Tag Archives: Beggars

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01.11.2013 The Cliché of Rroma Stealing Children

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The “Bote der Urschweiz” paper (The Messenger of Central Switzerland) (2013) confirms in an article about the Rroma blonde girl Maria who was found in Greece, the biological relationship to a Rroma family in Bulgaria. Both the biological parents and the foster parents now raise claims to the care of the girl. The media attention about Maria encourages still strongly rooted prejudices about Rroma, both of biological and social nature: Rroma have to be dark-skinned and dark-haired. In addition, the case is hyped for all the wrong reasons: It reinforces the still widespread but absurd ideas about Rroma and children theft or sale. The foster mother is reported as having bought Maria for 500 leva (about 315 francs) from her biological mother, which the latter, however, denies. The Bulgarian Child Protection Authority claims that the biological parents are not able to adequately care for their children. Which is why they want to give Maria to a foster Bulgarian family (NZZ 2013).

Versek (2013) also criticised the concept of child-stealing Rroma which is reinforced by the overall reporting as absurd and non-credible. What give to thin is in fact the uninhibited association of Rroma with human trafficking. In the case of the Jews, the public would never allow such a link, for Rroma however yes. “In recent weeks, ​​the story of the little blond Maria who was discovered in a Greek Rroma family made Europe’s headlines. Even before the details of the case stood firm, the picture in the public mind was created as if it were a terrible case of kidnapping or at least of human trafficking.” As Verseck sees it, it is the vicious circle of poverty falsely is often described as the Rroma culture that needs to be broken.

Von Daniels (2013), states that the ideas of organised clans which are involved in begging and organised crime, are largely wrong. The police in Vienna recently tried to smash a so-called Rroma network. Only they could not find any. What they found, was “third world to touch”, therefore blatant poverty. The idea of Rroma who exploit other Rroma is found among  those who want to criminalise them and discipline them. This is done for both the alleged victim and the alleged perpetrator. Thus, the Rroma themselves are not readily integrable for Manual Valls, which manifests itself in a criminalising perspective on them. This apparent, lack of integration will is elevated to a cultural characteristic: “”These people have long been aware of impoverished and socially marginalized,” says the also representative Kawczynski from Hamburg. What is often referred to as ethnic tradition, is a sign of social neglect. Once this misery meets German conditions, it has a hard impact – for both sides. Residents are disgusted by the squalor of the homes in which Roma will live.” It is therefore the poverty that needs to be combated, not the culture of the Rroma.

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25.10.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Memarina (2013) spoke with Marius Krauss from the youth club “Foro Amaro” who works on the participation of Rroma and Gadje in the society. Krauss sees the statements of Interior Minister Friedrich, who for months warned of a mass immigration of Rroma from Romania and Bulgaria, as being dominated by fear and prejudice. Among Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants there is just approximately 10 percent of Rroma. Many present this migration as being solely Rroma. The same holds true with the beggars in Berlin: “Among beggars, there are many who have no Roma background. They are made only to: Begging is being made as a Roma characteristic, poverty and theft also.”  Krauss thus points to the important fact that many people with non-standard behaviour are attributed a Rroma identity and vice versa, Rroma who actually do not meet these requirements are stigmatised. This includes the image of the many children in Rroma families. In the case of the immigrant Rroma from the village of Fontanelle, the fact that the community in question were evangelical Pentecostals was ignored. Because of their faith they cannot use cotraceptives. That this is not true for all Rroma who belong to different faiths, it is all to often forgotten.

Lechler (2013) reports on the clearance of an informal Rroma neighbourhood in Eforie in Romania. By focusing on the destruction of Rroma settlements in Romania, Lechler wants to identify possible reasons for the migration to Western Europe that go beyond a simple economic migration. The observance of minority rights in Romania is very poor when compared with Germany.

Bade (2013) takes a critical look at the current immigration debate in Germany and puts the predicted mass immigration through historical facts: After the accession to the EU of countries such as Poland, a mass exodus was not observed, and the published statistics on 147,000 Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants in 2011 are not reliable sources, “then one should have considered the strong annual return migration, for example of seasonal workers. In this sense, for example for 2011, there was a net balance approximately 64,000 immigrants from Bulgaria and Romania not mentioned in the noise raised by the cities about the 147,000 migrants. This led to an equally sensational correction by a critical group of scientists who quoted the statistic of the cities is their ‘non-statistic of the month’.” Bade sees the polemical remarks about the so-called poverty immigration greatly influenced by the debate on the book by Tilo Sarrazin influenced and with its associated polemics around of integration and alterity.

 

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25.10.2013 Rroma Between France and Romania

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Delage / Tepeneag (2013) report on a residential project in the Romanian Tinca, a project supported by the municipality of Lyon with 300,000 euro. The aim of subsidised housing for local Rroma is to help them integrate into the labour market. Lyon follows the whishes of the French government to prevent the Rroma migration to France. However, accommodation does not solve the problem of high unemployment among Romanian Rroma, hence their lack of social integration which can only be successful be bridged with a commitment from both sides. Delage / Tepeneag summarize: “Ainsi, pour ce centre imaginé par des ONG françaises et roumaines, et qui accueillera bientôt les Roms les plus démunis de Tinca, Lyon a investi près de 300.000 euros. “Cela va permettre de leur assurer l’accès à des douches, à des lave-linges, pour qu’ils puissent se présenter décemment à d’éventuels entretiens d’embauche, ou à l’école pour les enfants”, explique à BFMTV Monica Suciu, de la Ruhuma Foundation” [Thus, for this centre imagined by French and Romanian NGOs, and which will soon welcome the poorest Rroma in Tinca, Lyon has invested about 300,000 euro. “This will allow them to access to showers to washing machines, so they can look decent for possible job interviews or at school for children”, Monica Suciu, of the Foundation Ruhuma told BFM TV.] France Info (2013) adds that there is a will to build a dignified existence on site among the Romanian Rroma. Often this is very difficult because of the access to the labour market is very restricted. The Romanian Rroma policies, according to the statements of Rroma in Tinca, are ineffective.

Delpla (2013) takes a critical look at the French Rroma policies. He criticises the dominant practice to return Rroma to their reported country of origin. On the one hand one ignores the massive discrimination in countries like Hungary or Romania – now also France – and on the other hand, the fact that they are a European transnational minority and therefore, have no particular homeland. What must be sought is a pan-European integration of Rroma and no back and forth between different  a minority status in nation-states: “La solution du gouvernement français est de renvoyer les Roms non nationaux dans leur pays d’origine, en expliquant que c’est à ces pays d’origine de s’en occuper – avec des fonds européens. C’est une mauvaise idée, car, dans ces pays d’origine, les Roms sont victimes de racisme manifeste […] Il faut traiter ce problème au niveau européen, à la fois parce que les Roms sont le peuple le plus transeuropéen et parce que les solutions nationales ne marchent pas.”[The solution of the French government to send non-French Rroma in their countries of origin, explaining that this is for their country to deal with – with European funds. This is a bad idea, because in the country, Rroma are victims of overt racism […] We must deal with this problem at European level, both because the Rroma are the most transnational people and because national solutions do not work.]  Delpla also argues for making the Rroma citizen of Europe only and not members of a specific state. This would strengthen the EU’s role in the enforcement of their rights massively according to Delpla.

Bouclay (2013) in his article for Valeurs Actuelles pokes fun at the efforts of the community Romeurope. The collective in his brochure simply blends out the prejudice against the Rroma on issues such as begging, theft and prostitution. According to Bouclay, the Rroma are receiving proportionally too much support: “En réalité, loin d’être une communauté soumise à la vindicte de Français xénophobes, les Roms sont soutenus par de puissants lobbys. Le collectif Romeurope compte une quarantaine d’associations financées par l’argent public. Sans viser à l’exhaustivité, un rapide florilège de leurs subventions suffit à donner le vertige.” [In fact, far from being a community subject to the condemnation of French xenophobia, Roma are backed by powerful lobbies. The Romeurope account forty associations funded by public money. Without aiming to be exhaustive, quick flurry through their subsidies is enough to make you dizzy.] He paints a very one-sided picture of support funds distributed to present the French Rroma policies in a good light. The actual points of discussion of the current debate remain virtually untouched.

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30.08.2013 Begging and Rroma in Lausanne

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Prêtre (2013) reports on the increasing begging of Rroma in Neuchatel. The article explains in detail how Rroma beg or extort money through tricks, something perceived by the local shop owners and workers as a burden. Ironically, Neuchatel’s police chief is the one quoted at the end of the article as stating that one must effectively differentiate between begging and criminal activities. There are Rroma who live under blatant poverty and work hard. A common way of looking at begging or stealing among Rroma is to present these activities as being part of their culture, something which is completely absurd. Apart from some traditional activities such as knife sharpening (actually among Jenische), panhandling or delinquent behaviour has nothing to do with the Rroma culture or identity.

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16.08.2013 Organised child trafficking versus autonomous beggars

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Jirat (2013) reports on the “Agora” project, a project founded on the initiative of a Bern Migration Policeman in 2009. The goal of the project is the prevention of organized child abuse and human trafficking, of which mostly young Rroma are reportedly affected. By contrasting two studies on this topic, Jirat is precisely calling this status of beggars in question. The data of the Bernese immigration police, who found a strong presence of beggar gangs in Berne, is of dubious origins: “The foreign police view is necessarily limited: The focus is always a possible crime (human trafficking and/or child abuse), and there are always potential perpetrators who are also mentioned over and over again. “Mostly, they are Roma.” That’s the key point.” The perspective and analysis of the immigration police, so Jirat, is a strongly biased. It functions according to the logic of perpetrators and victims. The sociological perspective would be too simplistic. Thus, the study of the Lausanne sociology professor Jean-Pierre Tabin was did not find its way to the public. At the request of the Canton of Vaud, Tabin examined the relationship of begging and child abuse. The empirical study came to the following conclusion: There is no correlation between begging children and organized networks. The minimal begged income accounted for this activity makes it unattractive for organized crime. Several studies and also this one cameo the realisation that the average begging income in Switzerland amounts to an average of 15 to 20 francs per day (Friedli / Schüpfer 2013). This contrasts with the statement of the Bern Migration Police Coordination Unit against the Trafficking of Migrants (KSMM), stating that a child might beg up to CHF 600 per day. Tabin et al. even provide state that during their studies (over a year) they had found almost no begging children: «Sur toute la durée de nos observations nous n’avons pas vu d’enfant mendier. Dans un seul cas, l’âge du jeune homme qui mendiait était peut-être inférieur à 18 ans. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il n’y ait jamais de mineur qui mendie dans les rues : mais cette mendicité est très épisodique et, d’après les informations que nous avons pu recueillir, les parents sont très rapidement informés (par la police, par les associations, etc.) du caractère illicite de cette mendicité» [For the whole duration of our observations, we did not see any child beg. In a single case, the age of the young man begging could possibly have been below 18 years. This does not mean that there are never any minor who begs in the streets, but rather that this mendacity is very seldom and of short duration, and, according to information we have been able to gather, parents are rapidly informed by the police, NOGs, etc. of the illicit character of this mendacity.] (Tabin et al 2012). Jirat considers the plan of the Bernese immigration police to try to get begging children in a childern’s home and then to return them to their home countries as a state racism. Rroma children are represented as of organized crime, because this represents the views of the immigration Police. He appends a chronology of the regulatory practices of exclusion of Rroma in Switzerland.

Comment: The truth is often more complex than the one or the other extreme. It would be wrong to say that organized begging does not exist at all, but it is equally wrong to present it as the norm. There are several books, such as Rolf Bauderdicks “The Gypsies: Encounters with unpopular minority” or Karl-Markus Gauss “The dog eaters Svinia” which discuss organised begging. Gauss talks about Rroma pimps, who lend money to other inhabitants of Lunik IX and then force them to pay their debt by begging in Western Europe. Bauderdick sees the misery of many Rroma as self-inflicted, as they would mutually exploit themselves. These representations are not completely wrong, but they portray them as phenomenon that for many seems to be the norm.

As Mr. Tabin convincingly demonstrates in his study, begging is not really financially lucrative for it to operate on a large scale. That begging children are quickly brought into the context of organised networks is actually not surprising, as many people cannot imagine that parents send their children begging. These cases certainly exist, and as shown by Mr. Tabin, the large part of begging is not organised, but rather happens within the family. Cultural peculiarisms also come into play. In the course of the Rroma debate in Germany, one could read in renowned German newspapers such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung or die Welt, articles that spoke of Rroma kings and beggars networks, as well as texts that stated that this presentation was an invention. Cultural peculiarities of Rroma to such as a reported patriarchal family structure are often used to explain to existence of phenomena such as Rroma kings. This is symptomatic of the common lack of knowledge about Rroma. In addition, one must also be aware that journalism or social science representations about Rroma are never produced in the void. The authors have beliefs and views that they project into their texts. Rroma kings, are almost certainly an invention with. However, it also depends on the definition of a Rroma king. For the same reasons, it would be equally wrong to say that there is no mutual exploitation among Rroma.

The Agora project sees all begging children as being part of organised begging gangs who need to be rescued from this situation and reintegrated. They are therefore seen as victims. Mr. Tabins study in turn takes a position in favour of the beggars, seeing them this as a self-motivated and autonomous. In any case it is very difficult to describe the begging of Rroma children as a cultural phenomenon. Journalists such as Mappes-Niediek decidedly write against this and see the supposed beggar gangs as being in reality a symptom of poverty, ghaving nothing to do with organized crime: “There is prestige hierarchies in Roma neighbourhoods, there is commonly clientelism, even dependencies, mostly through the informal money lending. But numerous social workers, anthropologists, humanitarian staff working in Roma slums and sometimes living there, have not noticed structures of command and obedience. […] Is also a false impression to think that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the rule among poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania. Begging with children is banned everywhere in Europe and basically also rare because by its nature, it plays in the greatest public form” (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Keywords: Begging, Switzerland, children, Rroma king, organized crime, stereotypes, organized crime, exploitation, immigration Police, prejudices, Canton of Vaud, organized begging, Jean Pierre Tabin, Norbert Mappes-Niediek, Jan Jirat, Corina Friedli, Linus Schüpfer, Tages Anzeiger, WOZ, TAZ

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21.06.2013 The French Rroma Policies

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Alain (2013) presents the French policy towards Rroma. EU Commission President, Jose Manuel Barroso, in an interview with the International Herald Tribune, called the French policy towards cultural minorities “very reactionary”, even among left-wing parties. This statement, not surprisingly, generated strong reactions from the French politics. François Hollande denounced Baroso’s criticism as being generalizing. Marie Le Pen regards the criticism as an expression of the European system’s bias against France. In the first third of 2013, the number of Rroma evicted from their displaced from their camps grew to more than 30% of the entire French Rroma population. The socialist Interior Minister Manuel Valls is particularly criticised especially for his statements on the cultural incompatibility of Rroma with France: “les occupants de campements ne souhaitent pas s’intégrer dans notre pays pour des raisons culturelles ou parce qu’ils sont entre les mains de réseaux versés dans la mendicité ou la prostitution.” [The inhabitants of camps do not wish to integrate in our country for cultural reasons or because they are in the hands of begging or prostitution networks]. In this context, the French policies on Rroma are described by many critics as being decidedly segregationist. The French police did not succeed to adopt neutral attitudes towards members of this minority, and is regularly involved in racist acts.

Duret (2013) tries to address the question of why so many Rroma leave Romania and go to Western Europe in search of a better life. She begins her article with the question of why many of these Rroma would not go to Germany but rather to France. This had to do with France’s social legislation and because many learned some French in school, according to the answers of anonymous respondents. Prospects for the future in Romania are usually very poor, both with regards to the training opportunities and to the economy. One hopes that children in France will have a better life. In Romania, the enrolment of children in schools is often difficult and unsatisfactory. Many jobs are poorly paid and do not allow one to have a decent life. Duret, like many other authors before her, presents a picture of Rroma as the losers of the capitalist transition. Under Ceausescu, despite his totalitarian policies, Rroma were better integrated and respected as after the changes. This statement is somewhat softened further in the article when she cites a Gypsy woman, who describes the discrimination during and after socialism as being equally strong. The violence against Rroma was simply not quite as noticeable due to closed borders and not smaller. She concludes the article with the intelligent remark that the nomadism attributed to Rroma is not a way of life but a social necessity which is the result of exclusion and persecution: “De nombreux Roms de l’est de l’Europe ont repris la route. Mais leurs migrations ne doivent rien au nomadisme que beaucoup leur attribuent à tort. Contrairement aux Tziganes de France qualifiés de «gens du voyage» depuis le XIXe siècle, les Roms venus de l’Est sont pour la plupart sédentarisés depuis des siècles. Ce n’est pas un mode de vie, plutôt la fuite d’un passé effrayant, d’un futur sans avenir.” [Many Rroma from Eastern Europe are back on the road. But their migrations have nothing to do with nomadism that many wrongly attribute to them. Contrary to the Gypsies of France which are qualified as “travellers” since the 14th century, Rroma from Esatern Europe are sedentary since centuries. This is not a way of life, but rather the flight from a scary past, from a future without future.]

Renoul (2013) reports on a fence being built around a Rroma settlement in Galon d’Eau. The initiators of this action are hoping for a significant improvement of the situation in terms of the noise and tensions with the settlement’s residents. Critics see the fencing and expulsion of residents of the camp only as displacing but not solving social problems. Nevertheless, the mayor of Galon d’Eau plans, who wants to accommodate on a legal wasteland fifty Rroma families, is already meeting resistance.

Hamme (2013) gives information on the initiative of 60 Rroma families in Ivry, who, with their EU citizenship, want to obtain the right to vote in their district. The families. mostly of Romanian origins, have been living for around one and a half years in a site in Ivry. By getting the right to vote where they live, they hope to get better accommodation options according to Hamme.

Harraudeau (2013) gives an overview of the relocations of Rroma in France since January 2013. Of the approximately 20,000 Rroma in the country about one-fifth had been relocated. The interventionist policies of the French government appear therefore as being intense and unconditional with respect to illegal settlements. The timely information of the people and the organization of alternative accommodation required by a circular of the ministries are not really  efficient in practice. According to Harraudeau, a survey by the Conseil Supérieur de l’audiovisual of 2012 showed that around 70% of respondents show massive prejudice against Rroma. The widespread views were that the Rroma are taking undue advantage of their children and lived on theft. The practice of state intervention also exists in other countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia and Serbia on the agenda. Spain, on the other hand, could be used as a counterexample. Spain specifically promotes the integration with free language courses and quickly accessible temporary housing.

Frouin (2013) also notes a lack of effectiveness in the implementation of the August 2012 ministerial circular. This agreement should have meant that those affected by the evictions should be informed early in order to have enough time to search for an alternative accommodation. Frouin says there is a lack of political will to implement the thing in reality. This is partly attributable to the upcoming municipal elections, in which the politicians do not stand out with philanthropic Rroma policies.

Arte Journal (2013) sees a trend that more and more Rroma, especially big cities like Paris, live in the streets. This is a result of rigorous eviction policies of the French state, with which a considerable part of the illegal settlements were closed in recent months and on the other hand, is compounded by the continued influx of immigrants from Romania and other countries. The sobering conclusion is that life in the streets of France is still better than the lack of perspective and hunger in their homeland.

Eric Pliez of the organization “Aurore” criticises the rigorous eviction policies of the French government as being counterproductive. A consequence of the intervention policies is that relations that are built up with the inhabitants of these camps are destroyed almost immediately. As a long-term, sustained policy of integration is being prevented. A further effect is that more and more Rroma are living as homeless people in the streets. One should much more encourage medium or long-term solutions for the integration of the Rroma. Otherwise, one simply moves the problem from one place to the next (Arte Journal 2013/II).

Metro News (2013) identified a link between the evictions of camps and the weather: During the winter months authorities have been more accommodating and offered an accommodation to many Rroma or officially accepted their unapproved dwellings. By summer, however, the official tolerance towards illegal settlements decreased. Representative of the organization “Rencontres Tisganes” wish humane solutions that rely more on cooperation and integration than on intervention and expulsion. For the authorities the plight of those affected is often not understood or considered.

Laudinas (2013) informs about the eviction of a Rroma camp in Caissargues. The intervention was again legitimised by pointing at the precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions in the camp. Whether these grievances are really the main reason for the intervention is doubtful. But the Caissargues’s mayor want to run on sustainable Rroma politics. The resettlement of those affected is planned on an unused military area. One also wants to promote the successful integration, in particular of young Rroma, in schools and in the workplace. Such a long-term, inclusive policy is the only intelligent way forward with regard to the free movement of persons starting in 2014.

Maliet (2013) reports on the removal of a Rroma camp in Saint-Antoine. The evacuation happened in a highly politicised context, dominated by hatred: The Mayor Guy Teissier (UMP) had recently announced that even ten Rroma were still too much in his arrondissement. Didier Réault, councillor of Marseille, called for Molotov cocktails to be thrown at Rroma camps. These are just a few examples of the current anti-humanist policies towards Rroma. A planned emergency shelter for the displaced from the camp in Saint-Antoine was rejected by the authorities.

RTL France (2013) reported on the arrest of four Rroma pimps in Versailles. The four men were part of a larger network that was operating in Europe and the United States. They were in France, looking for new places for prostitution and had about twenty Romanian women with them. Almost no money was found: Almost everything had already been sent back to Romania. The article males almost no difference between the term of Rroma and that of Romanian. It also states that Rroma operate in networks of pimps, something that needs to be treated with caution. That such existing cases represent “normal activities” is to be critically challenged, and one needs to stress that this is in no way to be understood as an ethnic phenomenon.

O’Neill (2013) manages the feat to use all the stereotypes about Rroma in his article. He speaks of travelling merchants who came to riches and have traded their car for villas. He likes to reproduce the image of the happy so-called Rroma kings who, in Buzescu (Romania), build side by side hundreds of villas. The wealth of these “Kalderash the kings of Buzesc” was made, according to O’Neill, with metal trading. After the collapse of the socialist system, many factories were shut down. Some Rroma put this fact to good use and sold the all the remaning metal inventories of these industrial ruins on the market. The houses were built primarily for a purpose: to impress the neighbourhood and to clarify their own social status. Finally, O’Neill confirms the stereotypes of child marriages and nomadism. He notes: “Les mariages arrangés entre des enfants n’ayant pas plus de 13 ans demeurent courants dans les familles fortunées de Buzescu. Le passé nomade de la communauté reste aussi très présent. C’est une ville en mouvement. Des familles sont toujours en partance vers la France, l’Espagne ou Bucarest. Au coin des rues, des vieillards évoquent leur jeunesse voyageuse; ils ont la nostalgie de la variété et de l’aventure.” [Arranged marriages of children of at most 13 are still common in the rich families of Buzescu. The nomad past of the community is still very present. This is a city in movement. Families are always leaving from France, Spain, or Bucarest. At street corners, elder people speak about their travelling youth, they are nostalgic of adventure and change.]

 

Sources:

  • Alain, Philippe (2013) Barroso préfère les CD aux Roms. In: Agora Vox online vom 19.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013) Roma: Besser obdachlos in Frankreich… In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Arte Journal (2013/II) „Die Probleme werden nur verschoben“ In: Arte online vom 16.6.2013.
  • Duret, Manon (2013) Pourquoi les Roms quittent-ils la Roumaine? In: Le Journal International vom 19.6.2013.
  • Frouin, Guillaume (2013) La galère des Roms se poursuit. In: 20 minutes France vom 20.6.2013.
  • Hammé, Pauline (2013) A Ivry, des Roms s’inscrivent sur les listes électorales. In: La Vie online vom 14.6.2013.
  • Harraudeau, Stéphane (2013) Roms : la situation alarmante de l’Hexagone. In: Arte online vom 17.6.2013.
  • Laudinas, Gérard (2013) Des solutions transitoires pour fermer le sinistre campement de Roms de Caissargues. In: Objectif Gard online vom 17.6.2013.
  • – Maliet, François (2013) Destruction de caravanes dans un climat anti-Roms. In: 20 minutes France online vom 18.6.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Roms de Marseille : “on en fait des boucs émissaires”. In: Metro News vom 18.6.2013.
  • O’Neill, Tom (2013) Le luxe et l’extravagance de Buzescu, la ville des rois roms. In: National Geographic France online vom 29.5.2013.
  • Renoul, Bruno (2013) Le camp de Roms du Galon d’Eau à Roubaix amputé pour éviter de nouveaux débordements. In: La Voix du Nord vom 19.6.2013.
  • RTL France (2013) Quatre proxénètes roms écroués. In: RTL France online vom 20.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in France

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Mouillard / Piquemal (2013) report on the whereabouts of persons displaced from their Rroma camp in Lille. 200 families lived there until last week. The mayor justified the eviction with the statements that the situation in the camp had become unbearable. Both the sanitary conditions, as well as the aggressive begging, prostitution and unsustainable behaviour of the inhabitants of the camps had made the eviction necessary according to Martine Aubry. A circular from the government from 12 August 2012 defines the exact procedures of such an evacuation. This includes the construction of sanitation facilities for displaced people and securing the supply of water and other necessities. Mouillard / Piquemal criticise the caricature representation of Rroma from the authorities.

In Villeneuve d’Ascq, after a series of burglaries, on arrived at a pogrom like situation of the initiated by residents who protested against the presence of Rroma. The Mayor of Villeneuve d’Ascq sees the socio-political situation in his district as poisoned by the presence of Rroma and relativises the humanitarian perspective identifying them as victims of exclusion and racism: “Citoyens européens roumains et bulgares, ils ne sont pas des réfugiés qui fuient une guerre ou une dictature mais des populations qui arrivent, s’installent n’importe où, construisent n’importe quoi, sans respect d’aucune loi ou règlements. Ils n’habitent pas Villeneuve d’Ascq. Ils s’y installent sans droit ni titre.“ [European citizen from Romania or Bulgaria, they are not refugees fleeing a war or a dictature but populations who arrive, settle anywhere, build anything, without any respect to laws and regulations. They do not live in Villeneuve d’Ascq. They settle there without rights.] He calls for better distribution or Rroma in the distribution between communes and for a nationally organised Rroma policy.

The assistant to the mayor of Strasbourg presents a differentiated position. She fought for the establishment of well equipped temporary housing options. Around 150 families live in caravans in the camp behind Strassburg’s train station. This costs the government around 200,000 euro per year. The mayor of Gardanne, Roger Meï, seized the initiative and built accommodation on a former mining area. Meï sees his action as a counterpoint to the national policies and visions that are seldom followed by concrete action: “On est fiers de ce qu’on a fait. François Hollande a dit il y a quelques mois qu’il ne devait pas y avoir d’expulsion sans solution de relogement, de belles paroles. Nous, on a agi “ [We are proud do what we die. François Hollande said a few months ago, that there should be no expulsions without more permanent lodging solutions. Pretty words. We acted.]

The Assistant Minister of Social Affairs of Bordeaux, Alexandra Siarri, is outraged by the simplifications in the representations of the situation: Either say you that France can’t afford to integrate Rroma and they have to leave, or one sees them as victims to be saved. The situation around the evictions of Rroma camps in France remains a politically charged issue that is abused for electoral purposes and the people of the country are being sensitised about Rroma. The danger is in a strong negative representation with disparaging views towards the Rroma, which is taking place in the French media, representing Rroma almost exclusively in the form of delinquency and poverty.

Nahoum-Grappa (2013) thematise the various forms of racism against the Rroma in Europe. While in Greece, extreme-right parties have gained during the economic crisis and act with physical violence against foreigners and minorities, in France, the evacuation of illegal has become a status quo. This is especially a view from outside that dominates the media and public image, less than concrete knowledge about the life of Rroma in the camps. Nahoum-Grappa takes a clear position against the regulatory practices that she feels are inhuman and anachronistic, and are a form of socially sanctioned state racism. She notes: “Brûler, écraser, massacrer tout cela sous les yeux d’une famille que l’on met à la rue, et ce à chaque fois qu’ils reconstruisent, c’est une pratique barbare d’avant la démocratie. Mise à la rue, la famille traîne avec ballots et enfants. Le corps de la mère reste le seul habitat de l’enfant tout petit. Les hommes et les vieux, le blanc des yeux jaune, tournent dans la jungle de la ville: tous vivent dans un temps historique d’avant l’idée d’égalité.” [Burn, crush, massacre, all under the eyes of a family that is thrown to the street, and this every time they rebuild, is a barbarous practice predating democracy. On the street, the family errs with children and bags. His mother body remains the only housing for a small child. The men and the old ones, the white of their eyes turning yellow, walk around in the city jungle: all live in historic times from before the idea of equality.]

Francetv (2013) reported a Rroma slum in Marseille. The settlement is generating protests by local residents and, according to right-wing politicians, threatens the social peace. A media tempest was caused by a government advisor Didier Réaul, who called on Twitter for physical violence against the Rroma. He had asked for Molotov cocktail to be thrown on the illegal camps. The UMP deputies Guy Teissier described the camp as well as the many other France as a social powder kegs. If no solid measures are to be taken soon, the National Front will get massive increase in votes in the next elections.

Sources :

  • Francetv (2013) Un élu marseillais UMP prône la violence contre les Roms. In: Francetvinfo vom 8.6.2013.
  • Mouillard, Sylvain/ Piquemal, Marie (2013) Roms : quand les mairies expérimentent des solutions concrètes. In: Libération vom 11.6.2013.
  • Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique (2013) Le traitement actuel des Roms est celui d’une Europe oublieuse de ses crimes. In: Le Monde vom 11.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Begging Ban in Lausanne

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Opre Rrom Lausanne criticizes the draconian new regulations against begging. The criminalization of begging ignores the real situation of the people and forces people who wanted to avoid delinquent behaviour into crime. Even the often-made statement that Lausanne cannot solve the problems of all Europe is too narrow. What is asked is a courageous, intelligent handling of begging and not generalising criminalization (Tchérémissinoff 2013). It should be noted here, that there is no consensus about the extent of organised begging among Rroma today. While conservative estimations claim that begging takes place almost exclusively in the form of organized gangs, behind which stand some organisers, others see it as a marginal phenomenon. This latter view is supported by scientific research on the subject. As long as no hard evidence for the real existence of begging networks exist, such suspicions and accusations should be expressed with caution.

Source:

  • Tchérémissinoff, Véra (2013) Nouveau règlement de police de la mendicité: Une politique d’exclusion qui ne dit pas son nom. In: Lettres de lecteures à 24 heures de 9.6.2013. 
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14.06.2013 Rroma Debate in Germany

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Schelp (2013) provides information on the work of so-called Rroma mediators, who in Germany mediate between teachers and newly enrolled Rroma children. One of them is Valentina Asimovic. She helps a teacher in Berlin-Kreuzberg in her work with a class without any knowledge of German. The quoted sociologist Christoph Leucht sees a lack of education amongst many immigrant families. A majority of families rate the importance of education as low, because they themselves only enjoyed minimal training. To counterbalance this view into is important in order to offer the largest possible selection of options for the future of the children. In this perspective, one needs to add, that by no means all immigrants are from educationally disadvantaged social strata. There are also very educated immigrants, but not in the spotlight of media attention. That all parents want to marry off their daughters early and send their sons as early as possible to work also needs to be relativised. The work of the mediators has proved to be very helpful. They are far more than mere translators. They help in conflicts between teachers, students and their families and enable better integration of all involved. In spite of the positive perspective, the article does not succeed to alleviate many stereotypes about the supposed backwardness of Rroma. The impression remains that the great part of them consists of illiterates and women willing to bear child. The article ends with the not really positive statement: “A letter would make no sense: the Roma parents often cannot read it.”

Köhler (2013) covers the same subject with a focus on the “Welcome Class” for Rroma children in Neukölln. Already in the beginning of the article, she falls article in ethnic faux pas. She attests taht the children do not know what social rules are and how to behave in a group. The focus, however, is the visit of the Romanian Rroma responsible Damian Draghici, who was invited by the local education Councillor Franziska Giffey. Around 800 children from Romania currently go to school in Neukölln. The integration of children was very successful in terms of learning the language and structures. However, there were more problems among the children themselves. Many Rroma children were marginalised by children of Turkish and Arab descent. The centre topic of Damian Draghici’s book is, among others, the question of the inefficient integration policy in Romania: Why do so many subsidies are go unused, and how the bilateral policies on the integration of Rroma can be improved.

Kimmel Fichtner (2010) reported in 2010 about the Amaro Kher school in Cologne. There, Rroma children are prepared for the public schools. The goal is “to break vicious circle of misery, exclusion, lack of education and crime.” A media campaign representing Rroma children as thieves is the cause of the school creation. The city of Cologne then decided together with the association Rom e.V. to support the Amaro Kher school. During a year children are prepared for the have public schools and receive intensive preparatory German courses, learn the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic. In addition, they should develop a resilience to difficult situations. According to the insiders, the project has been successful and allows many of the children a better future.

Borchard (2013) covers the situation of Rroma in Romania. He focuses on the fate of Neli Moc, who goes regularly for two months to do harvest work on a farm in Germany. With the money earned there – about 2,000 euro – she can live relatively well for the rest of the year: “Neli Moc is an example that most Romanians, also those from the poorest backgrounds, come to work in Germany quite legally.” As contrast, Borchard tells the story of the Grozav family. According to the mother, they went to France because of paid return assistance of 300 euro per person and stayed there several weeks. The short article concludes with the statement: “One thing is clear among Roma families in Apoldu de Sus [Romania]. As long as the conditions do not improve in Romania, they will keep trying to come to Germany or France either as harvesters, or in the hope of doctors visits or return premiums.”

Bogdal (2013) begins his article on the Rromadebatte with a quote from Thomas Mann. He set firmly in 1945: “A nation, with whom no one can live, how can it live itself” Thomas Mann did not mean anything about Rroma, but was speaking about Germans. After the end of the Nazi regime, many ethnic Germans in in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania, had a real image problem for the residents of their host countries. They were marginalized, displaced and forced to do the simplest work: “Exiled, despised because of their ethnicity, having become homeless, without possessions and shelter. millions [German] moved westward from region to region, suspiciously regarded, often exploited, often forced to beg and to do menial work until they could gain a foothold anywhere. The same could be said of Roma today.” Bogdal sees the fate of Rroma after the collapse of the socialist system as very similar. Many Rroma are attracted away to Western Europe where better economic conditions and less discrimination awaits them, a move encouraged by the removal of borders in the wake of the consolidation of the European Union. Bogdal criticizes that the issue is being hyped as security policy issue, rather than to be accepted as a socio-political challenge to master and to solve bilaterally with the countries of origin.

There follows a paragraph about their migration from India and arrival in Europe. After a short period of acquiescence follows a tradition of exclusion, contempt and negative identity attribution, leading, according to Bogdal to criminalization and ethnicisation of poverty. Since the Enlightenment, they are often described as illiterate with no history, science, and without their own state. Thus, the idea that living together with the Rroma is not possible was consolidated in the minds of many. Even their mere presence is a threat. In this context, phenomena such as mountains of waste, child labour, prostitution or bands of tugs can be described as cultural ones, even though they have nothing to do with culture. Bogdal sees it as a pan-European task to further integration and acceptance of Rroma. This has to happen in Germany but especially in countries with a large Rroma population such as in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Bogdal’s article provides knowledgeable and eloquent to information about the situation of Rroma in Europe. He doesn’t present a simplified picture but attempts to address the complexity of the issue itself. We wish for more such articles.

Schmidt (2013) discusses the processing of the Holocaust by the German Federal Ministry of Justice (BMJ). The Central Council of German Sinti and Roma has asked the ministry to investigate the discrimination of Rroma by the German post-war justice. Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council clearly states that “The continuing exclusion and discrimination of our minority at the hand of former perpetrators in their new positions after 1945 continued almost unbroken and shaped the resentment against Sinti and Roma.” He refers to the continuity of the commissions and expert from before and after the war, which were maintained by embedding them within the Justice Department and allowing to continue their anti-minority policies. It was thus possible for the lawyer Franz Maßfeller, despite his support and participation in Nazi racial policies, to continue to work until 1964 after the war in a high position within the Federal Ministry of Justice.

Bauerdick’s (2013) book, “Gypsy: Encounters with unloved people” tries to find a direct path to the world of the Rroma. Bauerdick thinks little of intellectual discourses, deconstructions of external attributions and anti-Gypsy research. He shows to an almost radical pragmatism and, through his many years of research trips, promises to provide a realistic picture of the life of the Roma in Europe. He embarks on this tricky terrain and decidedly does not want to be politically correct. He reproaches the Rroma to lack responsibility. Many have made it so comfortable for themselves to be perceived as victims and have now taken this view as their own. In his very emphatic descriptions of life in the slums, which present Rroma as cheerful as well as apathetic and inactive about their own situation, Bauerdick commits the mistake of excessively culturalising his own experiences and of generalizing. He is generalizing in the preface when he states: “For there is also another truth. After countless meetings in more than twenty years, I remember nary a Rrom who wanted a piece of responsibility for themselves as the root of his misery, never mind who acknowledged it.” Compared to the complexity of the reality of Rroma, he falls short. This reality is not just consisting of Rroma in the slums of Europe, but also includes invisible Rroma in Western European countries, Rroma to which one can not just quickly go with the car and camera due to their integration and blandness. But they form part of the Rroma reality exactly as much as the visible Rroma Rroma, that Bauerdick describes in his book. If you read only Bauerdick’s book and not others such as like Bogdals’s book “Europe invented the Gypsies”, one can believe that all Rroma have many children, live in slums and wait for a better life that never happens.

On the other hand, one must agree with him when he denounces the fact that the reasons for many Rroma’s misery is only being looked at in the structures of society and xenophobia, but not among Rroma themselves. He is certainly right, but he does them wrong when he reduces it only to their own power of action, which is very limited in for many. To say that intellectuals and anti-Gyspsyism researcher do not trust Rroma to do something for themselves, simplifies reality too much. When Günter Grass says that Rroma have no voice, he means their weakness in relation to national policies, but not the ability of individuals to change something about their situation. Also, the statements that intellectuals would only ever see Rroma as victims and deny their own responsibility falls short. These statements do not take into account the evident imbalance of power in society, power consisting of structures, policies and spread of knowledge as well as from individual action. Bauerdick does not do justice to the complexity of these circumstances in his polemical descriptions. When he uncritically cites passages from Karl Gauss’ bok “The dog eaters Svinia”, where Rromakönige, begging gangs and mafia-like structures are described as part of the Rromakultur, he commits the very same mistake against which he actually writes: He ethnicises the poverty phenomena and describes the mutual exploitation of Rroma as a cultural problem.

Sources:

  • Bauerdick, Rolf (2013) Zigeuner: Begegnungen mit einem ungeliebten Volk. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt.
  • Bogdal, Klaus-Michael (2013) Leben mit Hass und Verachtung. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 10.6.2013.
  • Borchard, Ralf (2013) Warum Roma nach Deutschland kommen. In: Bayrischer Rundfunk vom 11.6.2013.
  • Kimmel-Fichtner, Tatjana (2010) Eine Schule für Romakinder. In: Zeit online vom 15.11.2010.
  • Köhler, Regina (2013) Neukölln ist in Berlin das Zuhause der Roma-Kinder. In: Berliner Morgenpost vom 14.6.2013.
  • Schelp, David (2013) „Er wird es schon lernen“. In: Die Zeit vom 9.6.2013.
  • Schmidt, Wolf (2013) Roma wollen Geschichte klären. In: Die TAZ vom 10.6.2013. 
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07.06.2013 Rroma Kings and Begging Gangs

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The Kurier (2013) reports on the Austrian Norbert Ceipek. Ceipek is the head of the “Drehscheibe Augarten“, an organisation which takes care of delinquent children and young people in Vienna. He came under public criticism for his statements that the majority of apprehended children were member of begging gangs and that village chiefs sent them to beg, steal or into prostitution in the West. Key point of criticism are the controversial status and role of beggar gangs and Rroma kings among the Rroma. While representatives such as Ceipek see a massive presence of begging gangs and pimps, critics see the structures of exploitation described as massively exaggerated and more as an exception than as the norm. One needs in any case to criticise the representation the exploitation of Rroma by Rroma as a normal state. This perspective reduces the complexity of the social disintegration of Rroma to a problem of self-repression, creating a wrong counterweight to the social exclusion.

Source:

  • Kurier (2013) Wenn die Armut in den Westen schnappt. In: Kurier (Österreich) vom 6.6.2013. 
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31.05.2013 Prejudice and Social Realities: Rroma in France

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Vincent (2013) speaks about the prejudices against Rroma found in France. The recurrent protests by residents against members of this minority give him the opportunity to do so. Recently, there was a demonstration against Rroma settling in a country house in Fontainieu. Vincent goes after some stubborn stereotypes that the opponents of Rroma refer to again and again: Aggressive begging, theft, poor hygiene and excessive noise. Regarding aggressive begging, he notes that the opinions of the answers of people cover a broad spectrum. Some massively irritated by the begging of Rroma and describe them as intrusive; others think it is restrained and not conspicuous. Conflicts are the exception. As for children begging, about which some residents complained, none was to be seen, simply because they were in school. Vincent sees the attribution of thefts to Rroma as undifferentiated. The surveys of local residents are often hastily written, and associate Rroma to poverty motivated crime. A resident in an interview stated that: “Je n’en ai jamais pris, mais on les soupçonne. Quand tu as 50 centimes en poche, tu ne fais pas le tour du magasin.“ [I never caught any, but one suspects them. When you have 50 cents in the pocket, you don’t go around the shops] The Police in turn denies that in the case of the crimes in Fontainieu one is dealing exclusively with the acts of Rroma. To note that these houses had been marked with a cross is implausible, because thieve gangs who did this years ago would incriminate themselves. Critics accuse Rroma to be responsible for a marked increase of disease cases, especially tuberculosis. With counter-studies, Vincent dispels this accusation: A local doctor finds no increase in cases of disease. In the centre and north of Marseilles, there will inevitably be more health problems than elsewhere, but this is due to difficult access to health-care and not to ethnic factors. The noise is also clearly more a product of structural conditions in the settlements than a result of cultural factors. Nevertheless prejudices and resentment persist among many residents. One wishes less benevolent policies towards countries of origin, such as Romania, because of the fear of a mass migration, as in other European countries or Western Europe or because one is convinced of the incompatibility of the Rroma culture with the French one.

Metro News (2013) provides information on the whereabouts of some 170 Rroma in Lyon, who, after a fire in a house they occupied, have been accommodated temporarily occupy in the gymnasium of a school. For unexplained reasons, the gym can no longer use as a. Sixty of those affected are being helped by a local program, the rest are literally thrown on the street.

Libération (2013) reports a demonstration of Rroma and people sympathetic to their cause in Paris. The protesters, including many children, have criticised the current practices of the French government who put Rroma on the street without alternative accommodation, who deprives them of the status as an EU citizen or forcefully deports them.

Source:

  • Libération (2013) Manifestation parisienne contre les expulsions de Roms. In: Libération vom 25.5.2013.
  • Metro News (2013) Lyon : que vont devenir les Roms après l’incendie mortel? In: Metro News France vom 30.5.2013. 
  • Vincent, Julien (2013) Tout ce que vous avez toujours voulu savoir sur les Roms… In: Marsactu vom 30.5.2013. 
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24.05.2013 Rroma in the European Union

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Publicly, the German Euro MEP Cornelia Ernst criticized what she deems in her eyes to be poor policies of the EU members towards Rroma. Since the ratification of a Rroma strategy, the EU Commission has undertaken little to effectively achieve the set targets. Currently about 4% of EU Eastern European help is devoted to Rroma. Ernst calls for an active prevention against racism and discrimination towards Rroma, which have increased spectacularly in recent years (Finanzen.net 2013).

Ernst (2013) describes the Rroma in the Czech Republic as the losers of the changes and who lived in modest prosperity prior to 1989. Today, in the Czech Republic, there are about 300 Rroma ghettos while before the changes there were only twelve. Many live in homes for asylum seekers, the unemployment rate exceedingly high at around 90%. She also criticizes the European Rroma strategy as it is not binding and does not foresee any sanctions for non-compliance.

The University of Hildesheim held a seminar on the topic of the participation of Rroma of in public education. The seminar is led by the educationalist Viola B. Georgi and examines the mechanisms of exclusion and inclusion of Rroma, which lead to a weak representation of members of this minority in educational institutions. In addition, there is an exhibition on the Rroma persecution under Nazism (Long 2013).

In a recent publication, Amnesty International (2013) criticizes the non-application of basic human rights for Rroma especially in Hungary and in Kosovo. But countries like Germany are also involved, as they deport members of this minority back to their home countries without actually considering the discriminatory practices. These examples indicate a discrepancy between official country analyses, used to determine the local situation, and the real situation of minorities. The report also criticises illegal evictions in 36 states. It emphasizes the issues of Rromas settlements in France and Italy, which in recent months repeatedly were mentioned in the press and generated attention in politics. Politics are exploiting Rroma camps, especially in nationalist parties (n-tv, 2013).

Romani Rose, chairman of the Central Council of German Sinti and Rroma criticised the removal of a Holocaust memorial at a school in Wiesbaden. The exhibition presented the deportation of a resident Rroma family and was dismantled a first time in 2006 before being re-instated in 2008. This was brought to attention only through the actions of the school who requested the Documentation Centre of the Sinti and Rroma to remove this exhibition from the list of memorials. Rose criticized the closure of the memorial with the comment that this was an expression of irresponsible handling of history (Mueck-Raab 2013).

Bermeitinger (2013) reports on the construction of a Holocaust memorial in Mainz, which goes back to a commitment of Hildegard Coester. On 6 May 1940,107 Rroma from Mainz were deported according to records and sent to a concentration camp.

Pamperrien (2013) discusses the new non-fiction book by journalist and photographer Rolf Bauerdick. Bauerdick’s book “Gypsies: Encounters with an unpopular minority” is deliberately not politically correct. He distances himself from Klaus-Michael Bogdals thesis of a tradition of exclusion and of being considered alien and instead calls attention to the status of victim that Rroma themselves maintain. They are caught in their own apathy. He is belligerently states: “There is also another truth. I hardly remember a Rom who looked for a piece of responsibility among themselves about the roots of their misery, even less so one who found one.” With his political incorrectness, Bauerdick wants to highlight the need and to encourage Rroma to take their own responsibilities. But he forgets that unilateral action significantly depends on the one the available and structures and that there are very repressive for many Rroma. His simple distinction between real problems and intellectually produced pseudo-problems created by scientists falls short. It discredits the de facto interweaving of real events and social images and thoughts that fuel and spurns each other. Bauerdick is quite right in denouncing abuses among the Rroma themselves, when he speaks of exploitation by usurers who force their own people into prostitution, begging and theft. To use this as the determining discourse and to denotes it to be the dominant form of relationships among Rroma can heavily be doubted. A single journalist simply lacks the capacity for such a study among all Rroma. It perpetuates the picture of misery that he discredits the image of economically successful and inconspicuous, well integrated invisible Rroma. Bauerdick notes:

“All who intensively worked with Roma, have, as soon as this decade was announced[European Decade of Roma Inclusion], said that this would go down the drain. And so it did. It did so because the Roma are not taken seriously. One wants to help them without demanding something of them. This is how you behave towards people from whom you don’t expect anything. For me, this is the most insidious form of discrimination and exclusion at all” (Pamperrien 2013).

Brill (2013) sees the media discourse about Rroma as dominated by commentators who hide their ignorance of Rroma behind negative or positive biases. He refers in his remarks to the book “Poor Rroma, bad Gypsies” written by the Eastern Europe correspondent Mappes-Niediek. In spite their intention to defuse stereotypes,  Brill’s remarks lead to the production of new ones. It states in a generalising fashion “Community and a sense of the State you will be looking in vain. The differences with the majority population are enormous, from the limitations of the Roma language to the divergent conceptions of time and money, past and future, property and business, cleanliness and what is good and important in life.” So Brill constructs a picture of Rroma, which wrongly assumes their incompatibility with European values ​​and habits. He creates an “othering” in the meaning of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Whether these views stem from Brill or are versions of Mappes-Niediek views is not clearly apparent. The observations that Rroma look at journalists with suspicion and do not provide reliable information, is critically challenged.

Roucaute (2013) informs about the often contradictory policies of the French authorities towards Rroma. They base their rigorous policy of clearing camps on unacceptable conditions of hygiene and danger of fires that prevails in these settlements. One executed the plans of the minister Manuel Valls, said an official. You have to comply with existing laws. A circular of six ministers of the new government states that “„les opérations de démantèlement des campements illicites (…) sont pleinement légitimes, dès lors qu’elles interviennent en application d’une décision de justice ou pour mettre fin à une situation de danger ou de risque sanitaire immédiat.“ [the operations of removal of illegal camps are fully legitimate as soon as they are the result of the application of a legal decision or in a situation of immediate danger or sanitary risk.] De facto, this is a firmly established policy of the French government since a few months, as it considers the highly visible Rroma camps as negative to the French state and wants to be rid of them. The government invests in the development of infrastructure in Romania, where a portion of the migrated Rroma is originating. Many Rroma in turn see their future in France, however, because they see no future there for them due to the structural conditions in Romania. There are thus conflicting priorities between the bio-political objectives of the French state and the expectations of the Rroma for the future, and these seem unlikely to converge in the near future.

Sources:

  • Bermeitinger, Michael (2013) Stele erinnert an verschleppte Sinti und Roma. In: Allgemeine Zeitung vom 17.5.2013.
  • Brill, Klaus (2013) Von Roma-Slums und “Gipsy Industry”. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 21.5.2013.
  • Ernst, Cornelia (2013) Weil wir Nachbarn sind. In: Neues Deutschland. Sozialistische Tageszeitung vom 24.5.2013.
  • Finanzen.net (2013) Neues Deutschland: Europaabgeordnete Cornelia Ernst kritisiert anhaltende Diskriminierung von Roma in der EU. In: Finanzen.net vom 23.5.2013.
  • Lange, Isa (2013) Seminar untersucht Bildungsteilhabe von Sinti und Roma in Europa / Ausstellung in Hildesheim. In: idw – Informationsdienst Wissenschaft vom 23.5.2013.
  • N-tv (2013) Roma in Ungarn und im Kosovo sind angeblich nicht sicher Amnesty prangert Flüchtlingspolitik an. In: N-tv Deutschland vom 23.5.2013.
  • Pamperrien, Sabine (2013) Gefangen in der eigenen Apathie. In: Deutschlandradio vom 23.5.2013.
  • Roucaute, Delphine (2013) Roms : à Lyon, l’attitude “schizophrène” des autorités. In: Le Monde vom 23.5.2013.
  • Mück-Raab, Marion (2013) Die Vitrinen-Affäre. In: TAZ vom 22.5.2013.
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19.04.2013 Rroma in Lausanne

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Maspoli (2013) reports on an elderly woman in Lausanne, who, during the cold winter months, supplied a Rroma family living in the street for 35 days with clothing and food. The pensioner was worried about the family, consisting of the parents, two sons and a pregnant daughter in law. After about a month, in December, the family told the pensioner that they wanted to go back to Romania and broke off all contacts. A month later, the woman discovered the family begging in the city centre, again in poor clothes. She feels betrayed. A friend of her had also given money to the family, money that had been used to repay debt to a usurer in Romania and for paying the smugglers for the travel between Romania and Switzerland.

The article is written in a very one-sided manner and presents an unbalanced view on Rroma, representing them as sneaky and unreliable. Such articles contribute to the negative view of society on Rroma and can only be described as unfortunate.

Bourgeoise (2013) reports on the views of the organization Opre Rrom that questions the existence of beggar networks among Rroma. Money earned begging is very rarely handed to mafia-like networks, and is rather intended for their own families in Eastern Europe. The debate about Rroma networks is similar to the current discussions in Germany about Rroma kings and strong self-oppression among the Rroma. The UDC party in Vaud is starting an initiative to criminalize begging in almost all areas in Lausanne. Motivation for the ban is the belief that the Rroma beggars are part of organized criminal networks that one does not want to support.

Sources:

  • Bourgeoise, Lise (2013) «Les Roms de Lausanne ne font pas partie d’un réseau». In: 24heures vom 8.4.2013.
  • Maspoli, Philippe (2013) «J’ai aidé des Roms et j’ai le sentiment d’avoir été arnaquée» In: 24heures vom 19.4.2013. 
News Switzerland

12.04.2013 Switzerland is not an Island

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The exhibition and event series of the Association Sedhalle “Switzerland is not an island,” focuses on the exclusion of Rroma in Switzerland and Europe. Through various forms of artistic expression themes such as the relationship of norm and variance, majority and minority, internal and external representation, adaptation and self-decisions are treated. Overviews of the life of various Rroma provide an insight into the question of what it means, at the beginning of the 21st Century to be Rrom in Europe. Current political debates such as the begging ban in western Switzerland, or interdictions to be in certain places are discussed, but also the questions on counter-strategies against exclusion and discrimination will be treated.

Source:

  • Verein Sedhalle (2013) Die Schweiz ist keine Insel. In: www.sedhalle.ch [12.4.2013]
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04.03.2013 Persistent Rroma Debate in Germany

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After a flood of articles last week, the debate over the feared mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania to Germany has somewhat abated. News is now dominated by some more articles, which try to bring rationality and reflexion to the debate.

For example, Bild newspaper published an editorial entitled “The truth about the Rroma in Germany.” It shows that after the establishment of residency rights for citizen from Poland, no mass exodus to Germany took place. In addition to the usual portrayal of a Rroma family living in poverty, the article actually gives a voice to the invisible Rroma noting that: “An estimated 120,000 Gypsies live in Germany, 70,000 of them with German citizenship. Many have studied and are successful.” In contrast, they postulate the existence of a large mass of very poor Rroma living  on the edge of criminality (Kiewel, Solms-Laumbach, Winterstein 2013).

The TAZ denied once again the inflated figures that have been mentioned in the course of this debate. On the one hand, it was hardly mentioned that a significant number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria are actually seasonal workers. The number of migrants in Germany is smaller by that large amount. TAZ states a number of 58,000 seasonal workers out of the to 147,000 migrants claimed by the German Federal Statistical Office. In addition, far from all immigrants have an automatic right to Hartz IV funds.[1] He who in his business cannot provide official payment information, has no right to social benefits (Dribbusch 2013).

Also Preffer (2013) of the FAZ criticizes the culture of one-sided discussion in this debate and takes Maybrit Illner talk show as an example. In the hysteria surrounding the predicted mass immigration the fact that the number of “unqualified poverty migrants” is a minority was never stated. Preffer therefore calls the statistics of the Rhine-Westphalia Institute for Economic Research the “Non-statistic of the month”. Preffer qualifies the Maybrit Illner talk show as not fruitful, as far as the reduction of stereotypes and fears goes. As catchy picture of Rroma in conjunction with human trafficking, prostitution, crime and garbage dumps was presented instead. The only non-politician present was the Rroma Representative Dotschy Reinhard but she could do little in this political tug of war.

What is amazing is the dedicated and constant belief in almost all articles and television shows that the problems of extreme poverty, rising crime in German municipalities and increasing prostitution and illegal employment are explicitly a Rroma issue. That these problems exist is not to be denied. It is important to take them seriously. However, it is highly problematic to present them as problems of a Rroma way of life or of a Rroma identity. With this ethnicization, no problems are solved, only new ones created. Numerous articles assign a victim role to Rroma and establish a clear link between victimization and identity. In spite of good intentions, this results in one more inappropriate preconception on Rroma. They are effectively deemed to be immature and to lack of free will.

The next surprise is the high level of expertise that most authors claim to have about the situation of Rroma in South-Eastern Europe. Again, discrimination and the poverty of the Rroma are the key factors presented, but few of the authors seem to have reliable sources on Rroma in the countries concerned and to rely instead on the common views of the general population.

Martens (2013) mocks the Rroma debate with reference to the comedian Gerhard Polt. In the last few days and weeks, many of the concepts on and representations of Rroma were first immediate impressions, which would then be generalised to all Rroma. Polt makes fun of this tendency in his article “All about the Russians’”. Martens deconstructs and denies the cliché of Rroma King, the hidden force pulling all the strings and forcing Rroma them to beg and who imposes his will in all areas of life. This has nothing to do with reality, definitively not in its cliché form. Martens concluding reference to the invisible Rroma is of particular interest and has been pointed out by the RCP many times. He notes this:

These are extreme cases of “visible Roma.” They need contrasted by the “invisible Roma” over who have found their livelihood as nurses, cleaning ladies or construction workers and are well integrated. That is why they are no longer perceived as Roma. These “invisible Roma” have no interest in identifying themselves to the begging or criminal “visible Roma”, which are perceived by the majority of the general population as the only representatives of their people. Roma are always the others (Martens, 2013).

Carsten (2013) refers to the situation of the Rroma in Europe as a misery circle and sees their situation, and this is to be strongly endorsed, primarily as an acceptance problem. Europe must finally stop to consider the Rroma as the continent’s last wild horde and accept them as human beings and citizens. This includes overcoming a tradition of prejudices on Rroma handed down from generation to generation. Breaking this negative preconceptions cycle is in the interest of all involved.

Mappes-Niediek (2013) also contributes to the deconstruction and negation of false prejudices. He focuses on the idea that there is an extensive network of Rroma gangs organising prostitution, begging and theft. In this cliché, Rroma are victims, but also “agents of a threatening power”. Mappes-Niediek points out that is in the viewer’s mind who transforms a woman with a girl into a supervisor who collects the money. Particularly problematic is the view “that human trafficking, crime and children’s begging is the norm among the poverty migrants from Bulgaria and Romania”. This is an extreme form of cultural attribution with which one wants to explain the poverty itself away. Ultimately, however, it is simply poverty, as Mappes-Niediek aptly states:

To understand the behaviour of Roma poverty migrants one need not be a criminologist and also do not need to study ethnological works. It is sufficient, in essence, to imagine how you would live even if you had no money, no job, no apartment. This is not a pretty picture, and who does not have to confront itself with it, tries to avoid it (Mappes-Niediek 2013).

Sources:

  • Carsten (2013) Die Kellerbewohner. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Deutscher Städtetag (2013) Positionspapier des Deutschen Städtetages zu den Fragen der Zuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.staedtetag.de/imperia/md/content/dst/positionspapier_dst_zuwanderung.pdf (4.3.2013).
  • Dribbusch, Barbara (2013) Noch ärmer als Hart VI. In: Die TAZ vom 3.3.2013.
  • Kiewel M., Solms-Laumbach F., Winterstein T. (2013) Die Wahrheit über die Roma in Deutschland. In: Bild Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Mappes-Niediek, Norbert (2013) Falsche Könige. In: TAZ vom 4.3.2013.
  • Martens, Michael (2013) Es gibt keinen Zigeunerkönig. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 4.3.2013.
  • Pfeffer, Sebastian (2013) Buschkowsky warnt vor Sinti-und-Roma-Slums. In: Die Welt vom 1.3.2013.
  • ZDF (2013) Elend dort, Angst hier – kommen jetzt die Armen aus Osteuropa?. Maybrit Illner vom 28.2.2013.

[1] Social benefits in Germany

Bulgaria Germany News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe Romania

22.02.2013 Politicization of the Westward Migration of Rroma from Southeast Europe

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A hysteria on the mass immigration of Rroma from Bulgaria and Romania has broken up in Germany in expectation of the impeding 2014 relaxation on the freedom of movement with those two countries and the EU. A wealth of articles have been published in recent days about the predicted or already happening mass immigration, a selection of which is discussed below. The immigration of people from southeast Europe has become a political issue, as you can see from contradictory statistics and emotionally charged statements. The fear is the potential increase in social spending and benefits for these poorly educated migrants. In an interview with the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the integration minister of North Rhine Westphalia, Guntram Schneider, warned about this issue (Burger 2013). German politicians are now calling Southeast European governments for dedicated steps to better integrate the Rroma.

Reinhard Veser (2013) General of the Frankfurter Zeitung writes about what he sees as a fact that all Roma in Southeast Europe – mainly Romania and Bulgaria – are marginalized and poor, which results in a large migration of Roma to Western Europe. He uses this insight, to call for a clear naming and representation of the “problem.” He states: “It is wrong when, on the debate on poverty immigration from Bulgaria and Romania, those who come are not named. Most of these people are Roma”

In addition to social programs in South East Europe on should help the German cities, which are affected by the poverty driven influx of Rroma, since the efforts to better integrate the Rroma in their countries of origin is not a big success.

Also “die Welt” reported in several articles about the seemingly increasing poverty driven migration of Rroma to Germany. Between 2007 and 2011 the number of migrants from Romania and Bulgaria had increased from 64,000 to 147,000. Most of them are Rroma and were often smuggled by organized traffickers to Germany, from where they would be exploited. As a result they are often forced to earn illegal income working for dumped wages, or in prostitution or begging. Many big cities are overwhelmed by this migration and are crying for help them up as petty crime has increased dramatically and residents start to feel alienated (Von Borstel 2013, Crolly/Frigelj 2013).

The Zurich Rroma Contact Point is amazed at the ability of journalists of recognized newspapers to regurgitate politically generated knowledge uncritically and without any hesitation, presenting it as scientific fact. Recognizing that many Rroma in Southeast Europe are living in poverty and exclusion is certainly to be agreed. But from a massive immigration – even a migration – of Rroma to Western Europe, and to call for dedicated countermeasures is highly problematic. The journalists are simply reproducing once more the common stereotypes about Rroma. They establish a clear link between ethnicity and socio-economic circumstances and thus discriminate against those Rroma who are well integrated and live in total integrity in their home countries. These invisible Rroma, who are not part of the media coverage, are thus made part of one-dimensional representation that portrays Rroma as discriminated economical refugees. That transnational migration requires great courage – leaving family and friends behind – is not addressed any more than the ethnicization a poverty problem.

This problem should be identified as a socio-economic paradigm and not as an ethnic and even less presented as one. Using the latter must inevitably leave one open for accusations of racism. In this regard, Verica Spasovska calls for a committed action of the EU in all Member States (Spasovska 2013).

Even the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung agrees to this chorus of laments on the apparent mass immigration of Southeast Europeans Rroma, resulting in astronomical increases of costs for the Social Department and in the aggravation of social conflicts. The numbers from the statistical office are not questioned at all (Hauser 2013).

It needs to be noted that people, regardless of their origins, are not entitled to social assistance, “if they have not been paid in the social system by having a regular job” (Reichmuth 2013). This fact is not considered at all in the emotional debate.

The Migazin (2013) criticized the numbers of Federal Statistical Office on the immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria as inaccurate. While it is true that 147,000 people had migrated in 2011 from Romania and Bulgaria to Germany, but out of that number, a large amount of people leaving Germany needs to be excluded. If those leavers are taken into account, only 58’350 people from the countries concerned immigrated to Germany, a massively smaller number. In addition, the statistics of the Federal Department included many temporary workers would should not be counted as permanent residents.

Torsten Krauel (2013) is outraged at the apparently special treatment of Roma families in major German cities and calls for the equal treatment of all EU citizens, regardless of ethnicity. Else the “resilience of the state towards the behaviour of some Roma families could be a starting point for anti-European sentiments.” He further postulates a mass immigration of Rroma families to German social services offices, which is “not a God given state of affairs” and always talks of the so-called “Roma issue”. The article emphasizes the diversity of life among Rroma, but pours in his portrayal a collage of stereotypes, tells of Roma kings and draconian force in extended families. He notes:

The Roma families […] live in their own universe. At the same time, they are the freest and least free people of Europe. They consider themselves not bound to any State to law and have no loyalties except to their own […] The world of the Roma is as varied as ours, their values ​​are glamorous or as harsh as before in the Middle Ages – and in some of their extended families [these values] are not compatible with the ideas embodied by the Civil Code. Yes, there are child gangs. Yes, there are criminal clans. And yes, there are also large families that are not noticed by such offences. The latter are potential allies against the excesses [of others].

Although Mr Krauel, in his descriptions of the “Rroma world,” tries to give a differentiated representation of the facts, it is surprising how decisively he represents the “otherness” of the values ​​of the Rroma. The statement “They do not consider themselves bound by any state, law and have no loyalties except their own” is a crass defamation and pretentious ascription of identity to an ethnic group that can only be described as racist. It constructs the Rroma intentionally as the opposite and negation of the so-called loyal and compliant values​​. The addition of  “freedom in its positive aspect” to these statements doesn’t change much to them. He thus assignes Rroma a blanket identity of self-imposed exclusion, whereas in fact, this is  a history of foreign exclusion. Mr. Krauel writes that the Rroma value measures are “glamorous and harsh as before in the Middle Ages.” This evolutionary portrayal of the values ​​of the Rroma as an anachronism is deeply patronizing. It defames all those Rroma who are well integrated and live an integer life in European societies. Those invisible Rroma he mentions only marginally. The idea that the majority of Rroma live under the influence of regional Roma kings, can only be deemed totally absurd. At the beginning of the article, Mr. Krauel says that what was happening in German cities is not xenophobia. What he writes in this article, however, is.

The SPD politician Martin Korol (2013) recently published a paper on the “Roma in Bremen” on his webpage. In it he refers to what he deems as a striking increase  of the West migration of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma to Bremen. They are coming by families, by whole clans, not for political reasons but “because of the poverty in their country and the opportunity here to live in a warm and dry enough place, to eat to satiation and in case of emergency, to have medical treatment.” Like the majority of German media, he sees the Romanian and Bulgarian Roma as economical refugees. That in itself is not to be condemned. However, there are preposterous statements, now deleted in the newest version, in which he states that Rroma “take their daughters out of school […] to force-wed them,” and that young Rroma men “melt their brains away with adhesive fumes brain away […]. The prospect that each Rrom contributes to GNP or even to his own pension or mine “is” null” (Schirrmeister 2013) Even the current version of the text still has racist statements like, “But it amazes me now that Bremen suddenly discovered its love for Roma, who socially and intellectually still live in the Middle Ages, in an ancient patriarchal society in a way that raises the strongest concern among every party, every church and every association in Germany in general and particularly in Bremen.”

The rest of the text contains a correspondence between Korol and a person responsible for immigration in Bremen. In it, he is annoyed at the blatant disinterest, in his opinion, for the house that he wanted to give for temporary migrants. Korol is actually staging himself as a misunderstood benefactor for immigrants from South-eastern Europe.

The SPD chief of Bremen distanced himself decidedly from Korol’s paper and stated that this position was in no way in line with the social democratic values. Also, the The Rroma Contact Point can only vehemently condemn Korol’s statements and  even denounce the malicious defamation that his blog partially contains. That such statements can be made by an SPD politician in Germany is very surprising and offensive.

Sources:

  • Burger (2013) Armutsmigration wird zunehmen. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Crolly, Hannelore / Kristian, Frigelj (2013) Roma in Deutschland – ausgebeutet, illegal, kriminell. In: Die Welt vom 21.2.2013. 
  • Hauser, Jan (2013) Dortmund rechnet mit Millionenkosten für Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 21.2.2013.
  • Korol, Martin (2013) Roma in Bremen. In: http://www.martinkorol.de [22.2.2013]
  • Krauel, Torsten (2013) Gleiches Recht für alle in der Roma-Frage! In: Die Welt vom 22.2.2013.  http://www.welt.de/113817150 
  • Migazin (2013) Keine Belege für Armutszuwanderung aus Rumänien und Bulgarien. In: http://www.migazin.de/2013/02/22/keine-belege-fur-armutszuwanderung-aus- bulgarien-und-rumanien/ [22.2.2013].
  • Reichmuth, Christop (2013) Angst vor Armutseinwanderung. In: Neue Luzerner Zeitung vom 19.2.2013.
  • Schirrmeister (2013) SPD-Abgeordneter hetzt gegen Roma. In: TAZ vom 21.2.2013.
  • Spasovska, Verica (2013) Arme Roma – Ein Problem das Europa gemeinsam lösen sollte. In: Deutsche Welle vom 21.2.2013.
  • Veser, Reinhard (2013) Armutseinwanderung Roma. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung vom 22.2.2013.
  • Von Borstel, Stefan (2013) Roma-Zuwanderung – Großstädte schlagen Alarm. In: Die Welt vom 16.2.2013.
News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe

15.02.2013 Study on the Right of Rroma in Geneva

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Law students from the University of Geneva, will conduct a study on the rights of Rroma in Geneva and present the results the public. The study deals with the ambivalence and pluralisms in jurisdiction in relation to the vulnerable situation of Rroma and their rights. Fourteen students from higher semesters will be working on this survey under the coordination of graduate students. Specifically concerns are the clarification of legal issues about their stay in Switzerland, their working right, the use of public spaces and the begging ban in Geneva. Scholars in the field of law, NGOs, police representatives, hospital staff, and representatives of the Rroma are invited to participatory seminars.

Source:

  • Roselli, Sophie (2013) Université se penche sur les droits des Roms. In: Tribune de Genéve vom 14.2.2013.
News Switzerland

15.02.2013 Lausanne Criminalises Begging

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The city of Lausanne has decreed numerous zones and areas in the city as areas where the begging is punishable by law. By a decision of the Municipal Council, begging near shops, public buildings, and on public transports is now criminalised. Organised begging is punished by a fine of up to 1,000 Swiss francs. This decision, according to the proponents of the initiative, is directed against organized begging and not against the poor who beg to make end meet at the end of the month. The definition of organised begging versus the poverty begging is controversial to say the least. While some see begging as the work of organised bands, for others this is just the result of poverty, and the criminalization of begging de facto is the criminalization of poverty.

Rroma Contact Point would like to emphasize that the while so-called organised Roma beggars exist, to present it as part of the Rroma identity is highly problematic. The poverty and the consequent activities such as begging, are not part of Rroma identity, but the result of institutionalized stigmatisation and exclusion.

Source:

  • Jaquet, Christiane (2013) La frousse bourgeoise face à la misère rom. In: Gauchebdo vom 8.2.2013.
News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe Romania

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The toughening of the begging laws through a political initiative in Lausanne happens in the context of increased public disfavour towards systematic begging. Several newspapers of the francophone part of Switzerland write about the hardening of the jurisdiction against organised begging. The new legislation is the result of a counterproposal to a public initiative against begging, started by middle and right wing parties.

Most of the journalists of the articles see Rroma as main target of this undertaking, which are perceived as professional beggars. That it is morally questionable to name people of ethnic groups in connection with criminal activities is not problematized. Neither is there made any separation between ethnic membership and socio-economic circumstances.

The toughening of the begging laws is not supposed to criminalize poverty but to prevent organized mendacity. The new legislation will prohibit begging in public transportation, next to trains stations and shops, administration buildings, museums and cash machines. It will further criminalize organized begging and mendacity in company or with the use of children. The government of Lausanne is also planning to foster the education of Rroma in Romania through a school project of “Terre des hommes” and implements an information campaign about the situation of the Rroma.

How it can be so certainly said that all organized begging is down by Rroma, is not problematized. The responsible parties and journalists don’t seem aware of the complexity of ethnic membership and its identification. The RCP therefore recommends to use national affiliation instead of ethnic membership, when it seems necessarily to label beggars according to their origins, even tough also national labels can be negatively politicized.

Véra Tchérémissinoff of the organization “Opre Rroma” criticizes the criminalization of begging, arguing that Rroma in Lausanne already now have to pay fines for camping wildly and other minor offences and this scheme won’t solve the source why people beg. Left wing party members criticized, that the new legislation will criminalize begging down out of poverty, since the distinction of organized and “normal” begging is difficult to determine.

Sources:

  • Audétat, Daniel / Prin, Mehdi-Stéphane / Trotta, David (2013) Lausanne rend la vie impossible aux mendiants. In: 24heures vom 6.2.2013.
  • Audétat, Daniel (2013) Lausanne rend la vie impossible aux mendiants. In: Tribune de Genève vom 6.2.2013.
  • Audétat, Daniel (2013) La mendicité entre bonne et mauvaise consience. In: 24heures vom 5.2.2013.
  • Bournoud, Renaud (2013) Lausanne doit passer la théorie à la practique. In: 24heures vom 7.2.2013.
  • La Liberté (2013) Lausanne durcit le ton. In: La Liberté vom 6.2.2013.
Germany News Eastern Europe News Switzerland News Western Europe North Macedonia

04.01.2013 Rroma as “hostile others”

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The television program “Der Club” of the Swiss national television company arranged a discussion about the topic of Rroma as “hostile others”, appearing in public only in connection with negative events. The participants of the discussion were Stefan Heinichen of the Rroma Contact Point Zurich, Mustafa Asan, a Swiss-Macedonian dual citizen and Rroma, Alexander Ott, supervisor of the immigration authorities of the police corps Bern, Julia Kuruc, social worker for the women organization “Flora Dora”, Brigitte Hagmann, supervisor of the section West-Balkans of the DEZA and Martin Heule, a folklorist. The discussion started with the topic of Rroma being publicly present as beggars and what backgrounds and motives there are to this activity. The participants agreed upon the insight to differentiate between Rroma identity and the criminal activities – begging or more explicitly organized begging, is prohibited in many Swiss cities. More importantly however, it was criticized that criminal activities are often hasty and uncritically attributed to Rroma, even though most people are not capable of identifying the language Rromanes or other markers of Rroma identity. Therefore, there is a picture of criminal Rroma, which is actively produced and spread by public actors as the police, un-reflected media and public persons, which builds on prejudices and lacking knowledge about Rroma. Not rarely, people of East-European origin, which are not Rroma and who engage in criminal activities, are identified as Rroma.

Another important aspect is the striking poverty of many minority groups in Eastern Europe, often even big parts of the entire population. This socio-economic hardships force people to organize and band with each other in order to overcome lacking means of financial income. Organized begging – as Julia Kuruc states – is therefore often not a choice, but a necessity for survival.

The negative stereotypes attributed to Rroma are so strongly anchored in many European societies, that also in Switzerland, people of Rroma origin are often reluctant to publicly state their Rroma identity. The consequences can be social exclusion, the strengthening of prejudices against persons and consequently more disadvantages. Therefore, many Rroma prefer to label themselves with their nationality and keep their ethnic identity a secret.

Mustafa Asan stated, that from his viewpoint, the events concerning Rroma are often reduced to a perspective of majority-society, excluding problems as the lacking will of majorities to integrate and support Rroma and therefore change their ongoing problem of exclusion and discrimination. Stefan Heinichen added, that one should stop to speak of a “Rroma problem” but start to speak of a societal problem. Of European society, which still has striking problems in integrating Rroma economically, socially and politically. Brigitte Hagmann criticized the lacking efforts of many East-European governments to actively change the miserable situations of Roma. On the other hand, it would be to simple to ascribe Rroma just to role of victims, but that it is necessary that Rroma themselves deploy an active part in changing their situations long- and short-term.

Another aspect is the difficulty of portraying the way Rroma really life. Life worlds of Rroma are very diverse, depending on their family and national history, their religion, their insisting on traditions or their subsequent softening and alteration, their group membership and social integration. Heinichen clearly hesitates when asked to explain Rroma traditions.  

As goal to improve the conditions of Rroma the participants identify better integration into the education system and better embedding and access to the economic sphere. Also, the problem of severe poverty of many people in Eastern Europe, which is important to separate from the topic of Rroma, has to be addressed.

Also the German television program «Menschen bei Maischberger» on ARD elaborated on the notion of Rroma as hostile others. Only seven days after the Swiss program, it joined elected green politician Claudia Roth, Christian-civil politician Joachim Herrmann, supervisor of the Central Council of Roma and Sinit in Germany Romani Rose, Rroma attorney Nizaqete Bislimi and Swiss journalist Philipp Gut from the «Weltwoche» in a discussion. The debate also started with the elaboration on the established negative stereotypes about Rroma, which since several hundred years continue to negatively influence the life worlds of Rroma. The discussion then continued with Philip Gut denouncing criminal activities of Rroma in Switzerland. He stated again and again, that his article in the «Weltwoche» was based on proofed facts, but he failed to intelligently distinguish criminal activities from the topic of Rroma identity and origins. Romani Rose and Claudia Roth therefore accused him of deliberately making a racist connection between ethnic origin and criminal activities. Gut defended himself by explaining that what he condemned was that certain Roma groups used children to implement burglaries, but that he didn’t accuse the Rroma as a whole of criminal activities. However, the mere fact, that he made a connection between Rroma and criminal activities, was enough to evoke the outrage of Romani Rose and other participants of the discussion.

Taking side with Romani Rose’s viewpoint, the author wants to emphasize the importance of not making an undifferentiated connection between criminal activities and Rroma ethnic identity. The making of this connection fails to consider vital questions of respect and ethics towards an ethnic group as the Rroma.

Source:

rroma.org
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