Tag Archives: Romani Rose

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15.11.2013 Cementing of Prejudices with the Case of Maria

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In the case of the blond bulgarian Rroma girl Maria, Scholz (2013) sees a renewed strengthening of racist prejudices against Rroma. Both the researcher on racism Wolfgang Benz, as well as the Chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Romani Rose, criticized the reporting of numerous media as well as the actions of the involved police agencies as being based on “racist patterns”. The un-reflected articles promoted the exclusion and general prejudice against Rroma living in Europe. Rose, according to  Scholz, loudly criticised the one-sidedness of the reporting that always relies only on problem cases and completely neglects the “invisible” integrated Rroma: “A few days ago in an interview with the “Südeutsche Zeitung” Rose had already warned  against “always focusing on only one part of the Roma.” One must distinguish between the ones “who live in anonymity and those who lead a perfectly normal life in Germany”.” Rose further calls for the establishment of a committee of experts to examine antiziganism in Germany and who would make public (also compare German Wave 2013).

Peters (2013) precises that according to a recent survey, 64 % of Germans would reject Rroma as neighbours. And this even though many already have Rroma as neighbours, but do not know it because they keep their identity secret. Peters also draws clear parallels to the discrimination against the Jews with reference to Wolfgang Benz. Such journalism would not be allowed in Germany about the Jewish minority due to the historical events. But for Rroma surprisingly, this is acceptable. Rose criticizes: “Worldwide, missing children are now suspected to be among Roma. Hundreds of parents now hope that their missing children are alive and were abducted by Roma. This makes all Sinti and Roma to potential child thieves.”

Gezer (2013) comes to a dismal conclusion about the current acceptance of Rroma in Europe. The public image is dominated by negative stereotypes, Rroma are used as scapegoats and as a projection for a wide range of social fears and debates that are taking place on their back: fears of immigration, of change, economic impoverishment, “Yes, Europe has a new villain, he is called Roma and is everywhere. The new villain has dark skin, sings and steals, gives his children no shoes on because it is their tradition to do so. In Europe it is acceptable again to stigmatize a group because of their ethnicity.” She especially criticizes the silence of many politicians and public figures who hush up the blazing racism against Rroma. It is the same type of behaviour that was observed when the migrants were the Turks.

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18.10.2013 Rroma in Germany

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Radio Dreyeckland (2013) provides information on planned agreement between the state of Baden Württemberg and the National Association of German Sinti and Roma. The draft contract recapitulates the historically documented exclusion of the Rroma, the historical responsibility of Germany in dealing with minorities and the poor introspection about the German Rroma policies. The objective of the treaty is a targeted promotion of Rroma in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Access to education and thus also to the labour market should be strongly supported. The draft of the treaty states: “The exclusion and discrimination of Roma and Sinti dates back to the Middle Ages. The cruel persecution and genocide by the Nazi regime brought immense suffering to Sinti and Roma in our country and effects people to this day. This injustice has only been recognized politically embarrassing late, and has not yet worked out sufficiently. Even the antiziganism is still existent and not overcome. Being aware of this particular historic responsibility towards Sinti and Roma as citizens of our country and guided by the desire and motivation to promote the friendly coexistence.”

Pekdemir Hagen (2013) reports on Hasiba Dzemajlji who is engaged in Bielefeld for a better integration and recognition of the Rroma. Dzemajlji wants more Rroma in Germany, Rroma who have been living in the country for decades to publicly declare their identity. For fear of exclusion and discrimination many people of Rroma origins keep it secret. Together with the organization Migovita, Dzemajlji wants to strengthen the self-confidence, especially of young Rroma, and facilitate their access to education. She also wants to create a counter point to the still heavily rooted stereotypes, a new view that is characterized by heterogeneity and complexity.

Niewendick (2013) discusses the increasing radicalisation of local residents and politicians, who make propaganda against immigrated Rroma: During the last one and a half years, systematically, rumours of “thieving Kids”, littering and other prejudices about immigrants Rroma have been spread. The tensions achieved a peak in the fire of the “Rroma houses” on 9 October, a fire whose cause is still unclear. The heavily politicised situation manifests itself besides open demonstrations for and against Rroma with questionable expressions such as “problem house” and “flood of poverty refugees poverty”.

At the opening of a new interim dormitory for refugees in Duisburg, Kleinwächter (2013) discussed the situation of Rroma in Kosovo. Bernd Mesovic, Vice-President of Pro Asyl Frankfurt is cited with gloomy assessments on the integration of the Rroma in Kosovo: The situation of the Rroma in Kosovo is totally glossed over by the German authorities. In reality among them, very high unemployment prevails, and attacks are not tracked: “Officially, there are no attacks on them. Who issues a complaint, must fear reprisals. They can hardly expect any help from the Albanian police. Under the Constitution, all these rights are guaranteed, as is the internationally agreed reintegration of returnees. But the funds for that are lacking. The Rroma themselves have no confidence in the authorities dominated by Albanians, they are almost hermetically spatially sealed off from the Albanians and a kind of fair game for criminals.” Mesovic’s statements show once again the discrepancies between official country analyses and the real experiences of migrants. Official assessments of stability and legal security stand in contrast with personal experiences that are difficult to objectify. The official view remains the decisive criterion for the assessment of migrants’ fates.

Onay (2013), a green politician from Lower Saxony, reports on a field trip to Serbia. Purpose of the trip was a meeting between German and Serbian Rroma as well as non-Rroma, which was initiated by the organisations novels Aglonipe and the International Youth Meeting of Roma and non-Roma. At the meeting, issues such as the lack of access of Rroma to schools, to health care, and to the labour market were discussed. On the subsequent trip to Stara Karaburma, Onay paints a bleak picture of excluded Rroma living in ghetto-like conditions: Poor hygiene, glaring poverty, few or no prospects for the future. Onya’s portrayal stands in stark contrast to official country assessments that classify the situation of Rroma in Serbia as stable and safe. This contrasts with the fate of individuals surveyed Rroma, which report massive violence against them.

Bachmair (2013) reports on a meeting of the German association “Against Forgetting, for democracy”. At the meeting, eyewitnesses and relatives reported about the suffering experienced by Rroma and criticised the lack of coming to terms about the persecution and exclusion of Rroma in Germany. In his contribution, Romani Rose criticised the continued employment of Nazis by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, a fact that prevented the recognition of Rroma as victims for a long time: “In the offices, the survivors met the same officials who had sent them years before to the concentration camps, and who refused them compensation and recognition as victims of Nazi persecution. Even police officers who had perecuted Gypsies, made unhindered careers made in the Federal Republic. Only when Gypsies got organised and a 1980 hunger strike on the grounds of the former concentration camp at Dachau drew attention to their situation, was their suffering recognized.” The researcher Wolfgang Benz on racism expressed concern that the lessons of the world War II have never been applied or only very poorly on Rroma.

In his short, article, Schuhmann (2013) asks for less political correctness in the name of minorities who commit a crime. Naming the origin – in the case of this article “Gypsy” – helps to identify grievances among the stakeholders and to ask critical question: “If the reader completes the sentence “cheating gypsies on the road” with “of course – who else ?”,  a true nightmare for journalists has become a reality. The police does not want that. Neither does the majority of readers who are quite capable of differentiating between minorities and criminals among those. […] To name their origins could pave the way for many other questions. Namely who exploit these women and what a life they are forced to lead.” Through this statement, Schuhmann relativises her own reasoning. If the committed crimes, or respectively the exploitative relationships have nothing to do with cultural background, why then is naming the origin relevant? Schuhmann also assumes from fully mature, critical readers, who can recognise stereotypical reductions as such. This is to be doubted. Many readers will be confirmed in their prejudices by one-sided reporting.

Also, in an article about criminals young Gypsy women, Schuhmann (2013/II) uses the stereotypes of organised Rroma groups: The testimony of a police officer who speaks of burglars networks, is quoted without comment. Also without comment is the fact that one assigns physical characteristics to perpetrators: “The official explained what they should pay attention to. Women, beggars, rather dark in type “Gypsy one cannot say”, Fuchs says with a glance at the present journalist.” that there is no “culture of crime” ought to be clear to every man of common sense. Just as there are delinquent Rroma, there are delinquent ethnic German, Swiss, etc. No one would ever get the idea to talk about organised crime.

Unzensuriert.at (2013), in an absurdity not to be outdone, reports in an article about the Rroma the “problem house” in Duisburg. According to the article, these Rroma have collected the rat traps that were installed by the urban pest control and sold to scrap dealers. The Rroma, called “Gypsies” here, are brought in directly in conjunction with a rat infestation: “Rat plague: Gypsies stealing traps.” The article is a prime example of uncritical, unreflective, populist journalism.

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11.10.2013 Rroma in France

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The anti-racism association Mrap has announced it will file a lawsuit against Manuel Valls for incitation to racial hatred. Valls had stated that, in his opinion, most Rroma do not want to integrate, and should return to Romania and Bulgaria. Particularly problematic about Valls’ utterances is that he enjoys broad support among the French population and thereby racist views about Rroma are being represented as indisputable facts. Valls face a fine of up to € 45,000 (2013 Süddeutsche Zeitung, Le Monde, 2013).

Strassenburg (2013) takes a critical look at the trial of 27 Croatian Rroma in France. The defendants are accused of organized theft and trafficking: They are reported to have exploited children to earn money for themselves. They “trained them only to steal from the youngest age.” This contrasts with views of critics who hold that the imputed organised structures are a projection of the prosecution: “Mali, [a journalist] could never observe in three years the organized criminal structures, which are reproached to the 27 defendants in Nancy.” This process it is not just about the crimes of the accused, but also about socio-political conceptions of organised crime among the Rroma. “Gypsy Kings” and organised, structured delinquency is primarily a police view of the Rroma, and has been discussed several times. This does not mean that no crimes were committed by Rroma, but that it is very questionable to ascribe Rroma a culturally determined predisposition to organised crime (see L’Express 2013).

Zarachowicz (2013) speaks to the sociologist Jean-Pierre Liégeois about how are being exploited for French politics. Liégeois sees the knowledge about the Rroma as being dominated by large gaps. This ignorance is instrumentalised by politicians to project their own views on it. He deconstructs the travelling lifestyle, which again and again is attributed to them, as being the result of social exclusion, rather than a self-chosen way of life, and therefore as false: “Les familles sont souvent mobiles par obligation, pour s’adapter à des conditions d’existence changeantes, parfois menaçantes. Au cours de l’histoire, on assiste à des déportations, par exemple du Portugal vers l’Afrique et le Brésil, de l’Angleterre vers les colonies d’Amérique et vers l’Australie. Ou, quand des conflits se produisent, les Roms, souvent pris comme boucs émissaires ou bloqués entre les belligérants, doivent partir. […] Les Roms ont ainsi dû intégrer la mobilité dans leur existence, pour s’adapter à un rejet qui reste dominant.” [Families are often mobile due to the obligation to adapt to sometimes threatening changing conditions of life. In history, one sees deportations, for example from Portugal to Africa and Brazil, from England to the American colonies and to Australia. Or, when conflicts occur, Roma, often used as scapegoats or stuck between belligerents, have to  leave. […] The Roma have had to integrate mobility into their lives, to adapt to a rejection that remains dominant.]  He also identifies a historical, European government policy, that either wants to deport or to forcefully assimilate Rroma. In the case of France, the policy of repatriation is currently the dominant paradigm. From a financial point of view, this policy actually costs more than a successful integration.

In his article, Potet (2013) points to an alternative to Valls repressive policy. In Indre, the socialist mayor has built an accommodation, which aims to help immigrant Rroma to integration. The Rroma children can go to the local school. The immigrants had previously been living in a derelict factory. This support is linked to reciprocity: the children must attend school regularly, adults need to search for work, caravans are regularly maintained. With these Rroma-friendly policies, Jean-Luc Le Drenn puts re-election on the line.

The Huffington Post (2013) takes a look across the border from France: There one has problems other than the Rroma. High unemployment rates are at the centre of public attention. Before the economic crisis, the Spanish state set money aside for the integration of resident and migrant Rroma, money meant to facilitate access to education, the labour market, and to health care. This state integration program is still regarded as a European model of a social Rroma policy. This does not mean that exclusion and racism against the Rroma no longer exist in Spain, but this was an important first step towards a successful integration of Rroma.

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20.09.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The conservative weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit (2013) reports on “Gypsies […] they want the full right of German social benefits if they declare Germany as their new centre of life.” The paper evaluates the decision of Essen’s Higher Social Court in a precedent that allows now all “Gypsies” from Southeast Europe to also be entitled to all social benefits in addition to the child benefit and emergency medical care. The conservative weekly newspaper takes a clear judgmental  and order oriented perspective on the immigration debate: desirable are, if at all, only professionals and only if they do not compete with German workers. It also makes the economic opportunities of immigrants a question of ethnicity: Rroma, in the paper’s eyes, are all potential welfare cheats. Mockingly they note that it is sufficient, according to the Social Court, to declare Germany as one’s new centre of life and for being awarded benefits.

The town of Nordhausen ordered the prohibition of NPD election posters of the NPD in the vicinity of the former concentration camp Mittelbau-Dora and prescribed the minimum distance. With the slogan “Money for grandma instead of Sinti and Roma” the NPD generated a lot of resentment.  Legal proceedings were initiated by several people against the NPD for anti-Gypsy propaganda (MDR 2013). The anti Rroma propaganda has also triggered legitimate fears among many Rroma in Germany, especially in families with children who have to see posters on their routes to school. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma criticised that authorities had only acted in some cities, but not pronounced a national regulation to ban the posters (Evangelical Press, 2013). In the city of Giessen, the Administrative Court ruled in favour of the NPD’s posters: they must be hung back after the town had them removed. In a bipartisan action, critics of the NPD have now hung posters with the slogan “My grandma also like Sinti and Roma” (Hit Radio FFH 2013).

The TAZ (2013) reports the successful construction of a dormitory for Rroma in Neukölln that is funded by the Housing and Community Society of Aachen. Previously a house in the Harzerstrasse gained media attention mainly because of the waste and the noise. Through the intervention of Aachen Housing society, the house has been renovated and overcrowding has been reduced. The housing project has even won a social Architecture Prize. At the same time the displeasure of some of the neighbours has been awakened, who complained about the social advantage given to Rroma. However, Benjamin Marx, the project manager, sees the project as an important sign of social acceptance of Rroma.

The SPD excluded Martin Korol from the party because of his anti-Roma statements. Korol had made derogatory comments towards the Rroma immigrants from Southeast Europe Rroma on his website earlier this year, but then removed them due to considerable criticisms. Korol was elected in February 2013 into the Bremen state parliament, and his previously published statements had previously not raised any attention (Mirror 2013).

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30.08.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The Central Council of German Sinti and Romany is seeking a ban on discriminatory political advertising. This is a consequence of election posters of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD), which states “money for grandma instead for Sinti and Roma”. Romani Rose, Chairman of the Central Council, specifically requested the creation of a legal basis to prohibit racist political advertising and requires legal action by the federal government. In several states criminal proceedings against the NDP are also pending, but there are still no judgments as of now. The SWR has conclusively stated: “According to them, the Central Council has received hundreds of calls of concerned Sinti and Roma families from all over Germany in the last days. This because of the NPD’s posters which were very present, especially in smaller locations and on way to school or because they were “emotionally angry” and scared. The open NPD incitements gave rise to massive fears amongst the elderly who survived the Holocaust.” (SWR 2013)

Frigelj (2013) spoke to Duisburg’s mayor Reinhold Spaniel about the problem house “in den Peschen” that for months generated media attention and has become an instrument of political campaigns. Spaniel sees Duisburg as particularly affected by the migration from Bulgaria and Romania, because the city has a particularly large supply of cheap real estate and is therefore attractive for poverty immigrants from south eastern Europe. He also shows comprehension for the exasperated neighbours who are overwhelmed by noise, littering and disputes. In cooperation with the owner of the property “in the Peschen”, he said he wants to progressively empty the house and slowly seal the flats. He also differentiates in that there are families that are willing to pay rent and to integrate and must be supported in their efforts. With regards to massive intervention, his hands are tied because the Romanian and Bulgarian migrants are staying legally as EU citizens in Germany. He also advocates the somewhat controversial view that from January 2014 onwards, when the freedom of movement agreement with Romania and Bulgaria enters into force, will see large migration flows to Germany. With this representation, it becomes even more apparent that even liberal representatives distinguish between desirable and undesirable immigrants. A problem Max Frisch already pointed out. Spaniel takes a dichotomous view between skilled professionals and low-skilled poverty migrants, which create problems for the city of Duisburg: “Many well trained Bulgarian nurses and Romanian doctors come to Germany. That is beyond dispute, This is not the clientele that we’re talking about here, I’m talking about very poorly educated people, some illiterates who are in Duisburg and create problems for us.” The desire to want only well-trained professionals immigrants corresponds to the dubious distinction of economically useful and unhelpful people, and the consequent evaluation of the immigrants. The Polish-British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman pointed out several time the moral problems of such exclusionary social policies. However, Spaniel speaks not only of the necessary structures but also of the newcomers’ willingness at integration. To just simply distinguish between integration willing and unwilling immigrants when talking about integration, is to great a simplification. Integration is both a matter of personal commitment and also a result of the possibilities and structures of the host country. Depending on political orientation, the initiative of individuals is identified as the key critical or simply as one the factor among others. What is nice in this article is that he does not primarily speaks of a cultural problem, but also discusses possible solutions.

Wyputta also (2013) of the TAZ spoke with spaniel. In this interview, it is clear that newspapers like the TAZ left the city officials blame lack of action. This, however, legitimately defended by pointing out that his hands are tied by the applicable legislation. He could only negotiate with the homeowner and drive new legislations that define issues such as overcrowding, sanitation or electricity supply of housing law. Again, Spaniel emphasized once more that the city was overwhelmed massive.

The Romanian Rromni Flavia Constantin (2013), in the context of the ongoing debate about Rroma asks for a self-determined, more active presence of the Rroma and especially a change in the role of Rroma women. She speaks about the traditional gender roles of many Roma women, who, according to her is too little critical and self-determined is to her liking, “Rroma women have never learned to stand up for themselves. Their world revolves solely around the family, the house, and the community. This has to change. Because we have to start. With the women, not the men. Because women are the ones who plant ideas in the minds of their children. They are the backbone of the community.” Constantin also calls for the creation of a new visual culture, aiming at creating a counterweight to the stereotypical notions about Rroma. For a successful integration, efforts are needed on both sides: on the one hand, bureaucratic hurdles blocking access to the labour and housing market need to be lowered, and on the other hand, immigrant Rroma should strive towards better social integration. At the end of the article she gives a convincing explanation of why the predictions of the mass immigration from Romania and Bulgaria, in her opinion, are wrong. They would already numerous informal work in Germany: “I do not think that the opening of the German labour market in January 2014 means that masses of Romanians and Bulgarians will flock to Germany. They are here anyway. Why should these people wait for them to be able to work officially, if they already do it unofficially?”

Kemna (2013) focuses on the future closure of an informal Rroma settlement in a Berlin allotment, which will make way for a highway. One of the sitters, a young Romanian Rrom, complains about the difficulties of working as a newspaper vendor. He fled from a failed marriage to Germany. The institution Amaro Foro is contact point for Rroma and European migrant workers in general. Mariela Nikolova of Amaro Foro laments the indifference of the authorities towards the inhabitants of the colony, which will soon produce new homeless people. In addition, nearly all applications for Hartz IV social benefits are being rejected, which makes it difficult to integrate, creating almost a vicious circle.

EurActiv (2013) provides information about a controversy in the context of EU funds, which are paid for the integration of Rroma in Bulgaria and Romania. The EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, is being criticised for her plans to transfer part of the funding to Germany, which, in the context of the forthcoming freedom of movement with Romania and Bulgaria from the beginning of 2014, is faced with potential migration flows. The spokesman for the European Commission Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, László Andor, denies the allegations as being false. The funding is granted every seven years and cannot easily be used elsewhere.

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19.07.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Leghtas (2013) reflects on the rising evictions of informal Rroma camps in France that recur every summer. In March 2012, François Holland, then still a presidential candidate, blamed the policies of the Sarkozy administration for the blatant poverty of the Rroma in France. It was a scapegoat policy taking place on the back of Rroma and additionally stigmatizing them. But even under the new Hollande government, Leghtas emphasizes that things have not changed in practice. The much-quoted circular of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of August, 2012, which calls for a better information policy to residents and for the timely organization of alternative accommodation had not been applied very often. A law that was passed under Sarkozy and allows the deportation of Romanian and Bulgarian Rroma for “abuse” of the European freedom of travel is still in force. Some mayors have themselves taken the initiative and organised legal accommodation for he needy and enrolled the children into classes. These individual acts – so Leghtas – do not free the French government of its responsibility for finding a respectable, long-term solution in dealing with Rroma. France must follow a politic in agreement with the UN human rights policies that guarantee a timely relocation and care of those affected by forced evictions. In addition, the French government has to seek better integration policies, such as reducing barriers in accessing the labour market. In August, a new wave of evictions is imminent. It is time for the government Hollande to put their new orientation towards the Sarkozy administration to the test.

Various French newspapers (Bertrand, 2013, Dessus, 2013, Le Point, 2013) also report back on the prosecution of Jean-Marie Le Pen and Christian Estrosi for racist abuse against Rroma. The European Forum of Rroma, SOS Rasismus and the Association of French Rroma organizations are the accusers. The plaintiffs accuse Le Pen and Estrosi among others, to promote a discourse of hatred against the Rroma purely for electoral purposes. Various newspapers equate Rroma with Travellers, even though most Rroma are recognized to be sedentary. The Mayor Sophie Dessus advocates a cooperative deal with the residents of illegal settlements, rather than collection of repressive policies. Le Creurer (2013) summarizes the statements of Estrosi as follows: “Monsieur Estrosi a tenu des propos xénophobes contre les gens du voyage suite à des occupations illégales de terrains communaux par leurs caravanes. Il a dénoncé des comportements de „délinquants“ et a appelé les maires de France à „la révolté“ en proposant de leur fournir son „mode d’emploi“ pour „les mater.““  [Mister Estrosi made xenophobic statements against travellers following illegal occupations of communal land by their caravans. He denounced what he deemed “criminal” behaviours, and appealed to France’s Mayors to “revolt” offering them his “how to” to tame them.] Due to existing regulations, all communities are asked to provide space for at least 50 caravans and transit sites for 50 to 250 caravans (Polloni 2013). In this case Rroma are again confused travellers. Only a small single-digit percentage of Rroma is effectively travelling.

Ziegler (2013) addresses the now frequently encountered confusion between the terms of Rroma, Gypsies and Travellers. Louis de Gouyon Matignon, junior president of the French Association for the gypsy culture suggests the following distinction: “Il est très important de faire la distinction. Le peuple tsigane est formé de trois peuples différents : les Roms lorsqu’ils sont à l’Est de l’Europe, les manouches lorsqu’ils sont à l’Ouest, et enfin les gitans lorsqu’ils sont sur la péninsule ibérique. Les tsiganes de France s’appellent les gens du voyage. Ce sont des citoyens français qui n’ont rien à voir avec les Roms qui sont des citoyens de l’Europe et qui sont pour la majorité, soit Roumains, soit Bulgares.” [It is really important to make a distinction. The Gypsy people comprise three different groups: The Rroma, when they are in Eastern Europe, the Manouches when they are in the West, and the Gitanos, when they are in the Iberic Penninsula. These are French citizen who have nothing to do with the Rroma who are European citizen and who are in majority either Romanian or Bulgarian.] One can only criticise this distinction between Rroma, Manouche, Gipsies and Tsiganes as being simplistic and only partially true. The German Sinti and the closely related French Manouche, as well as the Spanish Kale (Gipsies) are country-specific designations for members of the Rroma who live since the 15th Century in Western Europe. Sinti are part of the Rroma as a whole and not a separate ethnic group. These groups contrasts with Rroma  immigrants from Eastern Europe from the 20th Century who migrated to Western Europe because of civil war or economic hardship.

Polloni (2013) takes a closer look at Christian Estrosi’s Rroma policies. She points out the contradiction that, contrary to the provisions in force, only a fraction of the necessary permanent and transit sites for Travellers  who are incorrectly equated here with the Rroma are available. The article focuses more on the Estrosi’s visit to the Aboras stadion, where Rroma were quartered for several weeks. Estrosi called for the Travellers to immediately leave the stadium. When they refused, Estrosi threatened them with a systematic monitoring of all their activities: “Bon, on va voir, j’en ai maté d’autres et je vous materai. Et la première chose que je fais c’est de mettre des caméras partout, pour surveiller vos faits et gestes dans les quelques heures qui viennent, on va noter ceux qui rentrent, ceux qui sortent, à quelle minute, à quel moment, et ce que vous allez faire partout dans la ville, dans la métropole, etc.“ [So, let’s see, I tamed others and will tame you. And the first thing I will do is put cameras everywhere, to watch everything you do in the few hours from now, we will note who came in, went out, at which minute, at what time, and what you are going to to everywhere in the city, the agglomeration, etc.] With this rigorous monitoring policy Estrosi wants to force these “stateless” people to a state compliant behaviour.

France 3 (2013) discusses the state of Romanian, Bulgarian and Spanish Rroma immigrants in Auvergne. The immigrants are in a state of non-appurtenance: Although they are EU citizens, they are not welcome just about anywhere and it is therefore very difficult to build a livelihood and to integrate.

Sources:

  • Bertrand, Yann (2013) Roms : trois associations portent plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: France Info online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Dessus, Sophie (2013) Estrosi et les gens du voyage: maire PS, j’ai aussi des soucis mais pas les mêmes méthodes. In: Le Plus online vom 17.7.2013. 
  • France 3 (2013) En Auvergne aussi, les Roms sont confrontés à de graves situations d’exclusion. In: France 3 online vom 11.7.2013.
  • Leghtas, Izza (2013) „L’été 2013 sera-t-il différent pour les Roms en France?” In: L’express France online vom 16.7.2013.  
  • Le Creurer, Olivier (2013) Le Forum européen des Roms et des Gens du voyage porte plainte contre Jean-Marie Le Pen et Christian Estrosi. In: France 3 online vom 18.7.2013.
  • Le Point (2013) Gens du voyage : plainte contre Estrosi et Le Pen. In: Le Point online vom 17.7.2013.
  • Polloni, Camille (2013) Roms et gens du voyage : Christian Estrosi s’emmêle les pinceaux. In: Rue 89 online vom 7.7.2013.
  • Ziegler, Marlène (2013) Gens du voyage : Roms, gitans, tsiganes, qui sont-ils vraiment? In: La Toile de fond (Mlactu) online vom 17.7.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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24.05.2013 Rroma in the European Union

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Publicly, the German Euro MEP Cornelia Ernst criticized what she deems in her eyes to be poor policies of the EU members towards Rroma. Since the ratification of a Rroma strategy, the EU Commission has undertaken little to effectively achieve the set targets. Currently about 4% of EU Eastern European help is devoted to Rroma. Ernst calls for an active prevention against racism and discrimination towards Rroma, which have increased spectacularly in recent years (Finanzen.net 2013).

Ernst (2013) describes the Rroma in the Czech Republic as the losers of the changes and who lived in modest prosperity prior to 1989. Today, in the Czech Republic, there are about 300 Rroma ghettos while before the changes there were only twelve. Many live in homes for asylum seekers, the unemployment rate exceedingly high at around 90%. She also criticizes the European Rroma strategy as it is not binding and does not foresee any sanctions for non-compliance.

The University of Hildesheim held a seminar on the topic of the participation of Rroma of in public education. The seminar is led by the educationalist Viola B. Georgi and examines the mechanisms of exclusion and inclusion of Rroma, which lead to a weak representation of members of this minority in educational institutions. In addition, there is an exhibition on the Rroma persecution under Nazism (Long 2013).

In a recent publication, Amnesty International (2013) criticizes the non-application of basic human rights for Rroma especially in Hungary and in Kosovo. But countries like Germany are also involved, as they deport members of this minority back to their home countries without actually considering the discriminatory practices. These examples indicate a discrepancy between official country analyses, used to determine the local situation, and the real situation of minorities. The report also criticises illegal evictions in 36 states. It emphasizes the issues of Rromas settlements in France and Italy, which in recent months repeatedly were mentioned in the press and generated attention in politics. Politics are exploiting Rroma camps, especially in nationalist parties (n-tv, 2013).

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma criticised the removal of a Holocaust memorial at a school in Wiesbaden. The exhibition presented the deportation of a resident Rroma family and was dismantled a first time in 2006 before being re-instated in 2008. This was brought to attention only through the actions of the school who requested the Documentation Centre of the Sinti and Rroma to remove this exhibition from the list of memorials. Rose criticized the closure of the memorial with the comment that this was an expression of irresponsible handling of history (Mueck-Raab 2013).

Bermeitinger (2013) reports on the construction of a Holocaust memorial in Mainz, which goes back to a commitment of Hildegard Coester. On 6 May 1940,107 Rroma from Mainz were deported according to records and sent to a concentration camp.

Pamperrien (2013) discusses the new non-fiction book by journalist and photographer Rolf Bauerdick. Bauerdick’s book “Gypsies: Encounters with an unpopular minority” is deliberately not politically correct. He distances himself from Klaus-Michael Bogdals thesis of a tradition of exclusion and of being considered alien and instead calls attention to the status of victim that Rroma themselves maintain. They are caught in their own apathy. He is belligerently states: “There is also another truth. I hardly remember a Rom who looked for a piece of responsibility among themselves about the roots of their misery, even less so one who found one.” With his political incorrectness, Bauerdick wants to highlight the need and to encourage Rroma to take their own responsibilities. But he forgets that unilateral action significantly depends on the one the available and structures and that there are very repressive for many Rroma. His simple distinction between real problems and intellectually produced pseudo-problems created by scientists falls short. It discredits the de facto interweaving of real events and social images and thoughts that fuel and spurns each other. Bauerdick is quite right in denouncing abuses among the Rroma themselves, when he speaks of exploitation by usurers who force their own people into prostitution, begging and theft. To use this as the determining discourse and to denotes it to be the dominant form of relationships among Rroma can heavily be doubted. A single journalist simply lacks the capacity for such a study among all Rroma. It perpetuates the picture of misery that he discredits the image of economically successful and inconspicuous, well integrated invisible Rroma. Bauerdick notes:

“All who intensively worked with Roma, have, as soon as this decade was announced[European Decade of Roma Inclusion], said that this would go down the drain. And so it did. It did so because the Roma are not taken seriously. One wants to help them without demanding something of them. This is how you behave towards people from whom you don’t expect anything. For me, this is the most insidious form of discrimination and exclusion at all” (Pamperrien 2013).

Brill (2013) sees the media discourse about Rroma as dominated by commentators who hide their ignorance of Rroma behind negative or positive biases. He refers in his remarks to the book “Poor Rroma, bad Gypsies” written by the Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek. In spite their intention to defuse stereotypes,  Brill’s remarks lead to the production of new ones. It states in a generalising fashion “Community and a sense of the State you will be looking in vain. The differences with the majority population are enormous, from the limitations of the Roma language to the divergent conceptions of time and money, past and future, property and business, cleanliness and what is good and important in life.” So Brill constructs a picture of Rroma, which wrongly assumes their incompatibility with European values ​​and habits. He creates an “othering” in the meaning of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Whether these views stem from Brill or are versions of Mappes-Niediek views is not clearly apparent. The observations that Rroma look at journalists with suspicion and do not provide reliable information, is critically challenged.

Roucaute (2013) informs about the often contradictory policies of the French authorities towards Rroma. They base their rigorous policy of clearing camps on unacceptable conditions of hygiene and danger of fires that prevails in these settlements. One executed the plans of the minister Manuel Valls, said an official. You have to comply with existing laws. A circular of six ministers of the new government states that “„les opérations de démantèlement des campements illicites (…) sont pleinement légitimes, dès lors qu’elles interviennent en application d’une décision de justice ou pour mettre fin à une situation de danger ou de risque sanitaire immédiat.“ [the operations of removal of illegal camps are fully legitimate as soon as they are the result of the application of a legal decision or in a situation of immediate danger or sanitary risk.] De facto, this is a firmly established policy of the French government since a few months, as it considers the highly visible Rroma camps as negative to the French state and wants to be rid of them. The government invests in the development of infrastructure in Romania, where a portion of the migrated Rroma is originating. Many Rroma in turn see their future in France, however, because they see no future there for them due to the structural conditions in Romania. There are thus conflicting priorities between the bio-political objectives of the French state and the expectations of the Rroma for the future, and these seem unlikely to converge in the near future.

Sources:

  • Bermeitinger, Michael (2013) Stele erinnert an verschleppte Sinti und Roma. In: Allgemeine Zeitung vom 17.5.2013.
  • Brill, Klaus (2013) Von Roma-Slums und “Gipsy Industry”. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 21.5.2013.
  • Ernst, Cornelia (2013) Weil wir Nachbarn sind. In: Neues Deutschland. Sozialistische Tageszeitung vom 24.5.2013.
  • Finanzen.net (2013) Neues Deutschland: Europaabgeordnete Cornelia Ernst kritisiert anhaltende Diskriminierung von Roma in der EU. In: Finanzen.net vom 23.5.2013.
  • Lange, Isa (2013) Seminar untersucht Bildungsteilhabe von Sinti und Roma in Europa / Ausstellung in Hildesheim. In: idw – Informationsdienst Wissenschaft vom 23.5.2013.
  • N-tv (2013) Roma in Ungarn und im Kosovo sind angeblich nicht sicher Amnesty prangert Flüchtlingspolitik an. In: N-tv Deutschland vom 23.5.2013.
  • Pamperrien, Sabine (2013) Gefangen in der eigenen Apathie. In: Deutschlandradio vom 23.5.2013.
  • Roucaute, Delphine (2013) Roms : à Lyon, l’attitude “schizophrène” des autorités. In: Le Monde vom 23.5.2013.
  • Mück-Raab, Marion (2013) Die Vitrinen-Affäre. In: TAZ vom 22.5.2013.
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10.05.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany / Austria

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No case of enticement to racial hatred will be filed against the old politician from Bremen, who excluded from the SPD Bremen. Korol had published racist statements against Roma immigrants from Southeast Europe on his website, which prompted his exclusion from the SPD Bremen. The prosecution based its decision on the argument that what Korol stated fell under freedom of opinion could not be considered as an incitation to racial hatred. Korol had claimed on his website that Rroma live “socially and intellectually in the Middle Ages, their men have no inhibitions to send their children to beg instead to school or to kick their women’s teeth” (Stengel, 2013).

In Amstetten a group of travelling by Rroma wanted to set up a temporary camp in front of a former auction hall. Camping is however prohibited there. The group was evicted by the local police. The incident occurs at a time where in the debate in Europe around migration due to poverty, Rroma are increasingly discussed and simplifying stereotypes about them are in circulation (The Courier 2013).

In Nienberge in Westphalia, a group of a dozen Rroma settled on truckers’ stop. The site had been previously been locked. Social Councillor Thomas Paal is unhappy that this space is being used. It is unfit for this purpose, especially for families with children. Ms. Brigitte Hasenjürgen in charge of this place is committed to keep it open. The immigrants from Romania are planning to stay in Germany and enrol their children in school there (Peter 2013).

Around 5000 Rroma live and work currently in Schleswig-Holstein. The Commissioner for Minorities Renate Schnack asked the residents of the area in a public announce to support the Rroma in their efforts to integrate. As part of the project “Maro temm” (Our Land) of the Housing Association of the Sinti in Kiel, 13 housing units for needy Rroma were built (Shz 2013).

In the Neukölln district of Berlin on can currently see the exhibition “The Rroma Image Studio”. The exhibition gives Rroma artists the opportunity to present a self-view of the group whose identity is otherwise mostly represented by outsiders. The show is intended to enable a view beyond that of the “racist clichés, the supposedly criminal migrant workers or [the] kitschy images of Balkan and Gypsy folklore”. The black and white portrait series “Mas Vilag” shows for example a fragmentation and complexity rather than a clear, singular view of the Rroma self-identity (Oxen 2013).

The NZZ (2013) speaks on the Rroma debate in Germany. It commented that it was quite relevant, whether in the debate on poverty immigration, one talks about ethnic or social issues and background. In the first case one will speak about cultural tolerance and minority rights while in the case of “social issues”, of individual rights and social standards. The so-called “Rroma problem” is much more a question of poverty rather than a lifestyle choice. In the course of post-socialist transformation to capitalism, large masses of Rroma were impoverished. This themes should be the prominent ones, and not the questions of ethnicity.

Sources:

  • Kurier (2013) Roma-Karawane musste Stadtgebiet verlassen. In: Kurier (Österreich) vom 7.5.2013.
  • NZZ (2013) Die Roma und die «Armutseinwanderung». In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung vom 10.5.2013.
  • Oxen, Nicolas (2013) Weg vom Roma-Klischee. In: Neuköllner.net vom 8.5.2013.
  • Peter, Sandra (2013) Zwei Toilettenhäuschen für Mirgranten-Landfahrerplatz bleibt Notlösung. In: Westfälische Nachrichten vom 8.5.2013.
  • Shz (2013) Kommunen sollen Sinti und Roma unterstützen. In: Schleswig-Holsteinischer Zeitungsverlag (shz) vom 8.5.2013.
  • Stengel, Eckhard (2013) Hetze gegen Roma bleibt straflos. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 7.5.2013.

 

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12.04.2013 International Day of Rroma: Call to End Discrimination

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On the occasion of the International Day of the Rroma on April 8th, the Green Party decidedly demands an end to discrimination of Rroma in Europe. Too many Rroma are still excluded either by informal or explicit policies of social advancement and recognition. Since its inauguration in 1971 in London, the International Day of Rroma was celebrated 42 times, and the Green party criticized in particular the political exploitation of Rroma for purposes of election campaigns. This turns them into poverty refugees and makes them the targets of an emotionalised socio-political conflict. The Green Party calls for effective implementation of the EU initiated Rroma strategy, which up to now only had very modest successes.

The chairman of the Austrian Association of Rroma, Rudolf Sarközy stressed during the day, the constructive support of the Catholic Churchto bring the Rroma from the edge of society to get into its mainstream. Former Chancellor Franz Vranitzky openly criticized the anti-Roma policies in France, Hungary and other EU countries that are not really different from questionable practices usually found in emerging countries (Katholische Presseagentur Österreich 2013).

Stille (2013), on the occasion of the 42nd anniversary of the Rroma day, draws sober conclusions: Although with some 15 million members, Rroma are the largest minority in Europe, they are shockingly underrepresented in politics. Exclusion, discrimination and physical threats are still the norm. One builds walls, to isolate them from other settlements, extreme right-wing citizen militias patrol Rroma neighbourhoods and provoke and abuse Rroma and Rromnja. Nearly 60 years after the genocide of Rroma under the Nazis, this fact, in contrast to the Jewish Holocaust is barely recognised. The negative stereotypes that are attributed to Rroma continue unabated. War refugees from Kosovo are afraid of deportation to a country that they no longer know and where they are discriminated against. Romani Rose, of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma warns against blanket criminalization of people who are not looking to become delinquent, but are looking for a future. Finally, Stille states accurately:

Today, on World Roma Day, it is time for us to think about why German Roma for decades – many of them well-educated, well-integrated people – hide their belonging to this ethnic minority.

Sources:

  • Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (2013) Internationaler Roma-Tag: Diskriminierungen endlich beenden. In: Düsseldorfer Abendblatt vom 9.4.2013.
  • Katholische Presseagentur Österreich (2013) Roma-Tag: “Viele wissen nicht, wie gläubig wir sind”. In: Katholische Presseagentur Österreich vom 9.4.2013.
  • Stille, Klaus-Dieter (2013) „Roma“ heisst Mensch. In: Readers Edition vom 8.4.2013. 
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22.03.2013 The Invisible Rroma from Germany

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The ARD report “How Roma experience discrimination in Germany” (2013) shows how strong the prejudices of the majority against the Rroma truly are, and are increasing now due to the current debate. The media hype about Rroma as social help recipients and as the cause of rising crime and littering, is contrasted in this report against integrated Rroma from Germany. They – except the protagonist of the documentary – keep their identity secret. There were too many bad experiences with negative stereotypes. The young Rroma student depicted in the report is an exception. She wants to make a difference politically, right the highly distorted picture that society has on Rroma. The report shows clearly, how strong the power of media and prejudices are.

Even articles such as the one of the TAZ (2013) confirm the public perception that neglected Rroma living on the border of criminality. Although the article highlights the positive efforts of the Berlin Integration Supervisor Monika Lüke who wants to build a dormitory for homeless Rroma, it is such a one-sided reporting resulting in an nourishing the problem mentioned in the above report, namely that of a unilateral construction of identity of the Rroma based on negative sterotypes.

Bulgaria’s President Rosen Plevneliev, in an interview with the German magazine Focus, disputes the existence of a mass migration of Roma to Germany (Epoch Times Germany 2013). The statistics are doubtful. On often speaks of millions of Rroma in Bulgaria, even though according to government statistics, only 300,000 Rroma live in that country. Bulgaria also has undertaken massive efforts to secure its border. He criticized that Romania and Bulgaria unfortunately always serve as convenient explanation for problems of the partner countries of Europe (Europe Online Magazine 2013).

The German President Joachim Gauck criticized during his visit to Schleswig-Hohlstein the hysterical debate on Rroma immigration from Romania and Bulgaria and the ignoble tradition of discrimination and exclusion (Spiegel Online 2003). He stressed that the people left their homes because of poverty and discrimination and stated it is wrong to stigmatize an entire ethnic group. Such prejudices are a disrespect for the well integrated Rroma living in Germany since the 1960s. The statement quoted at the end of the article stating that “in the first six months of last year, about 500,000” emigrated from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany is to be really questioned. This would truly correspond to the predicted mass immigration.

Dagmar Rosenfeld and Özlem Topcu (2013) of the Zeit see the feared mass immigration in Duisburg already having become a reality. They visited a high-rise building in the district Rheinhausen Bergheim, where mainly Rroma are living. 6’176 people from Bulgaria and Romania, mainly Rroma have immigrated recently to Duisburg. The report cited report on immigration from South-eastern Europe (Duisburg 2013) notes that Duisburg, because of its numerous, empty houses in poor condition attracts poor immigrants. Not every immigrant child can be offered a pace in school because rooms and teachers are missing and many of the immigrant children and adults cannot read nor write. In addition, there is also probably forced and child prostitution. The article concludes with the sober observation that social peace in Duisburg is in jeopardy. Emotional and hatred have taken hold.

Sources:           

  • Epoch Times Deutschland (2013) Bulgariens Präsident bestreitet massenhafte Zuwanderung von Roma in andere EU-Staaten. In: Epoch Times Deutschland vom 22.3.2013.
  • Europe Online Magazine (2013) Plewneliew: Keine massenhafte Zuwanderung bulgarischer Roma. In: Europe Online Magazine vom 22.3.2013.
  • Memarina, Susanne (2013) Wohnen ist das Problem. In: TAZ vom 21.3.2013.
  • Rosenfeld, Dagmar / Topcu, Özlem (2013) Das umkämpfte Haus. In: Die Zeit vom 14.3.2013.
  • Schayani, Isabel / Onneken, Peter (2013) Ausgerenzt: Wie Roma in Deutschland Diskriminierung erleben. In: Monitor (WDR) vom 14.3.2013.
  • Stadt Duisburg (2013) Zuwanderung von Menschen aus Südost-Europa. In: http://www.wir-sind-du.de/?p=5227 (22.3.2013).
  • Spiegel online (2013) Gauck macht sich für Sinti und Roma stark. In: Spiegel online vom 22.3.2013. 
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08.03.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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The heated discussion about the immigration from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany continues. Opinions are still divided and range between of gloomy forecasts of overburdened social security system and increasing shadow economy to call for moderation and a rationalisation of the debate and arguments. That the forecasted consequences of such an immigration are political constructs is only emphasised by some of the German media, others simply see them as given and as an inevitable fact.

Duisburg’s Mayor Sören Link speaks of 15 million additional costs to social welfare. He calls on the EU to improve the situation in Romania and Bulgaria quickly so that the people affected – from the perspective of many politicians and journalists primarily Rroma – do not even come to Germany. Link’s concern is based on the upcoming enactment of the freedom of establishment between Germany, Romania and Bulgaria from early 2014 onward. By then, the citizens of the countries concerned will be allowed to stay longer than the current 90 days without work permit in Germany. Link is in line with the gloomy predictions of the German Cities Association and does not really critically questions the issue (Schmidt 2013).

According to a survey by the weekly newspaper Focus, a majority of German citizens is in favour of a restriction of immigration from all EU countries. The Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich is quoted as saying that the cities should strive for their own good is a strict compliance with existing legislation. He is alluding specifically to the unfair abuse of social aid funds and calls for tougher controls and fines. Migration researcher Klaus J. Bade is presented as the antipode to Friedrich. Bade criticizes the hysterical reactions to migration from South Eastern Europe and identifies the dire predictions on the consequences of mass immigration as a political construct. Statistics on the massive increase in welfare costs due to immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are presented at the end of the article. How accurate these statistics from the Federal Labour Office are or how they were constructed is not presented nor discussed (Focus 2013, Berliner Zeitung 2013).

Frigelj (2013) reports on what he calls a “clash of two worlds”. The article focuses on visible Rroma with a negative image living in social housing in Duisburg. As a starting point the journalist chooses a well-established couple living in that estatge since a long time who, since the influx of Southeastern Europeans, “including many Rroma”, no longer feels safe. The majority of the article focuses on the negative issues resulting from the arrival of migrants from Eastern Europe and propagates the image of a drastic disruption of social peace. That there are indeed negative consequences and issues will not be denied, but the one-sided focus on negative stereotypes on Rroma and South-eastern Europeans needs to be decidedly criticized. Sections as the one that follows bring no contribution to the rationalisation of the debate: “The couple Halle and neighbours tell about catastrophes  on other side of the street: loud music, shouting, and barbecue feast till late in the night, garbage thrown out of the windows, human excrement on the premises, no manners, no decency.” As a counterpoint in this debate, the article portrays a resident priest, who is campaigning for a more differentiated and objective debate. According to Frigelj very few of the involved parties want to achieve this.

Joachim Brenner (Voigts 2013) from the association Förderverein Roma e.v. in Frankfurt criticizes what in his view constitutes the exaggerated figures of the immigration from Eastern Europe. He notes: “The excitement is constructed. With the slogan “The boat is full” votes can be gotten. That more people are coming than ten years ago may be true, but still: We are moving into an area where, for a society like ours, what is socially feasible is not significant. It’s a shame if this is so hyped.”

Thorpe (2013) enriches the debate by post from a Rroma village in Bulgaria. The local situation is portrayed as most German politicians and journalists present it: a life of misery, poverty, without future. The food is often bought on credit. A university degree often doesn’t even help Rroma to find work because of the discrimination. Migration seems the only way towards a better future in more dignity. Prostitution of Rroma girls in Western Europe is presented as a voluntary decision that had nothing to do with human trafficking, but is made out of economic considerations. The social reality displayed in this article cannot be denied, but once again the focus is solely on  marginalized Rroma living in misery. At more thorough research would have unearthed better-off Rroma can that do not conform to these stereotypes. These Rroma who are not written about in the newspapers, are an integral part of the Rroma reality, and even though they represent the majority, they are almost unknown to the general public. The article finally touches that topic when the Rroma representative Rumyan Russinow is quoted. It states that those Rroma who work abroad and do not take any social state benefits are invisible because they operate outside the public stereotype of Rroma, stereotypes which are constructed also by the media: “Stereotype are created by the media, who blow the behaviour of a tiny minority out of proportion.”

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma calls for a more concrete intervention of the federal government in cities affected by the immigration and for a solution to the problem of poverty and exclusion in the countries concerned (Frasch 2013). Efforts to improve the situation of Rroma often bear no fruits because of lack of political will to improve the Rroma situation. One often would prefer if they did not exist. He also sees a problematic blanket criminalization of immigrants especially for those who left their countries of origin because of poverty and a lack of perspectives. Such presentation of the facts plays right in the hand of right-wing parties, which so successfully politicized this theme.

In an interview with the Schwabian newspaper (Kling 2013), he also provides fixed point: “The dispute on the free movement within the EU will be held in Germany on the back of a minority. We are confronted here with immigrant fleeing poverty, which are then criminalized solely as Roma: they exploit social care systems, they throw dirt and grime in front of the door, and so on and so forth.“

Michael Martens (2013) of the FAZ writes about the status quo in the Bulgarian society. The resignation of Prime Minister Simeon Djankov, and the protests were symptomatic of the poverty and underdevelopment of the Bulgarian state. For this reason, the Bulgarians are leaving their country in droves. According to statistics of the European Statistical Office, the number of Bulgarians shrank from 2001 to 2011 from 8.15 to 7.33 million. Martens criticized the position paper of the German Association of Cities for an ambiguous naming of the problem.“ While the integration of ethnic Bulgarian (and Romanian) immigrants usually proceeds without significant difficulties, the migration of Roma creates significant problems.” This statement is not acceptable from an RCP’s perspective. Although it may not have been intentionally aiming at a blanket condemnation of all Rroma, as a principle an ethnic representation of an issue is always decidedly to be questioned. Representing the problematic immigrants as Rroma may, in Martens’ view help finding a solution, but ethnic representation and categorisation is always dangerous. This is why, on the other hand, the careful wording of the German Association of Cities is clearly welcomed.

On needs to criticise the Articles of Staat (2013), which reproduces the stereotype of rich Rroma kings who live on the exploitation of Rroma children. As a source, a social worker Norbert Ceipeck is named. He tells of his experiences in Romania, an expertise which is not in doubt. In particular, he details the estate of a Rroma King whose wealth solely stems from the exploitation of Rroma under him. Children were taken away from their parents and taught to steal or even forced into prostitution. The existence of such Rroma chiefs is actually not that clear, as noted by Martens (2013). There are indeed hierarchical relationships and dependencies, but professionally organized exploitation systems, organised by Rroma exploiting other Rroma highly doubtful. These are more an exception to the rule rather than the norm. Speaking of Rroma kings facilitiates the cliché of exploited underlings at the mercy of a chief, exploiting each others, and as such also partly responsible for their own misery:

The children take the long-distance bus to Western Europe und groups of three to five. Each group is accompanied by a woman. Ceipek calls these women “wardens”. Before the groups depart, middlemen organize the accommodations at the destination. The middlemen are also Roma and as the couriers and wardens belong to the inner circle of clan chiefs. […] The clan chief finds ways to entrap the parents of children in ever more debt. When the girls are older, 15 or 16, they are sold to another clan. The new clan pays a large sum, but he expects the girls that they give birth to many children. “The girls literally have to produce children” says Ceipek. Just so does the business model keep  running (Staat 2013).

Such statements are, even if they want to denounce poverty, are simply as racist towards the Rroma as the repetition of the standard stereotypes.

The report by Weuster (2013) is satisfied with the context-free playback of crimes that were committed by Slovak Rroma on a house in Mülheim. She notes: “Within days, seven Roma refugees ravaged an empty house in Mülheim. burnt wooden banister, ripped conduits from the walls, used rooms as a toilets and garbage dump.” That she might raise ethnic hatred and xenophobia appears unbeknownst to the author.

The same can be said of the article by Brücher / Xanthopoulos (2013). Titles such as “In 7 out of 10 thefts and burglaries, Roma are the perpetrators” can only be described as racist and amateurish. Every journalist should be aware that that making a connection between ethnicity and delinquent behaviour is inherently racist. This should be obvious, even without studying sociology or anthropology.

Kiewels (2013) article, “I am Rom – and did it” gives the impression that most of the Rroma are hostile to education and illiterate. The success story of Jane Simon, who managed to make he baccalaureate (A-levels) by studying in evening classes is to be welcomed especially since currently there are many negative messages on Rroma in the press, but the contextualization of the article is unfortunate. Ex negativo, the article reinforces the negative stereotypes against Rroma.

The Bild newpaters continued its series with an article called “The Truth about the Roma,” (Bild 2013). In this recent article it identifies six so-called truths about the Rroma in Germany: 1. There was no mass immigration. This finding must be greeted, as statistics did not consider seasonal workers and leavers. Moreover, the term “mass immigration” is a question of definition. From what number onwards does one o speak of mass immigration? 2. Many cities are overwhelmed and have to prevent extortion and excesses. This should not be denied, but it must be stressed that these events have nothing to do with Rroma per se. 3. Crime is increasing: 2011 crime statistics listed 26,348 Romanians and 10,960 Bulgarians criminals. How many of them are Rroma is not recorded. The importance of the last statement should be emphasized. Wilfully making connection between ethnicity and criminal activities is unnecessary and racist. 4. The countries of origin are the problem, because Romanians and Bulgarians are disproportionately at risk of poverty and Rroma are often marginalized. 5. Europe is failing in helping Rroma in South Eastern and Eastern Europe, with many unsuccessful programs. We clearly agree on points 4. and 5. 6. About half of the Rroma cannot read or write. This number, coming out of an EU statistics, stating that only 42% of Rroma are likely to finish the elementary school, may be true, but begs the question on how the overall number of Rroma (i.e. the total was determined, as this number in itself is subject to discussion). It is nevertheless very questionable to reaffirm in this way the stereotype that Rroma are illiterate. We cannot agree with this statement.

The Rroma debate in Germany is also misused by far-right parties in Germany to fuel hatred, as the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger reports. The faction Pro NRW (North Rhine Westphalia) is planning to march in front of several refugee camps to protest what they deem to be an abuse of asylum. This rightist party uses the heated debate to stir up their racist views (Schmalenberg 2013).

The TAZ (Jacob 2013) reports on the problem of invisible Rroma in Germany. The article describes the life of the Rroma interpreter Diana S., who, in spite of professional success conceals her origins. She talks about the open rejection she experienced in Romania, where she was ostracized at school, despite excellent performance and where she was discriminated against. Also in Hamburg, where she now lives, she keeps her Rroma origin for herself. Too negative was the experience when she revealed her Rroma identity to some friends.

The newspaper “Die Zeit” reported on the work of the Hungarian Rroma activist István Forgács (Bota 2013). Forgács grew up in a Hungarian town near the border with Austria. His family benefited from the financial skill of his father during the collapse of the socialist system. He went to the university and worked for renowned organizations. Today he runs his own counselling centre for Rroma issues. Forgács calls for greater commitment on both sides: both the Gadje (non-Rroma) and the Rroma have to do more for a successful coexistence. Exactly as in the current debate in Germany. Contrary to may other experts, he sees the problem not as poverty issue but renames clearly as a Rroma one: on “Stop to call it poverty. We do not need more money for social inclusion, but for Roma projects. Roma Fund. Best a Roma Bank, which lends money to the states for 20 years for their local Roma projects.” He sees the necessity for Rroma to change their image, so that the rooted hatred they suffer from finally abates. This is why Roma projects are so important.

According to the report of Soldt (2013) of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the immigrants in Mannheim they examined, contrary to what many German media and politicians state are not just Rroma, but are members of the Turkish minority from Bulgaria. The Rroma, which in Neckarstadt-West represented from seven to nine per cent rather came from France, from where they left due to Sarkozy’s policies against Rroma. Mannheim wants to use language courses and “low-key integration proposals” for the integration of migrants. 20% of immigrants hold a university degree, 40% have a vocational qualification, and most Bulgarian immigrants are highly motivated to work. It is very important to keep them away from the shadow economy.

Sternberg (2013) from the Märkischen Allgemeine paper writes about the so-called “Rroma houses” in Neukölln. In most of these, Rroma are exploited by corrupt landlords, and only in a few did charities provide decent conditions. Sternberg’s article is in line with the general hysteria over mass immigration: Mafia-like structures are the rule, Rroma are systematically exploited and still come in droves to Germany because they here for take advantage of social care. The article provides no real new views to the debate, but confirms the conservative fears about the negative impact of immigration.

Jürgs (2013) provides a summary discussion of the talk show Maischberger on poverty immigration. He reports a strong clash between the CDU politician Wilfried Scharnagl and Rroma activists Hamze Bytyci. Scharnagl demands a visa regime and laments at the lack of EU intervention. The Integration Minister Guntram Schneider criticizes the in his view incompetent federal action regarding immigration. The activist Michael Will Hard criticized politicians for rejecting responsibility and for putting the blame on EU and on the Federal government. Concrete concepts are in demand. This is also request by the author Özlem Gezer of the Spiegel, who proposed intensive years in education and language for immigrants. The show was more of a political slugfest rather than a forum for concrete and fruitful proposals. 

Sources:

  • Berliner Zeitung (2013) Migrationsforscher warnt vor Abschottung gegen Roma. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 2.3.2013.
  • Bild (2013) Die 6 Wahrheiten über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Bota, Alice (2013) „Das sage ich euch als Zigeuner“. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
  • Brücher, J. / Xanthopoulos G. (2013) Bei 7 von 10 Diebstählen und Einbrüchen sind Roma die Täter. In: Bild Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Frigelj, Kristian (2013) „Mit Zugug der Roma prallen Welten aufeinander“. In: Die Welt vom 25.2.2013.
  • Focus (2013) Zwei Drittel der Deutschen wollen Zuwanderung begränzen. In: Focus vom 2.3.2013.
  • Frasch, Timo (2013) „Deutschland muss viel mehr Druck ausüben“. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013. 
  • Jakob, Christian (2013) Keiner weiss, dass wir Roma sind“. In: TAZ vom 7.3.2013.
  • Jürgs, Alexander (2013) Ex-“Bayernkurier”-Chef rechnet mit der EU ab. In: Die Welt vom 27.2.2013.  
  • Kiewels, Maximilian (2013) Ich bin Roma – und habe es geschafft. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013.
  • Kling, Claudia (2013) Die Roma werden zum Sündenbock gemacht. In: Schwäbische Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Exodus aus Bulgarien. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 18.2.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Schmalenberg, Detlef (2013) Auf der Jagd nach Feinbildern. In: Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger vom 8.3.2013.
  • Schmidt, Ingo (2013) Immer mehr Roma kommen nach Duisburg – Stadt fordert Hilfe. In: Der Westen (WAZ) vom 1.3.2013.
  • Soldt, Rüdiger (2013) Auf dem Arbeiterstrich. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
  • Staat, Yvonee (2013) Elend als Geschäftsmodell. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013.
  • Sternberg, Jan (2013) Wohnprojekte in Berlin für Roma vom Balkan. Märkische Allgemeine vom 8.3.2013.
  • Thorpe, Nick (2013) „Wir dreckigen Zigeuner“ – Das Elend der Roma. In: Die Welt vom 23.2.2013.
  • Voigts, Hanning (2013) „Die Aufregung ist konstruiert“. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 25.2.2013.
  • Weuster, Katrin (2013) Roma haben mein Haus verwüstet. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013. 
Germany News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe North Macedonia

04.01.2013 Rroma as “hostile others”

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The television program “Der Club” of the Swiss national television company arranged a discussion about the topic of Rroma as “hostile others”, appearing in public only in connection with negative events. The participants of the discussion were Stefan Heinichen of the Rroma Contact Point Zurich, Mustafa Asan, a Swiss-Macedonian dual citizen and Rroma, Alexander Ott, supervisor of the immigration authorities of the police corps Bern, Julia Kuruc, social worker for the women organization “Flora Dora”, Brigitte Hagmann, supervisor of the section West-Balkans of the DEZA and Martin Heule, a folklorist. The discussion started with the topic of Rroma being publicly present as beggars and what backgrounds and motives there are to this activity. The participants agreed upon the insight to differentiate between Rroma identity and the criminal activities – begging or more explicitly organized begging, is prohibited in many Swiss cities. More importantly however, it was criticized that criminal activities are often hasty and uncritically attributed to Rroma, even though most people are not capable of identifying the language Rromanes or other markers of Rroma identity. Therefore, there is a picture of criminal Rroma, which is actively produced and spread by public actors as the police, un-reflected media and public persons, which builds on prejudices and lacking knowledge about Rroma. Not rarely, people of East-European origin, which are not Rroma and who engage in criminal activities, are identified as Rroma.

Another important aspect is the striking poverty of many minority groups in Eastern Europe, often even big parts of the entire population. This socio-economic hardships force people to organize and band with each other in order to overcome lacking means of financial income. Organized begging – as Julia Kuruc states – is therefore often not a choice, but a necessity for survival.

The negative stereotypes attributed to Rroma are so strongly anchored in many European societies, that also in Switzerland, people of Rroma origin are often reluctant to publicly state their Rroma identity. The consequences can be social exclusion, the strengthening of prejudices against persons and consequently more disadvantages. Therefore, many Rroma prefer to label themselves with their nationality and keep their ethnic identity a secret.

Mustafa Asan stated, that from his viewpoint, the events concerning Rroma are often reduced to a perspective of majority-society, excluding problems as the lacking will of majorities to integrate and support Rroma and therefore change their ongoing problem of exclusion and discrimination. Stefan Heinichen added, that one should stop to speak of a “Rroma problem” but start to speak of a societal problem. Of European society, which still has striking problems in integrating Rroma economically, socially and politically. Brigitte Hagmann criticized the lacking efforts of many East-European governments to actively change the miserable situations of Roma. On the other hand, it would be to simple to ascribe Rroma just to role of victims, but that it is necessary that Rroma themselves deploy an active part in changing their situations long- and short-term.

Another aspect is the difficulty of portraying the way Rroma really life. Life worlds of Rroma are very diverse, depending on their family and national history, their religion, their insisting on traditions or their subsequent softening and alteration, their group membership and social integration. Heinichen clearly hesitates when asked to explain Rroma traditions.  

As goal to improve the conditions of Rroma the participants identify better integration into the education system and better embedding and access to the economic sphere. Also, the problem of severe poverty of many people in Eastern Europe, which is important to separate from the topic of Rroma, has to be addressed.

Also the German television program «Menschen bei Maischberger» on ARD elaborated on the notion of Rroma as hostile others. Only seven days after the Swiss program, it joined elected green politician Claudia Roth, Christian-civil politician Joachim Herrmann, supervisor of the Central Council of Roma and Sinit in Germany Romani Rose, Rroma attorney Nizaqete Bislimi and Swiss journalist Philipp Gut from the «Weltwoche» in a discussion. The debate also started with the elaboration on the established negative stereotypes about Rroma, which since several hundred years continue to negatively influence the life worlds of Rroma. The discussion then continued with Philip Gut denouncing criminal activities of Rroma in Switzerland. He stated again and again, that his article in the «Weltwoche» was based on proofed facts, but he failed to intelligently distinguish criminal activities from the topic of Rroma identity and origins. Romani Rose and Claudia Roth therefore accused him of deliberately making a racist connection between ethnic origin and criminal activities. Gut defended himself by explaining that what he condemned was that certain Roma groups used children to implement burglaries, but that he didn’t accuse the Rroma as a whole of criminal activities. However, the mere fact, that he made a connection between Rroma and criminal activities, was enough to evoke the outrage of Romani Rose and other participants of the discussion.

Taking side with Romani Rose’s viewpoint, the author wants to emphasize the importance of not making an undifferentiated connection between criminal activities and Rroma ethnic identity. The making of this connection fails to consider vital questions of respect and ethics towards an ethnic group as the Rroma.

Source:

rroma.org
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