The heated discussion about the immigration from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany continues. Opinions are still divided and range between of gloomy forecasts of overburdened social security system and increasing shadow economy to call for moderation and a rationalisation of the debate and arguments. That the forecasted consequences of such an immigration are political constructs is only emphasised by some of the German media, others simply see them as given and as an inevitable fact.

Duisburg’s Mayor Sören Link speaks of 15 million additional costs to social welfare. He calls on the EU to improve the situation in Romania and Bulgaria quickly so that the people affected – from the perspective of many politicians and journalists primarily Rroma – do not even come to Germany. Link’s concern is based on the upcoming enactment of the freedom of establishment between Germany, Romania and Bulgaria from early 2014 onward. By then, the citizens of the countries concerned will be allowed to stay longer than the current 90 days without work permit in Germany. Link is in line with the gloomy predictions of the German Cities Association and does not really critically questions the issue (Schmidt 2013).

According to a survey by the weekly newspaper Focus, a majority of German citizens is in favour of a restriction of immigration from all EU countries. The Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich is quoted as saying that the cities should strive for their own good is a strict compliance with existing legislation. He is alluding specifically to the unfair abuse of social aid funds and calls for tougher controls and fines. Migration researcher Klaus J. Bade is presented as the antipode to Friedrich. Bade criticizes the hysterical reactions to migration from South Eastern Europe and identifies the dire predictions on the consequences of mass immigration as a political construct. Statistics on the massive increase in welfare costs due to immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are presented at the end of the article. How accurate these statistics from the Federal Labour Office are or how they were constructed is not presented nor discussed (Focus 2013, Berliner Zeitung 2013).

Frigelj (2013) reports on what he calls a “clash of two worlds”. The article focuses on visible Rroma with a negative image living in social housing in Duisburg. As a starting point the journalist chooses a well-established couple living in that estatge since a long time who, since the influx of Southeastern Europeans, “including many Rroma”, no longer feels safe. The majority of the article focuses on the negative issues resulting from the arrival of migrants from Eastern Europe and propagates the image of a drastic disruption of social peace. That there are indeed negative consequences and issues will not be denied, but the one-sided focus on negative stereotypes on Rroma and South-eastern Europeans needs to be decidedly criticized. Sections as the one that follows bring no contribution to the rationalisation of the debate: “The couple Halle and neighbours tell about catastrophes  on other side of the street: loud music, shouting, and barbecue feast till late in the night, garbage thrown out of the windows, human excrement on the premises, no manners, no decency.” As a counterpoint in this debate, the article portrays a resident priest, who is campaigning for a more differentiated and objective debate. According to Frigelj very few of the involved parties want to achieve this.

Joachim Brenner (Voigts 2013) from the association Förderverein Roma e.v. in Frankfurt criticizes what in his view constitutes the exaggerated figures of the immigration from Eastern Europe. He notes: “The excitement is constructed. With the slogan “The boat is full” votes can be gotten. That more people are coming than ten years ago may be true, but still: We are moving into an area where, for a society like ours, what is socially feasible is not significant. It’s a shame if this is so hyped.”

Thorpe (2013) enriches the debate by post from a Rroma village in Bulgaria. The local situation is portrayed as most German politicians and journalists present it: a life of misery, poverty, without future. The food is often bought on credit. A university degree often doesn’t even help Rroma to find work because of the discrimination. Migration seems the only way towards a better future in more dignity. Prostitution of Rroma girls in Western Europe is presented as a voluntary decision that had nothing to do with human trafficking, but is made out of economic considerations. The social reality displayed in this article cannot be denied, but once again the focus is solely on  marginalized Rroma living in misery. At more thorough research would have unearthed better-off Rroma can that do not conform to these stereotypes. These Rroma who are not written about in the newspapers, are an integral part of the Rroma reality, and even though they represent the majority, they are almost unknown to the general public. The article finally touches that topic when the Rroma representative Rumyan Russinow is quoted. It states that those Rroma who work abroad and do not take any social state benefits are invisible because they operate outside the public stereotype of Rroma, stereotypes which are constructed also by the media: “Stereotype are created by the media, who blow the behaviour of a tiny minority out of proportion.”

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma calls for a more concrete intervention of the federal government in cities affected by the immigration and for a solution to the problem of poverty and exclusion in the countries concerned (Frasch 2013). Efforts to improve the situation of Rroma often bear no fruits because of lack of political will to improve the Rroma situation. One often would prefer if they did not exist. He also sees a problematic blanket criminalization of immigrants especially for those who left their countries of origin because of poverty and a lack of perspectives. Such presentation of the facts plays right in the hand of right-wing parties, which so successfully politicized this theme.

In an interview with the Schwabian newspaper (Kling 2013), he also provides fixed point: “The dispute on the free movement within the EU will be held in Germany on the back of a minority. We are confronted here with immigrant fleeing poverty, which are then criminalized solely as Roma: they exploit social care systems, they throw dirt and grime in front of the door, and so on and so forth.“

Michael Martens (2013) of the FAZ writes about the status quo in the Bulgarian society. The resignation of Prime Minister Simeon Djankov, and the protests were symptomatic of the poverty and underdevelopment of the Bulgarian state. For this reason, the Bulgarians are leaving their country in droves. According to statistics of the European Statistical Office, the number of Bulgarians shrank from 2001 to 2011 from 8.15 to 7.33 million. Martens criticized the position paper of the German Association of Cities for an ambiguous naming of the problem.“ While the integration of ethnic Bulgarian (and Romanian) immigrants usually proceeds without significant difficulties, the migration of Roma creates significant problems.” This statement is not acceptable from an RCP’s perspective. Although it may not have been intentionally aiming at a blanket condemnation of all Rroma, as a principle an ethnic representation of an issue is always decidedly to be questioned. Representing the problematic immigrants as Rroma may, in Martens’ view help finding a solution, but ethnic representation and categorisation is always dangerous. This is why, on the other hand, the careful wording of the German Association of Cities is clearly welcomed.

On needs to criticise the Articles of Staat (2013), which reproduces the stereotype of rich Rroma kings who live on the exploitation of Rroma children. As a source, a social worker Norbert Ceipeck is named. He tells of his experiences in Romania, an expertise which is not in doubt. In particular, he details the estate of a Rroma King whose wealth solely stems from the exploitation of Rroma under him. Children were taken away from their parents and taught to steal or even forced into prostitution. The existence of such Rroma chiefs is actually not that clear, as noted by Martens (2013). There are indeed hierarchical relationships and dependencies, but professionally organized exploitation systems, organised by Rroma exploiting other Rroma highly doubtful. These are more an exception to the rule rather than the norm. Speaking of Rroma kings facilitiates the cliché of exploited underlings at the mercy of a chief, exploiting each others, and as such also partly responsible for their own misery:

The children take the long-distance bus to Western Europe und groups of three to five. Each group is accompanied by a woman. Ceipek calls these women “wardens”. Before the groups depart, middlemen organize the accommodations at the destination. The middlemen are also Roma and as the couriers and wardens belong to the inner circle of clan chiefs. […] The clan chief finds ways to entrap the parents of children in ever more debt. When the girls are older, 15 or 16, they are sold to another clan. The new clan pays a large sum, but he expects the girls that they give birth to many children. “The girls literally have to produce children” says Ceipek. Just so does the business model keep  running (Staat 2013).

Such statements are, even if they want to denounce poverty, are simply as racist towards the Rroma as the repetition of the standard stereotypes.

The report by Weuster (2013) is satisfied with the context-free playback of crimes that were committed by Slovak Rroma on a house in Mülheim. She notes: “Within days, seven Roma refugees ravaged an empty house in Mülheim. burnt wooden banister, ripped conduits from the walls, used rooms as a toilets and garbage dump.” That she might raise ethnic hatred and xenophobia appears unbeknownst to the author.

The same can be said of the article by Brücher / Xanthopoulos (2013). Titles such as “In 7 out of 10 thefts and burglaries, Roma are the perpetrators” can only be described as racist and amateurish. Every journalist should be aware that that making a connection between ethnicity and delinquent behaviour is inherently racist. This should be obvious, even without studying sociology or anthropology.

Kiewels (2013) article, “I am Rom – and did it” gives the impression that most of the Rroma are hostile to education and illiterate. The success story of Jane Simon, who managed to make he baccalaureate (A-levels) by studying in evening classes is to be welcomed especially since currently there are many negative messages on Rroma in the press, but the contextualization of the article is unfortunate. Ex negativo, the article reinforces the negative stereotypes against Rroma.

The Bild newpaters continued its series with an article called “The Truth about the Roma,” (Bild 2013). In this recent article it identifies six so-called truths about the Rroma in Germany: 1. There was no mass immigration. This finding must be greeted, as statistics did not consider seasonal workers and leavers. Moreover, the term “mass immigration” is a question of definition. From what number onwards does one o speak of mass immigration? 2. Many cities are overwhelmed and have to prevent extortion and excesses. This should not be denied, but it must be stressed that these events have nothing to do with Rroma per se. 3. Crime is increasing: 2011 crime statistics listed 26,348 Romanians and 10,960 Bulgarians criminals. How many of them are Rroma is not recorded. The importance of the last statement should be emphasized. Wilfully making connection between ethnicity and criminal activities is unnecessary and racist. 4. The countries of origin are the problem, because Romanians and Bulgarians are disproportionately at risk of poverty and Rroma are often marginalized. 5. Europe is failing in helping Rroma in South Eastern and Eastern Europe, with many unsuccessful programs. We clearly agree on points 4. and 5. 6. About half of the Rroma cannot read or write. This number, coming out of an EU statistics, stating that only 42% of Rroma are likely to finish the elementary school, may be true, but begs the question on how the overall number of Rroma (i.e. the total was determined, as this number in itself is subject to discussion). It is nevertheless very questionable to reaffirm in this way the stereotype that Rroma are illiterate. We cannot agree with this statement.

The Rroma debate in Germany is also misused by far-right parties in Germany to fuel hatred, as the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger reports. The faction Pro NRW (North Rhine Westphalia) is planning to march in front of several refugee camps to protest what they deem to be an abuse of asylum. This rightist party uses the heated debate to stir up their racist views (Schmalenberg 2013).

The TAZ (Jacob 2013) reports on the problem of invisible Rroma in Germany. The article describes the life of the Rroma interpreter Diana S., who, in spite of professional success conceals her origins. She talks about the open rejection she experienced in Romania, where she was ostracized at school, despite excellent performance and where she was discriminated against. Also in Hamburg, where she now lives, she keeps her Rroma origin for herself. Too negative was the experience when she revealed her Rroma identity to some friends.

The newspaper “Die Zeit” reported on the work of the Hungarian Rroma activist István Forgács (Bota 2013). Forgács grew up in a Hungarian town near the border with Austria. His family benefited from the financial skill of his father during the collapse of the socialist system. He went to the university and worked for renowned organizations. Today he runs his own counselling centre for Rroma issues. Forgács calls for greater commitment on both sides: both the Gadje (non-Rroma) and the Rroma have to do more for a successful coexistence. Exactly as in the current debate in Germany. Contrary to may other experts, he sees the problem not as poverty issue but renames clearly as a Rroma one: on “Stop to call it poverty. We do not need more money for social inclusion, but for Roma projects. Roma Fund. Best a Roma Bank, which lends money to the states for 20 years for their local Roma projects.” He sees the necessity for Rroma to change their image, so that the rooted hatred they suffer from finally abates. This is why Roma projects are so important.

According to the report of Soldt (2013) of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the immigrants in Mannheim they examined, contrary to what many German media and politicians state are not just Rroma, but are members of the Turkish minority from Bulgaria. The Rroma, which in Neckarstadt-West represented from seven to nine per cent rather came from France, from where they left due to Sarkozy’s policies against Rroma. Mannheim wants to use language courses and “low-key integration proposals” for the integration of migrants. 20% of immigrants hold a university degree, 40% have a vocational qualification, and most Bulgarian immigrants are highly motivated to work. It is very important to keep them away from the shadow economy.

Sternberg (2013) from the Märkischen Allgemeine paper writes about the so-called “Rroma houses” in Neukölln. In most of these, Rroma are exploited by corrupt landlords, and only in a few did charities provide decent conditions. Sternberg’s article is in line with the general hysteria over mass immigration: Mafia-like structures are the rule, Rroma are systematically exploited and still come in droves to Germany because they here for take advantage of social care. The article provides no real new views to the debate, but confirms the conservative fears about the negative impact of immigration.

Jürgs (2013) provides a summary discussion of the talk show Maischberger on poverty immigration. He reports a strong clash between the CDU politician Wilfried Scharnagl and Rroma activists Hamze Bytyci. Scharnagl demands a visa regime and laments at the lack of EU intervention. The Integration Minister Guntram Schneider criticizes the in his view incompetent federal action regarding immigration. The activist Michael Will Hard criticized politicians for rejecting responsibility and for putting the blame on EU and on the Federal government. Concrete concepts are in demand. This is also request by the author Özlem Gezer of the Spiegel, who proposed intensive years in education and language for immigrants. The show was more of a political slugfest rather than a forum for concrete and fruitful proposals. 

Sources:

• Berliner Zeitung (2013) Migrationsforscher warnt vor Abschottung gegen Roma. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 2.3.2013.
• Bild (2013) Die 6 Wahrheiten über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
• Bota, Alice (2013) „Das sage ich euch als Zigeuner“. In: Die Zeit vom 28.2.2013.
• Brücher, J. / Xanthopoulos G. (2013) Bei 7 von 10 Diebstählen und Einbrüchen sind Roma die Täter. In: Bild Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
• Frigelj, Kristian (2013) „Mit Zugug der Roma prallen Welten aufeinander“. In: Die Welt vom 25.2.2013.
• Focus (2013) Zwei Drittel der Deutschen wollen Zuwanderung begränzen. In: Focus vom 2.3.2013.
• Frasch, Timo (2013) „Deutschland muss viel mehr Druck ausüben“. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013. 
• Jakob, Christian (2013) Keiner weiss, dass wir Roma sind“. In: TAZ vom 7.3.2013.
• Jürgs, Alexander (2013) Ex-“Bayernkurier”-Chef rechnet mit der EU ab. In: Die Welt vom 27.2.2013.  
• Kiewels, Maximilian (2013) Ich bin Roma – und habe es geschafft. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013.
• Kling, Claudia (2013) Die Roma werden zum Sündenbock gemacht. In: Schwäbische Zeitung vom 8.3.2013.
• Martens, Michael (2013) Exodus aus Bulgarien. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 18.2.2013.
• Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
• Schmalenberg, Detlef (2013) Auf der Jagd nach Feinbildern. In: Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger vom 8.3.2013.
• Schmidt, Ingo (2013) Immer mehr Roma kommen nach Duisburg – Stadt fordert Hilfe. In: Der Westen (WAZ) vom 1.3.2013.
• Soldt, Rüdiger (2013) Auf dem Arbeiterstrich. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 6.3.2013.
• Staat, Yvonee (2013) Elend als Geschäftsmodell. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 24.2.2013.
• Sternberg, Jan (2013) Wohnprojekte in Berlin für Roma vom Balkan. Märkische Allgemeine vom 8.3.2013.
• Thorpe, Nick (2013) „Wir dreckigen Zigeuner“ – Das Elend der Roma. In: Die Welt vom 23.2.2013.
• Voigts, Hanning (2013) „Die Aufregung ist konstruiert“. In: Berliner Zeitung vom 25.2.2013.
• Weuster, Katrin (2013) Roma haben mein Haus verwüstet. In: Bild Zeitung vom 5.3.2013. 

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