different countries etched the names of young Rroma in river stones. On 25 September 1944 about 200 young Rroma, mostly children or adolescents, were deported and murdered in Buchenwald. During the course of the project, one also tried to reconstruct the biographies of the victims.

Sources:

  • Fassmann, Alix (2013) Ingo (52), der Friedensrichter aus dem Roma-Haus. In: Berliner Kurier online vom 17.7.2013.
  • MDR (2013) Jugendliche gestalten Gedenksteine für Sinti und Roma. In: MDR online vom 17.7.2013. 
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19.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Leghtas (2013) reflects on the rising evictions of informal Rroma camps in France that recur every summer. In March 2012, François Holland, then still a presidential candidate, blamed the policies of the Sarkozy administration for the blatant poverty of the Rroma in France. It was a scapegoat policy taking place on the back of Rroma and additionally stigmatizing them. But even under the new Hollande government, Leghtas emphasizes that things have not changed in practice. The much-quoted circular of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of August, 2012, which calls for a better information policy to residents and for the timely organization of alternative accommodation had not been applied very often. A law that was passed under Sarkozy and allows the deportation of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma for “abuse” of the European freedom of travel is still in force. Some mayors have themselves taken the initiative and organised legal accommodation for he needy and enrolled the children into classes. These individual acts – so Leghtas – do not free the French government of its responsibility for finding a respectable, long-term solution in dealing with Rroma. France must follow a politic in agreement with the UN human rights policies that guarantee a timely relocation and care of those affected by forced evictions. In addition, the French government has to seek better integration policies, such as reducing barriers in accessing the labour market. In August, a new wave of evictions is imminent. It is time for the government Hollande to put their new orientation towards the Sarkozy administration to the test.

Various French newspapers (Bertrand, 2013, Dessus, 2013, Le Point, 2013) also report back on the prosecution of Jean-Marie Le Pen and Christian Estrosi for racist abuse against Rroma. The European Forum of Rroma, SOS Rasismus and the Association of French Rroma organizations are the accusers. The plaintiffs accuse Le Pen and Estrosi among others, to promote a discourse of hatred against the Rroma purely for electoral purposes. Various newspapers equate Rroma with Travellers, even though most Rroma are recognized to be sedentary. The Mayor Sophie Dessus advocates a cooperative deal with the residents of illegal settlements, rather than collection of repressive policies. Le Creurer (2013) summarizes the statements of Estrosi as follows: “Monsieur Estrosi a tenu des propos xénophobes contre les gens du voyage suite à des occupations illégales de terrains communaux par leurs caravanes. Il a dénoncé des comportements de „délinquants“ et a appelé les maires de France à „la révolté“ en proposant de leur fournir son „mode d’emploi“ pour „les mater.““  [Mister Estrosi made xenophobic statements against travellers following illegal occupations of communal land by their caravans. He denounced what he deemed “criminal” behaviours, and appealed to France’s Mayors to “revolt” offering them his “how to” to tame them.] Due to existing regulations, all communities are asked to provide space for at least 50 caravans and transit sites for 50 to 250 caravans (Polloni 2013). In this case Rroma are again confused travellers. Only a small single-digit percentage of Rroma is effectively travelling.

Ziegler (2013) addresses the now frequently encountered confusion between the terms of Rroma, Gypsies and Travellers. Louis de Gouyon Matignon, junior president of the French Association for the gypsy culture suggests the following distinction: “Il est très important de faire la distinction. Le peuple tsigane est formé de trois peuples différents : les Roms lorsqu’ils sont à l’Est de l’Europe, les manouches lorsqu’ils sont à l’Ouest, et enfin les gitans lorsqu’ils sont sur la péninsule ibérique. Les tsiganes de France s’appellent les gens du voyage. Ce sont des citoyens français qui n’ont rien à voir avec les Roms qui sont des citoyens de l’Europe et qui sont pour la majorité, soit Roumains, soit Bulgares.” [It is really important to make a distinction. The Gypsy people comprise three different groups: The Rroma, when they are in Eastern Europe, the Manouches when they are in the West, and the Gitanos, when they are in the Iberic Penninsula. These are French citizen who have nothing to do with the Rroma who are European citizen and who are in majority either Romanian or Bulgarian.] One can only criticise this distinction between Rroma, Manouche, Gipsies and Tsiganes as being simplistic and only partially true. The German Sinti and the closely related French Manouche, as well as the Spanish Kale (Gipsies) are country-specific designations for members of the Rroma who live since the 15th Century in Western Europe. Sinti are part of the Rroma as a whole and not a separate ethnic group. These groups contrasts with Rroma  immigrants from Eastern Europe from the 20th Century who migrated to Western Europe because of civil war or economic hardship.

Polloni (2013) takes a closer look at Christian Estrosi’s Rroma policies. She points out the contradiction that, contrary to the provisions in force, only a fraction of the necessary permanent and transit sites for Travellers  who are incorrectly equated here with the Rroma are available. The article focuses more on the Estrosi’s visit to the Aboras stadion, where Rroma were quartered for several weeks. Estrosi called for the Travellers to immediately leave the stadium. When they refused, Estrosi threatened them with a systematic monitoring of all their activities: “Bon, on va voir, j’en ai maté d’autres et je vous materai. Et la première chose que je fais c’est de mettre des caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent, on va noter ceux qui rentrent, ceux qui sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment, et ce que vous allez faire partout dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.“ [So, let’s see, I tamed others and will tame you. And the first thing I will do is put cameras everywhere, to watch everything you do in the few hours from now, we will note who came in, went out, at which minute, at what time, and what you are going to to everywhere in the city, the agglomeration, etc.] With this rigorous monitoring policy Estrosi wants to force these “stateless” people to a state compliant behaviour.

France 3 (2013) discusses the state of Romanian, Bulgarian and Spanish Rroma immigrants in Auvergne. The immigrants are in a state of non-appurtenance: Although they are EU citizens, they are not welcome just about anywhere and it is therefore very difficult to build a livelihood and to integrate.

Sources:

  • Bertrand, Yann (2013) Roms : trois associations portent plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: France Info online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Dessus, Sophie (2013) Estrosi et les gens du voyage: maire PS, j’ai aussi des soucis mais pas les mêmes méthodes. In: Le Plus online vom 17.7.2013. 
  • France 3 (2013) En Auvergne aussi, les Roms sont confrontés à de graves situations d’exclusion. In: France 3 online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Leghtas, Izza (2013) „L’été 2013 sera-t-il différent pour les Roms en France?” In: L’express France online vom 16.7.2013.  
  • Le Creurer, Olivier (2013) Le Forum européen des Roms et des Gens du voyage porte plainte contre Jean-Marie Le Pen et Christian Estrosi. In: France 3 online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gens du voyage : plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: Le Point online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Polloni, Camille (2013) Roms et gens du voyage : Christian Estrosi s’emmêle les pinceaux. In: Rue 89 online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Ziegler, Marlène (2013) Gens du voyage : Roms, gitans, tsiganes, qui sont-ils vraiment? In: La Toile de fond (Mlactu) online vom 17.7.2013. 
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05.07.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Maibaum (2013) reports on the changing social policy in Essen. To reduce economic incentives, in the future, the city will help needy migrants only in kind and not with money. The influx of economic refugees is thus to be minimised. In his representation of the new model of social help, Maibaum reproduces very uncritically racist statements when he states: “It is a three-stage model that divides the people who come to Essen in two classes: those that will be obliged to leave, such as the Roma from Serbia and Macedonia, and those who have a chance of a future life in this city.” Why Rroma from Serbia and Macedonia should have no chance at a future in Essen, is not explained. That Rroma are not just economic refugees but also are political refugees especially from countries such as Serbia due to the aftermath of the war in Yugoslavia or due to the ongoing ethnic discrimination they are faced with, is not discussed in this article.

Langenkämpfer (2013) informs about an event of the Bündnisses 90 and the Green, under the theme “Equal opportunities! Sinti and Roma in education”. The meeting participants criticised in particular the constant discrimination of many Rroma in Europe. In addition to the social, political, and increasingly violent pressure brought to bear on the Rroma, one needs to consider a social anchoring of prejudices among broad sections of the population. The North Rhine-Westphalian Minister of Education Sylvia Löhrmann asked in her speech for less thinking about “order” and for more heterogeneity.

Kotte (2013) focuses on the efforts of Romeo Franz who wants to be elected as the first Sinto in the German Bundestag. Franz is known amongst others for training for argument against rightist slogans and ideas. His candidacy is viewed as a transformation of German society, with regard to recognition of its minorities. He also wants to acts against election statements such as the idea that all immigrants from Southeast Europe are economic refugees who only want to take advantage of the German social welfare system. In these simplistic representations, the fact that there also are educated immigrants, as well as a migration due to social deprivation or brutal discrimination remains unspoken. Particular concerns for Frank are the promotion of education, social inclusion and the political participation of Rroma in Germany. Another problem he sees is that one often talks about the Rroma, but seldom talks with them. He states: “We want equality of opportunity in employment, housing and health care. In Germany, there are huge deficits in the perception of the problems, as well in the programs supporting Roma. The European Commission last report has shown it again, and that was a red card for Germany. For the Foundation named after the Holocaust survivor and human rights activist Hildegard Lagrenne, where around 30 organisations of Roma and Sinti have teamed up, this is also a consequence that one often talks about us, but not with us.”

Poley (2013) reports on a meeting of the Rroma organisations “Rroma Drom” and “Terno Drom” in Duisburg. The aim of the meeting was to discuss the role of young Rroma in Germany. Representatives of the organisation are committed to an improved perception of Rroma and, based on a more self-determined presentation of Rroma in German society.

Goebels (2013) reports on the plans of schools in North Rhine-Westphalia to support regular teachers with teachers with knowledge of Rromanes or Bulgarian. Through the establishment of special remedial classes, the language skills and the integration of newcomers should be encouraged. In particular, the cities of Duisburg, Cologne and Dortmund, according to German statistics, record a high influx of Romanians and Bulgarians, who are often identified collectively as Rroma in public discourse.

Sources:

  • Goebels, Wilfried (2013) NRW-Ministerium sucht Roma-Lehrer für Zuwandererkinder. In: Der Westen online vom 2.7.2013.
  • Kotte, Hans-Hermann (2013) Der Sinit-Kandidat. In: Migazin online vom 3.7.2013.
  • Langenkämpfer, Jürgen (2013) “Gleiche Chancen! Sinti und Roma in der Bildung”. In: Mindener Tageblatt vom 3.7.2013.
  • Maibaum, Jörg (2013) Stadt Essen will Roma-Zuzug aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen bremsen. In: Der Westen online vom 5.7.2013.
  • Poley, Volker (2013) Roma als Teil unserer Gesellschaft sehen. In: RP online vom 1.7.2013. 
Bulgaria Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania

28.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany and Austria

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In a long article, Carstens (2013) reports on the Romania trip of the Berlin district councillor Franziska Giffey. He tries to present a detailed picture of the situation on the ground, but he fails due to his preconceived belief that all Rroma want to move to Germany. He describes the representatives of the Romanian village Cojasca as caricatures but who are ultimately only interested in profit through economic relations with Germany. The mayor of Cojasca, according to Carsten, tries first to get Giffeys to agree to finance a factory with German money, then switches to asking for funds for the local school canteen and ends with offering his services in Germany as a translator. Carsten’s bottom line reasoning is simple: children’s allowances and benefits in Neukölln and in general in Germany are so high when compared with the low income in Romania, so that it provides essential stimulus for migration wherever poverty exists. He may not be wrong, but he oversimplifies the complexity of transnational migrations. He neglects questions about social cohesion of groups and communities, does not ask anything about the history of the Rroma in Romania, does not question the Romanian and German migration policies. If migration is considered only from an economical perspective as this often happens and is also Carsten’s view, questions about social integration, historicity, the role of individuals and the power of political discourse are simply neglected. Poverty migration exists, but it is not nearly as one-dimensional as Carsten’s represent it: It also takes courage to leave one’s own home behind and to travel to another country whose language you do not speak properly. Transnational relations are formed more or less depending on the structures of the participating countries and the possibilities of the involved persons. He who upholds the rules of the free market and therefore the freedom of workers should be self-critical, if he / she sees the new residents of a given country as poverty migrants from other countries who actually come as bearers of wealth and expertise. The reality is more than the just visible on the surface and certainly not just an intellectual construct.

Dernbach (2013) points out in her article the widespread pejorative views about Rroma. On the occasion of the presentation of Markus End’s findings “antiziganism – the state of research and the counter-strategies” she discusses the situation of Rroma in Germany. End points out that the stereotypes are still strong in the minds of the masses and that the thematising violence and discrimination against Rroma usually only is put in relation to events in Eastern Europe and not in their own country.

End (2013) points out in his publication about strong grievances regarding media coverage and the public abuse of Rroma. There is almost no research which focuses on antiziganism, the regulation of the press provides insufficient protection against discrimination, politicians can even make derogatory or racist remarks against Rroma without any consequences. Broad sections of the population continue to exhibit strong prejudices against Rroma, such as the belief that Rroma tend to criminality. Based on those views, discriminatory acts against Rroma occur regularly and these are seldom followed upon.

Hämerle (2013) spoke with the Romanian President Basescu on the relationship between Romania and the European Union. The conversation also covered the role of Rroma. Basescu stated: “There are virtually no problems with Romanians who emigrated, the whole debate revolves around the economic migration of the Rroma. But the Western states dare not to say this, which is why they prefer to talk about problems with Romanian immigrants. We will then make progress when they openly admit: Yes, the Rroma minority is causing problems, and we need to resolve this.” Regarding this point, Basescu seems to be poorly informed about the German, French and English media. There, this is in fact treated exactly as a Rroma  problem or question. Basescu sees a reluctance of Romanian Rroma to use existing educational opportunities. Combined with the significant differences in wealth between Germany and Romania, the raises the economic migration question. To solve this migration and to better integrate the Rroma needs a pan-European solution.

Gottschlich (2013) reports on the efforts of the North Rhine Westphalia Interior Minister Ralf Jäger to better integrate the Rroma in the cities of the province. The federal government is also required to get involved, as signing of the Schengen Agreement on the free movement of persons resulted in increased migration and in the concentration of migrants in individual cities. Specifically, he called for the safeguarding of health care and the promotion of school enrolment. But efforts in the countries of origin such as Romania and Bulgaria are required.

Sources:

  • Carstens, Peter (2013) Willkommen im Roma-Dorf. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 26.6.2013. 
  • Dernbach, Andrea (2013) Sinti und Roma beklagen Vorurteile. In: Der Tagesspiegel online vom 27.6.2013.
  • End, Markus (2013) Antiziganismus. Zum Stand der Forschung und der Gegenstrategien. In: Mediendienst Integration online vom 28.6.2013.
  • Gottschlich, Peter (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung: Innenminister Ralf Jäger will Städten helfen. In: RP online vom 24.6.2013.
  • Hämmerle, Walter (2013) «Ja, Roma werden diskriminiert» In: Wiener Zeitung online vom 27.6.2013. 
Bulgaria Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania

21.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Kuhn (2013) discusses the letter of Duisburg’s office for foreigners which asked Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants for proof of the legality of their residency in Germany. When the criteria for legal residency are not met, the recipients are threatened with forced expulsion. After three months residency, EU citizens must certify that as they are employees, self-employed or working in a vocational training program. If they do not meet these criteria, they can be expelled. The city administration is defending itself and insists this is not designed against Bulgarian or Romanian Rroma. Critics see the increased scrutiny on immigrants as part of the political disputes over the feared mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria.

Source:

  • Kühn, Oliver (2013) „Illegale Abschiebungen“ von Roma – Linke attackiert Ausländerbehörde. In: Der Westen vom 18.6.2013. 
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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
Bulgaria Czech Republic France Germany Hungary News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Poland Romania Slovakia

14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
Germany News Switzerland News Western Europe

14.06.2013 Street Prostitutes at the Zurich Sihlquai and Bilateral Cooperation

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Bracher (2013) reports on the plans of the Hungarian Minister of Education and Labour, Zoltan Balog, who visited Switzerland for a lecture at the University of Zurich last week, to improve cooperation between the Hungarian and Swiss authorities. After the lecture, he met with representatives of the Zurich police and the office for trafficking and migration to discuss an improved action against pimps. Goal of improved bilateral cooperation is an increased, protected exit from the industry with a professionalized protection program for those prostitutes who want to testify against pimps. Many of the women have children, around 60% of them,  (Bracher 2013/II) and will not testify against their oppressors due to fear.

In this context, Käppner (2013) discusses the legalization of prostitution in Germany that has not led to greater protection for women, but exposed them to the more brutal reality of the free market. Prostitutes have to accept for a pittance all interested suitors: “The good intention to strengthen prostitutes by law turned into the opposite. The woman is the resource that is used as efficiently as possible. Outside this exchange transaction she loses all value.”

In addition, despite the legalization of prostitution, trafficking of women is still moving in a gray area: between so-called voluntary prostitution for economic reasons, manipulation by intermediaries and effective human trafficking, the boundaries are often blurred. The legalization of prostitution really favours the exploitation of women, even if this seems to contradict the workings of the rule of law. In this context, the question of the ethics of an economy and a society that has so uncritically internalised the mechanisms of supply and demand needs to be raised. 

Sources:

  • Bracher, Katharina (2013) Ungarn fordert besseren Schutz für Roma-Prostituierte in Zürich. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom 9.6.2013.
  • Bracher, Katharina (2013/II) Angebot für Dirnen mit Kind. In: NZZ am Sonntag vom 9.6.2013.
  • Käppner, Joachim (2013) Die große Puff-Lüge. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung von 10.6.2013.
Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania

07.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The Bremen SPD politician Martin Koroll lost his membership rights in the SPD for the coming two years. On his website, in an opinion on his political goals, Koroll published xenophobic statements against Rroma. The judgment was pronounced by the Social Democratic Party’s arbitration committee. Koroll had proclaimed that Rroma live socially and intellectually “in the Middle Ages”, in an “age-old patriarchal society” in which men have “no inhibitions to send the children to work instead to school, their break their wives’ teeth and treat themselves to steel teeth [protheses].” Many of the young Rroma men, according to Koroll, “melt their brains by sniffing adhesives vapours” (Zier 2013). Koroll’s opinions were since a long time on his website, but only became a public topic after his entry into the Bremen state parliament. The SPD distanced himself decidedly from Koroll’s statements and expressly emphasized that these were his views and not those of the SPD. Therefore, procedure for his expulsion from the party was submitted and remains pending. The Young Socialists of Germany commented on the non-exclusion of Koroll as a non-logical decision. Koroll has “made populist slogans socially acceptable.” Koroll commented on the measures against him as a being “educationally and politically misplaced” (Zier 2013).

Frenzel (2013) provides information on the trip of the Neuköln Education Councillor Franczisca Giffey to Romania. Giffey travelled to Romania to meet with interest groups and politicians in order to assess the future development of the migration issues between the two countries. In her interview with the Daily Mirror, the Education Councillor confirmed the glaring poverty gap between Germany and Romania and the social disintegration facing the Rroma. She also noted glaring contradictions between statements by government politicians and those of NGOs. The state politicians stressed that there would be no significant increase in migration flows due to the persons agreement with the EU. The representatives of NGOs noted that there was no sign of a speedy improvement of the economic situation in the country, and that therefore, one should expect many poverty refugees in the future. With regard to life in both countries, Giffey sees a clear difference in terms of the education in Germany, but not in terms of housing situation. In this regard Rroma in Romania often fare better. The Education Councillor wants in particular to ensure that immigrant Rroma do not become welfare cases. The awareness that self-initiative is required needs to be promoted. The controversial issue in the debate in Germany, namely the extent the predicted immigration, is not discussed in the interview.

Barthels (2013) reported on the presentation series “Cineromani – Empowering Roma Filmmakers” in  the Collegium Hungaricum Berlin (CHB). To mark the event, current as well as older cinematic works on the life of Rroma are shown. They cover a broad spectrum ranging from self and external views of the Rroma, to religious and sexual identity and to questions the right to stay and to forced deportations. The presentation series can also criticized its renewed exclusion of the Biennale.

Sources:

  • Barthels, Inga (2013) Blicke hinter das Klischee. In: Die TAZ vom 4.6.2013.
  • Frenzel, Veronica (2013) „Es werden weiterhin Roma kommen“. In: Der Tagesspiegel vom 2.6.2013. 
  • Zier, Jan (2013) Ab in die Ecke, Genosse! In: Die TAZ vom 3.6.2013. 
Bulgaria Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Romania

31.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Peters (2013) informs about the fate of Nizaqete Bislimi, a “poverty migrant” from South Eastern Europe, who now works as a lawyer. It addresses the different facets of her life, such as the difficulty to openly stand by her Rroma origin. She notes: “I’m not going to adjust my life. […] I did not want to be a Gypsy woman, I felt ashamed. […] When I confessed it once to a girl friend she said that: You? But you’re clean! And good in school!” Peters shows the bias contained in the politicians’ reasoning such as for example Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich: They distinguish only between economically interesting, elite-migrants and poverty immigrants. That the transitions between these two extremes is continuous and that poverty immigrants can improve their attractiveness to the labour market, is not taken into account in this simplistic views. There follows a detailed description of the regulatory hurdles that Bislimi had to overcome to study law and get a residence permit. The statistics on the predicted povertymigration are to be taken with caution: for example, the number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria from 2007 to 2011 passed “from 64,000 in 2007 to 147,000 in 2011 more than doubling” but this number ignores thousands of seasonal workers, According to Peters even up to two-thirds. In addition, 20.9 percent of the Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants have a college degree, a proportion higher than the one of the majority population in Germany, which is at 18.1 percent.

At the end of the article Bislimi confirms the issue raised by Contact Point Rroma on visible and invisible Rroma and the reduction of Rroma identity around poverty: “I personally know of lecturers at universities, students, entrepreneurs, doctors. But most do not identify themselves as Roma, fearing old stigmata, from which they want to especially to protect their children.”

Gürgen (2013) discusses the work of the regional office for job training, integration and democracy (RAA). The organisation is committed to the successful integration of immigrant children in German schools, the focus currently lying on immigrated Rroma children. After initial reservations, especially on the teachers’ side, the work of the organisation is now broadly recognised and brings a lot of positive experiences. The aim is to successfully mediate between immigrant families and public schools. On the families’ side, according to the project spokeswoman Susanna Ismailovic, there are deeply rooted reservations about state institutions. A positive fact is that all the active auxiliary teachers speak Rromanes.

Walther (2013) speaks about two “invisible Rroma” who have successfully studied political science and subsequently spent two months at the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) in Flensburg. The two young Rroma are a stark contrast to the usual stereotypes and image of Rroma propagated in the debate on poverty immigrants: They are not poor, uneducated, work-shy and criminal but hard-working and intelligent. Diana Iuliana Pirjol and Aleksandar Marinov come from a humble background in Romania and Bulgaria. They emphasise that their families support them in their efforts and see education as a valuable resource. Regarding the anti-Rroma policies in Western and Eastern Europe, Aleksandar Marinov states, “We have no national state, to which we can feel connected, and must rely on the support of the government.” This really simple fact has been lost on many European government so far.

Sources:

  • Gürgen, Malene (2013) Pilotprojekt für Roma. In: Neues Deutschland vom 31.5.2013.
  • Peters, Freia (2013) Die Roma, die unbedingt nach oben wollte. In: Die Welt vom 30.5.2013.
  • Walther, Antje (2013) Den Roma auf der Spur. In: Flensburger Tageblatt vom 28.5.2013. 
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24.05.2013 Rroma in the European Union

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Publicly, the German Euro MEP Cornelia Ernst criticized what she deems in her eyes to be poor policies of the EU members towards Rroma. Since the ratification of a Rroma strategy, the EU Commission has undertaken little to effectively achieve the set targets. Currently about 4% of EU Eastern European help is devoted to Rroma. Ernst calls for an active prevention against racism and discrimination towards Rroma, which have increased spectacularly in recent years (Finanzen.net 2013).

Ernst (2013) describes the Rroma in the Czech Republic as the losers of the changes and who lived in modest prosperity prior to 1989. Today, in the Czech Republic, there are about 300 Rroma ghettos while before the changes there were only twelve. Many live in homes for asylum seekers, the unemployment rate exceedingly high at around 90%. She also criticizes the European Rroma strategy as it is not binding and does not foresee any sanctions for non-compliance.

The University of Hildesheim held a seminar on the topic of the participation of Rroma of in public education. The seminar is led by the educationalist Viola B. Georgi and examines the mechanisms of exclusion and inclusion of Rroma, which lead to a weak representation of members of this minority in educational institutions. In addition, there is an exhibition on the Rroma persecution under Nazism (Long 2013).

In a recent publication, Amnesty International (2013) criticizes the non-application of basic human rights for Rroma especially in Hungary and in Kosovo. But countries like Germany are also involved, as they deport members of this minority back to their home countries without actually considering the discriminatory practices. These examples indicate a discrepancy between official country analyses, used to determine the local situation, and the real situation of minorities. The report also criticises illegal evictions in 36 states. It emphasizes the issues of Rromas settlements in France and Italy, which in recent months repeatedly were mentioned in the press and generated attention in politics. Politics are exploiting Rroma camps, especially in nationalist parties (n-tv, 2013).

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma criticised the removal of a Holocaust memorial at a school in Wiesbaden. The exhibition presented the deportation of a resident Rroma family and was dismantled a first time in 2006 before being re-instated in 2008. This was brought to attention only through the actions of the school who requested the Documentation Centre of the Sinti and Rroma to remove this exhibition from the list of memorials. Rose criticized the closure of the memorial with the comment that this was an expression of irresponsible handling of history (Mueck-Raab 2013).

Bermeitinger (2013) reports on the construction of a Holocaust memorial in Mainz, which goes back to a commitment of Hildegard Coester. On 6 May 1940,107 Rroma from Mainz were deported according to records and sent to a concentration camp.

Pamperrien (2013) discusses the new non-fiction book by journalist and photographer Rolf Bauerdick. Bauerdick’s book “Gypsies: Encounters with an unpopular minority” is deliberately not politically correct. He distances himself from Klaus-Michael Bogdals thesis of a tradition of exclusion and of being considered alien and instead calls attention to the status of victim that Rroma themselves maintain. They are caught in their own apathy. He is belligerently states: “There is also another truth. I hardly remember a Rom who looked for a piece of responsibility among themselves about the roots of their misery, even less so one who found one.” With his political incorrectness, Bauerdick wants to highlight the need and to encourage Rroma to take their own responsibilities. But he forgets that unilateral action significantly depends on the one the available and structures and that there are very repressive for many Rroma. His simple distinction between real problems and intellectually produced pseudo-problems created by scientists falls short. It discredits the de facto interweaving of real events and social images and thoughts that fuel and spurns each other. Bauerdick is quite right in denouncing abuses among the Rroma themselves, when he speaks of exploitation by usurers who force their own people into prostitution, begging and theft. To use this as the determining discourse and to denotes it to be the dominant form of relationships among Rroma can heavily be doubted. A single journalist simply lacks the capacity for such a study among all Rroma. It perpetuates the picture of misery that he discredits the image of economically successful and inconspicuous, well integrated invisible Rroma. Bauerdick notes:

“All who intensively worked with Roma, have, as soon as this decade was announced[European Decade of Roma Inclusion], said that this would go down the drain. And so it did. It did so because the Roma are not taken seriously. One wants to help them without demanding something of them. This is how you behave towards people from whom you don’t expect anything. For me, this is the most insidious form of discrimination and exclusion at all” (Pamperrien 2013).

Brill (2013) sees the media discourse about Rroma as dominated by commentators who hide their ignorance of Rroma behind negative or positive biases. He refers in his remarks to the book “Poor Rroma, bad Gypsies” written by the Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek. In spite their intention to defuse stereotypes,  Brill’s remarks lead to the production of new ones. It states in a generalising fashion “Community and a sense of the State you will be looking in vain. The differences with the majority population are enormous, from the limitations of the Roma language to the divergent conceptions of time and money, past and future, property and business, cleanliness and what is good and important in life.” So Brill constructs a picture of Rroma, which wrongly assumes their incompatibility with European values ​​and habits. He creates an “othering” in the meaning of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Whether these views stem from Brill or are versions of Mappes-Niediek views is not clearly apparent. The observations that Rroma look at journalists with suspicion and do not provide reliable information, is critically challenged.

Roucaute (2013) informs about the often contradictory policies of the French authorities towards Rroma. They base their rigorous policy of clearing camps on unacceptable conditions of hygiene and danger of fires that prevails in these settlements. One executed the plans of the minister Manuel Valls, said an official. You have to comply with existing laws. A circular of six ministers of the new government states that “„les opérations de démantèlement des campements illicites (…) sont pleinement légitimes, dès lors qu’elles interviennent en application d’une décision de justice ou pour mettre fin à une situation de danger ou de risque sanitaire immédiat.“ [the operations of removal of illegal camps are fully legitimate as soon as they are the result of the application of a legal decision or in a situation of immediate danger or sanitary risk.] De facto, this is a firmly established policy of the French government since a few months, as it considers the highly visible Rroma camps as negative to the French state and wants to be rid of them. The government invests in the development of infrastructure in Romania, where a portion of the migrated Rroma is originating. Many Rroma in turn see their future in France, however, because they see no future there for them due to the structural conditions in Romania. There are thus conflicting priorities between the bio-political objectives of the French state and the expectations of the Rroma for the future, and these seem unlikely to converge in the near future.

Sources:

  • Bermeitinger, Michael (2013) Stele erinnert an verschleppte Sinti und Roma. In: Allgemeine Zeitung vom 17.5.2013.
  • Brill, Klaus (2013) Von Roma-Slums und “Gipsy Industry”. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 21.5.2013.
  • Ernst, Cornelia (2013) Weil wir Nachbarn sind. In: Neues Deutschland. Sozialistische Tageszeitung vom 24.5.2013.
  • Finanzen.net (2013) Neues Deutschland: Europaabgeordnete Cornelia Ernst kritisiert anhaltende Diskriminierung von Roma in der EU. In: Finanzen.net vom 23.5.2013.
  • Lange, Isa (2013) Seminar untersucht Bildungsteilhabe von Sinti und Roma in Europa / Ausstellung in Hildesheim. In: idw – Informationsdienst Wissenschaft vom 23.5.2013.
  • N-tv (2013) Roma in Ungarn und im Kosovo sind angeblich nicht sicher Amnesty prangert Flüchtlingspolitik an. In: N-tv Deutschland vom 23.5.2013.
  • Pamperrien, Sabine (2013) Gefangen in der eigenen Apathie. In: Deutschlandradio vom 23.5.2013.
  • Roucaute, Delphine (2013) Roms : à Lyon, l’attitude “schizophrène” des autorités. In: Le Monde vom 23.5.2013.
  • Mück-Raab, Marion (2013) Die Vitrinen-Affäre. In: TAZ vom 22.5.2013.
Germany News Western Europe

17.05.2013 Remembrance for the Deportation of Rroma in Germany

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The Faction “Alliance 90” and the Greens commemorated the 73 Anniversary of the deportation of Rroma in Germany and thought about the outstanding social and political task towards this still marginalised minority. The Alliance stated:

“The mention in the Constitution is a small but strong step. It is now important that Roma and Sinti in our society actually get all the benefits and rights and antiziganism comes to an end. We welcome the fact that a parliamentary committee for the interests of the Sinti and Roma was created as a direct consequence of the constitutional amendment. It will be our task to achieve concrete improvements for the Sinti and Roma in this committee”. (Jacob 2013)

Mueck-Raab (2013) reports on the secret removal of a memorial for the Rroma murdered under Nazism. In the Krautgarten school in Wiesbaden until recently on could find a small glass display case with photographs and texts about the fate of the deportees Maria Theresa Lehmann and her family. Along with about a hundred other Rroma the region, they were taken to a local jail, photographed and a number was tattooed numbered on their arm. This was followed by deportation to a concentration camp. The memorial was set up in 2006 under the initiative of the then headmistress. The showcase now contains football trophies. The children of Theresa Lehmann are outraged. The exhibits were not returned to them, contrary to the statements of a representative of the school. By email it was said: “A memorial has never existed in the Krautgarden school”.

The case to the removed memorial raises the question of the importance of remembering against the need to forget or to dispel. To truly forget, one needs to accept the past. This can only happen via the conscious recollection of the past.

Prime Minister Torsten Albig, in a speech in Kiel, spoke about the importance of remembering the deportation of Rroma in Germany. On 16 May 1940, 2.000 Rroma were arrested in northern Germany, “racially” evaluated and taken to concentration camps, where they were exterminated. The Prime Minister said: “We owe it to the victims of the Nazi genocide to keep the memory year after year. […] We remind with this ceremony a time where respect of others did not exist. We long for a fair relationship between majority and minority” (02elf evening paper). The request to consciously remember is contrary to the above dismantlement of a memorial in a school. Albig also stressed that the respectful handling of Rroma is a pan-European issue which requires a total commitment of Europe.

Sources:

  • 02elf Abendblatt (2013) Ministerpräsident Torsten Albig zur Gedenkfeier für deportierte Sinti und Roma: Erinnerung Jahr für Jahr wachhalten. In: 02elf Düsseldorfer Abendblatt vom 16.5.2013.
  • Jacob, Claudia (2013) Sinti und Roma endlich gleichbehandeln. In: Bundes Presseportal vom 16.5.2013.
  • Mück-Raab, Marion (2013) Ort der Erinnerung entsorgt. In: TAZ vom 15.5.2013. 
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17.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schupelius (2013) is critical of the “Action Plan for the integration of foreign Roma” proposed by the Senator for Integration Dilek Kolat (SPD). Kolat worked together with several research groups in recent months to define steps for a successful integration of immigrant Rroma. Among the recommended measures one finds tenant counselling, promoting enrolment of Rroma children in school, prevention of violence and the psychological support for prostitutes. The action plan will very likely not be implemented due to lack of funds. Schupelius criticized the months of work of the working groups under Kolat, whose catalogue of measures, being obvious, does not justifythe required research time.

RBB (2013) reports on the planned shelter for 22 Rroma families in Berlin-Charlottenburg. Because the owner of the designated property does not share the politicians’ plans, the projected emergency housing did not come to be. The Integration Commissioner Monika Lüke accused the leaders to have acted clumsily in selecting the locality and to have presented the decision to the district authorities as a fait accompli.

Krampitz (2013) discusses the work of Duisburg’s pastor Dieter Herberth. He works for the successful integration and acceptance of immigrant Rroma. He sees the immigrants from Southeast Europe as poverty migrants who see no future in their homeland. Those who find any work, even modestly paid, tend to stay in their country. He sees the idea that immigration exists solely to benefit from social services social funds as flawed. “Only people in difficult social circumstances come to NRW (North Rhine Westphalia).” Herberth requests the residents more tolerance towards Rroma. Integration does not happen overnight. The immigrants are often members of Gurbets group who is be particularly discriminated against in Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary.

Steeger (2013) gives information on a Rroma celebration in Neukölln. The “Herdelezi”, a festival in honour of Saint George and the patron saint of Rroma, was celebrated with lots of music and enthusiasm. It was organized by the youth organization Foro Amaro, an organisation where Rroma and Gadje are working together and committed to a tolerant, non-racist society. Herdelezi is celebrated by both Muslim and Orthodox Christian Roma all over the Balkan.

Sources:

  • Krampitz, Martin (2013) Pfarrer wirbt um Verständnis für Roma in Duisburg-Bergheim. In: Der Westen vom 13.5.2013.
  • RBB (2013) Notaufnahme für Roma-Familien nicht in Charlottenburg. In: RBB online vom 14.5.2013.
  • Schupelius, Gunnar (2013) Pläne für Roma-Familien sind unbezahlbar. In: BZ Berlin vom 12.5.2013.
  • Steeger, Gesa (2013) Balkan-Pop gegen Vorurteile. In: TAZ vom 12.5.2013. 
Germany News Eastern Europe News Western Europe Serbia

17.05.2013 Documentary about the Self-View of the Serbian Rroma

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Majic (2013) reports on the work of Lidija Mirkovic, a documentary filmmaker who wants to present through her work a picture of the Rroma beyond certain foreign stereotypes. Mirkovic has interviewed countless Rroma in months of work and documented their everyday lives. She receives regular visits from journalists from Germany who are interested in her work. Usually she asks them two questions. First, what he or she wants to know about the slums and secondly, what he or she actually knows himself about Rroma. With this second question Mirkovic goes to the core of the issue. Her intention is to create new images that can compete with the entrenched stereotypes. Besides stereotypes, the essence of the slums lies at centre of the film “slumdogs”. Majic states: “What in the West is either glorified or branded a part of gypsy culture, is actually the result of unbearable misery. This reality cannot be banished away from one’s own doorstep, by simply declaring its consequences to be the nature of a particular ethnic group.” The film critically examines this ethnicisation of poverty as a self-chosen way of life, and take a look into the slums, not in a third world countries, but the middle of Europe.

Source:

  • Majic, Danijel (2013) Die Slums in der Mitte Europas. In: Frankfurter Rundschau vom 13.5.2013. 
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10.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany / Austria

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No case of enticement to racial hatred will be filed against the old politician from Bremen, who excluded from the SPD Bremen. Korol had published racist statements against Roma immigrants from Southeast Europe on his website, which prompted his exclusion from the SPD Bremen. The prosecution based its decision on the argument that what Korol stated fell under freedom of opinion could not be considered as an incitation to racial hatred. Korol had claimed on his website that Rroma live “socially and intellectually in the Middle Ages, their men have no inhibitions to send their children to beg instead to school or to kick their women’s teeth” (Stengel, 2013).

In Amstetten a group of travelling by Rroma wanted to set up a temporary camp in front of a former auction hall. Camping is however prohibited there. The group was evicted by the local police. The incident occurs at a time where in the debate in Europe around migration due to poverty, Rroma are increasingly discussed and simplifying stereotypes about them are in circulation (The Courier 2013).

In Nienberge in Westphalia, a group of a dozen Rroma settled on truckers’ stop. The site had been previously been locked. Social Councillor Thomas Paal is unhappy that this space is being used. It is unfit for this purpose, especially for families with children. Ms. Brigitte Hasenjürgen in charge of this place is committed to keep it open. The immigrants from Romania are planning to stay in Germany and enrol their children in school there (Peter 2013).

Around 5000 Rroma live and work currently in Schleswig-Holstein. The Commissioner for Minorities Renate Schnack asked the residents of the area in a public announce to support the Rroma in their efforts to integrate. As part of the project “Maro temm” (Our Land) of the Housing Association of the Sinti in Kiel, 13 housing units for needy Rroma were built (Shz 2013).

In the Neukölln district of Berlin on can currently see the exhibition “The Rroma Image Studio”. The exhibition gives Rroma artists the opportunity to present a self-view of the group whose identity is otherwise mostly represented by outsiders. The show is intended to enable a view beyond that of the “racist clichés, the supposedly criminal migrant workers or [the] kitschy images of Balkan and Gypsy folklore”. The black and white portrait series “Mas Vilag” shows for example a fragmentation and complexity rather than a clear, singular view of the Rroma self-identity (Oxen 2013).

The NZZ (2013) speaks on the Rroma debate in Germany. It commented that it was quite relevant, whether in the debate on poverty immigration, one talks about ethnic or social issues and background. In the first case one will speak about cultural tolerance and minority rights while in the case of “social issues”, of individual rights and social standards. The so-called “Rroma problem” is much more a question of poverty rather than a lifestyle choice. In the course of post-socialist transformation to capitalism, large masses of Rroma were impoverished. This themes should be the prominent ones, and not the questions of ethnicity.

Sources:

  • Kurier (2013) Roma-Karawane musste Stadtgebiet verlassen. In: Kurier (Österreich) vom 7.5.2013.
  • NZZ (2013) Die Roma und die «Armutseinwanderung». In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung vom 10.5.2013.
  • Oxen, Nicolas (2013) Weg vom Roma-Klischee. In: Neuköllner.net vom 8.5.2013.
  • Peter, Sandra (2013) Zwei Toilettenhäuschen für Mirgranten-Landfahrerplatz bleibt Notlösung. In: Westfälische Nachrichten vom 8.5.2013.
  • Shz (2013) Kommunen sollen Sinti und Roma unterstützen. In: Schleswig-Holsteinischer Zeitungsverlag (shz) vom 8.5.2013.
  • Stengel, Eckhard (2013) Hetze gegen Roma bleibt straflos. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 7.5.2013.

 

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